https:\/\/new.thepinetree.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/11\/bradfordshistory_36_bradford_64kb.mp3<\/a><\/audio><\/p>\nThe Project Gutenberg eBook, Bradford’s History of ‘Plimoth Plantation’,
\nby William Bradford<\/p>\n
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
\nalmost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
\nre-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
\nwith this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org<\/p>\n
Title: Bradford’s History of ‘Plimoth Plantation’
\nFrom the Original Manuscript. With a Report of the Proceedings Incident to the Return of the Manuscript to Massachusetts<\/p>\n
Author: William Bradford<\/p>\n
Release Date: March 29, 2008 [eBook #24950]<\/p>\n
Language: English<\/p>\n
***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRADFORD’S HISTORY OF ‘PLIMOTH
\nPLANTATION’***<\/p>\n
E-text prepared by Juliet Sutherland, Leonard Johnson, and the Project
\nGutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team (https:\/\/www.pgdp.net)<\/p>\n
Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this
\nfile which includes the original illustrations.
\nSee 24950-h.htm or 24950-h.zip:
\n(https:\/\/www.gutenberg.org\/dirs\/2\/4\/9\/5\/24950\/24950-h\/24950-h.htm)
\nor
\n(https:\/\/www.gutenberg.org\/dirs\/2\/4\/9\/5\/24950\/24950-h.zip)<\/p>\n
Transcribers note:<\/p>\n
Numbers in square brackets, [29], represent original manuscript
\npages.<\/p>\n
Letters in Square brackets, [AB], represent a link to a footnote
\nlocated at the end of the book.<\/p>\n
A caret ^ indicates that the following letter\/s are
\nsuperscripted. The letters are enclosed in curly brackets where
\nit may not be clear about which letters are superscripted.<\/p>\n
A square bracket, like [~m] indicates a letter with a tilde
\nabove.<\/p>\n
A square bracket, like [p=] indicates a letter with a macron
\nunder the letter.<\/p>\n
[=m] and [=n] sometimes are used to represent a double letter.<\/p>\n
16^li. represents 16 pounds in monetary terms. The original
\nmanuscript used a middle dot before and after the numbers, but
\nthis publisher used only a single period\/stop after the number.<\/p>\n
The ‘li’ appears to mean libra and in this book the ‘l’ is
\ncrossed with a middle bar or stroke. It was very difficult to
\nrepresent in a Latin-1 text, so ‘li’ must suffice.<\/p>\n
Most often y, such as y^e, represents a thorn and the word is
\n‘the’. Sometimes you will encounter the actual word ‘the’.<\/p>\n
This book is composed of many letters written by a number
\nof authors and each writer uses their own spellings and
\nabbreviations, which was common for the time in which they
\nwere written.<\/p>\n
Spelling is inconsistent and is left unchanged from the original
\nprinting of this book.<\/p>\n
BRADFORD’S HISTORY
\n“OF PLIMOTH PLANTATION.”<\/p>\n
From the Original Manuscript.<\/p>\n
With a Report of the Proceedings Incident
\nto the Return of the Manuscript
\nto Massachusetts.<\/p>\n
Printed Under the Direction of the Secretary of the
\nCommonwealth,
\nby Order of the General Court.<\/p>\n
Boston:
\nWright & Potter Printing Co., State Printers,
\n18 Post Office Square.
\n1898.<\/p>\n
INTRODUCTION.<\/p>\n
To many people the return of the Bradford Manuscript is a fresh
\ndiscovery of colonial history. By very many it has been called,
\nincorrectly, the log of the “Mayflower.” Indeed, that is the title by
\nwhich it is described in the decree of the Consistorial Court of London.
\nThe fact is, however, that Governor Bradford undertook its preparation
\nlong after the arrival of the Pilgrims, and it cannot be properly
\nconsidered as in any sense a log or daily journal of the voyage of the
\n“Mayflower.” It is, in point of fact, a history of the Plymouth Colony,
\nchiefly in the form of annals, extending from the inception of the
\ncolony down to the year 1647. The matter has been in print since 1856,
\nput forth through the public spirit of the Massachusetts Historical
\nSociety, which secured a transcript of the document from London, and
\nprinted it in the society’s proceedings of the above-named year. As thus
\npresented, it had copious notes, prepared with great care by the late
\nCharles Deane; but these are not given in the present volume, wherein
\nonly such comments as seem indispensable to a proper understanding of
\nthe story have been made, leaving whatever elaboration may seem
\ndesirable to some future private enterprise.<\/p>\n
It is a matter of regret that no picture of Governor Bradford exists.
\nOnly Edward Winslow of the Mayflower Company left an authenticated
\nportrait of himself, and that, painted in England, is reproduced in this
\nvolume. In those early days Plymouth would have been a poor field for
\nportrait painters. The people were struggling for their daily bread
\nrather than for to-morrow’s fame through the transmission of their
\nfeatures to posterity.<\/p>\n
The volume of the original manuscript, as it was presented to the
\nGovernor of the Commonwealth and is now deposited in the State Library,
\nis a folio measuring eleven and one-half inches in length, seven and
\nseven-eighths inches in width and one and one-half inches in thickness.
\nIt is bound in parchment, once white, but now grimy and much the worse
\nfor wear, being somewhat cracked and considerably scaled. Much
\nscribbling, evidently by the Bradford family, is to be seen upon its
\nsurface, and out of the confusion may be read the name of Mercy
\nBradford, a daughter of the governor. On the inside of the front cover
\nis pasted a sheet of manilla paper, on which is written the following:–<\/p>\n
“_Consistory Court of the Diocese of London_<\/p>\n
In the matter of the application of The Honorable Thomas Francis
\nBayard, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary in London of the
\nUnited States of America, for the delivery to him, on behalf of the
\nPresident and Citizens of the said States, of the original manuscript
\nbook entitled and known as The Log of the Mayflower.<\/p>\n
Produced in Court this 25th day of March, 1897, and marked with the
\nletter A.<\/p>\n
HARRY W. LEE
\nRegistrar.
\n1 Deans Court
\nDoctors Commons”<\/p>\n
Then come two manilla leaves, on both sides of which is written the
\ndecree of the Consistorial Court. These leaves and the manilla sheet
\npasted on the inside of the front cover were evidently inserted after
\nthe decree was passed.<\/p>\n
Next comes a leaf (apparently the original first leaf of the book), and
\non it are verses, signed “A. M.,” on the death of Mrs. Bradford. The
\nnext is evidently one of the leaves of the original book. At the top of
\nthe page is written the following:–<\/p>\n
This book was rit by govener William bradford and given to his son
\nmager William Bradford and by him to his son mager John Bradford. rit
\nby me Samuel bradford mach 20, 1705.<\/p>\n
At the bottom of the same page the name John Bradford appears in
\ndifferent handwriting, evidently written with the book turned wrong side
\nup.<\/p>\n
The next is a leaf bearing the following, in the handwriting of Thomas
\nPrince:–<\/p>\n
TUESDAY, June 4–1728<\/p>\n
Calling at _Major John Bradford’s_ at Kingston near Plimouth, son of
\nMajor Wm. Bradford formerly Dep Gov’r of Plimouth Colony, who was
\neldest son of Wm. Bradford Esq their 2nd Gov’r, & author of this
\nHistory; ye sd Major John Bradford gave me _several manuscript
\noctavoes_ wh he assured me were written with his said Grandfather
\nGov’r Bradford’s own hand. He also gave me a _little Pencil Book_
\nwrote with a Blew lead Pencil by his sd Father ye Dep Gov’r. And He
\nalso told me yt He had lent & only lent his sd Grandfather Gov’r
\nBradford’s History of Plimouth Colony wrote by his own Hand also, to
\njudg Sewall; and desired me to get it of Him or find it out, & take
\nout of it what I thought proper for my New-England Chronology: wh I
\naccordingly obtained, and This is ye sd History: wh I found wrote in
\nye same Handwriting as ye Octavo manuscripts above sd.<\/p>\n
THOMAS PRINCE.<\/p>\n
N.B. I also mentioned to him my Desire of lodging this History in ye
\nNew England Library of Prints & manuscripts, wh I had been then
\ncollecting for 23 years, to wh He signified his willingness–only yt
\nHe might have the Perusal of it while He lived.<\/p>\n
T. PRINCE.<\/p>\n
Following this, on the same page, is Thomas Prince’s printed book-mark,
\nas follows:–<\/p>\n
This Book belongs to
\nThe New-England-Library,
\nBegun to be collected by Thomas Prince, upon
\nhis entring Harvard-College, July 6
\n1703; and was given by<\/p>\n
On the lower part of a blank space which follows the word “by” is
\nwritten:–<\/p>\n
_It now belongs to the Bishop of London’s Library at Fulham._<\/p>\n
There are evidences that this leaf did not belong to the original book,
\nbut was inserted by Mr. Prince.<\/p>\n
At the top of the first page of the next leaf, which was evidently one
\nof the original leaves of the book, is written in Samuel Bradford’s
\nhand, “march 20 Samuel Bradford;” and just below there appears, in
\nThomas Prince’s handwriting, the following:–<\/p>\n
But major Bradford tells me & assures me that He only lent this Book
\nof his Grandfather’s to Mr. Sewall & that it being of his
\nGrandfather’s own hand writing He had so high a value of it that he
\nwould never Part with ye Property, but would lend it to me & desired
\nme to get it, which I did, & write down this that sd Major Bradford
\nand his Heirs may be known to be the right owners.<\/p>\n
Below this, also in Thomas Prince’s handwriting, appears this line:–<\/p>\n
“Page 243 missing when ye Book came into my Hands at 1st.”<\/p>\n
Just above the inscription by Prince there is a line or two of writing,
\nmarked over in ink so carefully as to be wholly undecipherable. On the
\nreverse page of this leaf and on the first page of the next are written
\nHebrew words, with definitions. These are all in Governor Bradford’s
\nhandwriting. On the next page appears the following:–<\/p>\n
_Though I am growne aged, yet I have had a long-
\ning desire, to see with my own eyes, something of
\nthat most ancient language, and holy tongue,
\nin which the Law, and oracles of God were
\nwrite; and in which God, and angels, spake to
\nthe holy patriarks, of old time; and what
\nnames were given to things, from the
\ncreation. And though I ca\u00f1ot attaine
\nto much herein, yet I am refreshed,
\nto have seen some glimpse here-
\nof; (as Moses saw the Land
\nof canan afarr of) my aime
\nand desire is, to see how
\nthe words, and phrases
\nlye in the holy texte;
\nand to dicerne some-
\nwhat of the same
\nfor my owne
\ncontente._
\n——-
\n—–
\n—
\nJ<\/p>\n
Then begins the history proper, the first page of which is produced in
\nfacsimile in this volume, slightly reduced. The ruled margins end with
\npage thirteen. From that page to the end of the book the writing varies
\nconsiderably, sometimes being quite coarse and in other places very
\nfine, some pages containing nearly a thousand words each. As a rule, the
\nwriting is upon one side of the sheet only, but in entering notes and
\nsubsequent thoughts the reverse is sometimes used. The last page number
\nis 270, as appears from the facsimile reproduction in this volume of
\nthat page. Page 270 is followed by two blank leaves; then on the second
\npage of the next leaf appears the list of names of those who came over
\nin the “Mayflower,” covering four pages and one column on the fifth
\npage. The arrangement of this matter is shown by the facsimile
\nreproduction in this volume of the first page of these names. Last of
\nall there is a leaf of heavy double paper, like the one in the front of
\nthe book containing the verses on the death of Mrs. Bradford, and on
\nthis last leaf is written an index to a few portions of the history.<\/p>\n
For copy, there was used the edition printed in 1856 by the
\nMassachusetts Historical Society. The proof was carefully compared, word
\nfor word, with the photographic _facsimile_ issued in 1896 in both
\nLondon and Boston. The value of this comparison is evident in that a
\ntotal of sixteen lines of the original, omitted in the original first
\ncopy, is supplied in this edition. As the work of the Historical Society
\ncould not be compared, easily, with the original manuscript in London,
\nthese omissions, with sundry minor errors in word and numeral, are not
\nunreasonable. The curious will be pleased to learn that the supplied
\nlines are from the following pages of the manuscript, viz.: page 122,
\neight lines; page 129, two lines; the obverse of page 201, found on the
\nlast page of Appendix A, two lines; page 219, two lines; pages 239 and
\n258, one line each. The pages of the manuscript are indicated in these
\nprinted pages by numerals in parentheses.<\/p>\n
There are several errors in the paging of the original manuscript. Pages
\n105 and 106 are marked 145 and 146, and pages 219 and 220 are marked 119
\nand 120, respectively. Page 243 is missing.<\/p>\n
Such as it is, the book is put forth that the public may know what
\nmanner of men the Pilgrims were, through what perils and vicissitudes
\nthey passed, and how much we of to-day owe to their devotion and
\ndetermination.<\/p>\n
PROCEEDINGS<\/p>\n
OF THE<\/p>\n
LEGISLATURE.<\/p>\n
JOURNAL OF THE SENATE.<\/p>\n
MONDAY, MAY 24, 1897.<\/p>\n
The following message from His Excellency the Governor came up from the
\nHouse, to wit:–<\/p>\n
BOSTON, May 22, 1897.<\/p>\n
_To the Honorable Senate and House of Representatives._<\/p>\n
I have the honor to call to your attention the fact that Wednesday,
\nMay 26, at 11 A.M., has been fixed as the date of the formal
\npresentation to the Governor of the Commonwealth of the Bradford
\nManuscript History, recently ordered by decree of the Consistory Court
\nof the Diocese of London to be returned to the Commonwealth of
\nMassachusetts by the hands of the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately
\nAmbassador at the Court of St. James; and to suggest for the favorable
\nconsideration of your honorable bodies that the exercises of
\npresentation be held in the House of Representatives on the day and
\nhour above given, in the presence of a joint convention of the two
\nbodies and of invited guests and the public.<\/p>\n
ROGER WOLCOTT.<\/p>\n
Thereupon, on motion of Mr. Roe,–<\/p>\n
_Ordered_, That, in accordance with the suggestion of His Excellency the
\nGovernor, a joint convention of the two branches be held in the chamber
\nof the House of Representatives, on Wednesday, May the twenty-sixth, at
\neleven o’clock A.M., for the purpose of witnessing the exercises of the
\nformal presentation, to the Governor of the Commonwealth, of the
\nBradford Manuscript History, recently ordered by decree of the
\nConsistory Court of the Diocese of London to be returned to the
\nCommonwealth of Massachusetts by the hands of the Honorable Thomas F.
\nBayard, lately Ambassador at the Court of St. James; and further<\/p>\n
_Ordered_, That the clerks of the two branches give notice to His
\nExcellency the Governor of the adoption of this order.<\/p>\n
Sent down for concurrence. (It was concurred with same date.)<\/p>\n
JOURNAL OF THE SENATE.<\/p>\n
WEDNESDAY, MAY 26, 1897.<\/p>\n
_Joint Convention._<\/p>\n
At eleven o’clock A.M., pursuant to assignment, the two branches met in<\/p>\n
CONVENTION<\/p>\n
in the chamber of the House of Representatives.<\/p>\n
On motion of Mr. Roe,–<\/p>\n
_Ordered_, That a committee, to consist of three members of the Senate
\nand eight members of the House of Representatives, be appointed, to wait
\nupon His Excellency the Governor and inform him that the two branches
\nare now in convention for the purpose of witnessing the exercises of the
\nformal presentation, to the Governor of the Commonwealth, of the
\nBradford Manuscript History.<\/p>\n
Messrs. Roe, Woodward and Gallivan, of the Senate, and Messrs. Pierce of
\nMilton, Bailey of Plymouth, Brown of Gloucester, Fairbank of Warren,
\nBailey of Newbury, Sanderson of Lynn, Whittlesey of Pittsfield and
\nBartlett of Boston, of the House, were appointed the committee.<\/p>\n
Mr. Roe, from the committee, afterwards reported that they had attended
\nto the duty assigned them, and that His Excellency the Governor had been
\npleased to say that he received the message and should be pleased to
\nwait upon the Convention forthwith for the purpose named.<\/p>\n
His Excellency the Governor, accompanied by His Honor the
\nLieutenant-Governor and the Honorable Council, and by the Honorable
\nThomas F. Bayard, lately Ambassador of the United States at the Court of
\nSt. James’s, the Honorable George F. Hoar, Senator from Massachusetts in
\nthe Congress of the United States, and other invited guests, entered the
\nchamber.<\/p>\n
The decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London,
\nauthorizing the return of the manuscript and its delivery to the
\nGovernor, was read.<\/p>\n
The President then presented the Honorable George F. Hoar, who gave an
\naccount of the manuscript and of the many efforts that had been made to
\nsecure its return.<\/p>\n
The Honorable Thomas F. Bayard was then introduced by the President, and
\nhe formally presented the manuscript to His Excellency the Governor, who
\naccepted it in behalf of the Commonwealth.<\/p>\n
On motion of Mr. Bradford, the following order was adopted:–<\/p>\n
_Whereas_, In the presence of the Senate and of the House of
\nRepresentatives in joint convention assembled, and in accordance with a
\ndecree of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London, the manuscript
\nof Bradford’s “History of the Plimouth Plantation” has this day been
\ndelivered to His Excellency the Governor of the Commonwealth by the
\nHonorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately Ambassador of the United States at
\nthe Court of St. James’s; and<\/p>\n
_Whereas_, His Excellency the Governor has accepted the said manuscript
\nin behalf of the Commonwealth; therefore, be it<\/p>\n
_Ordered_, That the Senate and the House of Representatives of the
\nCommonwealth of Massachusetts place on record their high appreciation of
\nthe generous and gracious courtesy that prompted this act of
\ninternational good-will, and express their grateful thanks to all
\nconcerned therein, and especially to the Lord Bishop of London, for the
\nreturn to the Commonwealth of this precious relic; and be it further<\/p>\n
_Ordered_, That His Excellency the Governor be requested to transmit an
\nengrossed and duly authenticated copy of this order with its preamble to
\nthe Lord Bishop of London.<\/p>\n
His Excellency, accompanied by the other dignitaries, then withdrew, the
\nConvention was dissolved, and the Senate returned to its chamber.<\/p>\n
Subsequently a resolve was passed (approved June 10, 1897) providing
\nfor the publication of the history from the original manuscript,
\ntogether with a report of the proceedings of the joint convention, such
\nreport to be prepared by a committee consisting of one member of the
\nSenate and two members of the House of Representatives, and to include,
\nso far as practicable, portraits of His Excellency Governor Roger
\nWolcott, William Bradford, the Honorable George F. Hoar, the Honorable
\nThomas F. Bayard, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lord Bishop of
\nLondon; facsimiles of pages from the manuscript history, and a picture
\nof the book itself; copies of the decree of the Consistorial and
\nEpiscopal Court of London, the receipt of the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard
\nfor the manuscript, and the receipt sent by His Excellency the Governor
\nto the Consistorial and Episcopal Court; an account of the legislative
\naction taken with reference to the presentation and reception of the
\nmanuscript; the addresses of the Honorable George F. Hoar, the Honorable
\nThomas F. Bayard and His Excellency Governor Roger Wolcott; and such
\nother papers and illustrations as the committee might deem advisable;
\nthe whole to be printed under the direction of the Secretary of the
\nCommonwealth, and the book distributed by him according to directions
\ncontained in the resolve.<\/p>\n
Senator Alfred S. Roe of Worcester and Representatives Francis C. Lowell
\nof Boston and Walter L. Bouv\u00e9 of Hingham were appointed as the
\ncommittee.<\/p>\n
DECREE<\/p>\n
OF THE<\/p>\n
CONSISTORIAL AND EPISCOPAL<\/p>\n
COURT OF LONDON.<\/p>\n
DECREE.<\/p>\n
MANDELL by Divine Permission LORD BISHOP OF LONDON–To The Honorable
\nTHOMAS FRANCIS BAYARD Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to
\nHer Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria at the Court of Saint James’s
\nin London and To The Governor and Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the
\nUnited States of America Greeting–WHEREAS a Petition has been filed in
\nthe Registry of Our Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London by you
\nthe said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard as Ambassador Extraordinary and
\nPlenipotentiary to Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria at the Court
\nof Saint James’s in London on behalf of the President and Citizens of
\nthe United States of America wherein you have alleged that there is in
\nOur Custody as Lord Bishop of London a certain Manuscript Book known as
\nand entitled “The Log of the Mayflower” containing an account as
\nnarrated by Captain William Bradford who was one of the Company of
\nEnglishmen who left England in April 1620 in the ship known as “The
\nMayflower” of the circumstances leading to the prior Settlement of that
\nCompany at Leyden in Holland their return to England and subsequent
\ndeparture for New England their landing at Cape Cod in December 1620
\ntheir Settlement at New Plymouth and their later history for several
\nyears they being the Company whose Settlement in America is regarded as
\nthe first real Colonisation of the New England States and wherein you
\nhave also alleged that the said Manuscript Book had been for many years
\npast and was then deposited in the Library attached to Our Episcopal
\nPalace at Fulham in the County of Middlesex and is of the greatest
\ninterest importance and value to the Citizens of the United States of
\nAmerica inasmuch as it is one of the earliest records of their national
\nHistory and contains much valuable information in regard to the original
\nSettlers in the States their family history and antecedents and that
\ntherefore you earnestly desired to acquire possession of the same for
\nand on behalf of the President and Citizens of the said United States of
\nAmerica AND WHEREIN you have also alleged that you are informed that We
\nas Lord Bishop of London had fully recognised the value and interest of
\nthe said Manuscript Book to the Citizens of the United States of America
\nand the claims which they have to its possession and that We were
\ndesirous of transferring it to the said President and Citizens AND
\nWHEREIN you have also alleged that you are advised and believe that the
\nCustody of documents in the nature of public or ecclesiastical records
\nbelonging to the See of London is vested in the Consistorial Court of
\nthe said See and that any disposal thereof must be authorised by an
\nOrder issued by the Judge of that Honorable Court And that you therefore
\nhumbly prayed that the said Honorable Court would deliver to you the
\nsaid Manuscript Book on your undertaking to use every means in your
\npower for the safe transmission of the said Book to the United States of
\nAmerica and its secure deposit and custody in the Pilgrim Hall at New
\nPlymouth or in such other place as may be selected by the President and
\nSenate of the said United States and upon such conditions as to security
\nand access by and on behalf of the English Nation as that Honorable
\nCourt might determine AND WHEREAS the said Petition was set down for
\nhearing on one of the Court days in Hilary Term to wit Thursday the
\nTwenty fifth day of March One thousand eight hundred and ninety seven in
\nOur Consistorial Court in the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul in London
\nbefore The Right Worshipful Thomas Hutchinson Tristram Doctor of Laws
\nand one of Her Majesty’s Counsel learned in the Law Our Vicar General
\nand Official Principal the Judge of the said Court and you at the
\nsitting of the said Court appeared by Counsel in support of the Prayer
\nof the said Petition and during the hearing thereof the said Manuscript
\nBook was produced in the said Court by Our legal Secretary and was then
\ninspected and examined by the said Judge and evidence was also given
\nbefore the Court by which it appeared that the Registry at Fulham Palace
\nwas a Public Registry for Historical and Ecclesiastical Documents
\nrelating to the Diocese of London and to the Colonial and other
\npossessions of Great Britain beyond the Seas so long as the same
\nremained by custom within the said Diocese AND WHEREAS it appeared on
\nthe face of the said Manuscript Book that the whole of the body thereof
\nwith the exception of part of the last page thereof was in the
\nhandwriting of the said William Bradford who was elected Governor of New
\nPlymouth in April 1621 and continued Governor thereof from that date
\nexcepting between the years 1635 and 1637 up to 1650 and that the last
\nfive pages of the said Manuscript which is in the handwriting of the
\nsaid William Bradford contain what in Law is an authentic Register
\nbetween 1620 and 1650 of the fact of the Marriages of the Founders of
\nthe Colony of New England with the names of their respective wives and
\nthe names of their Children the lawful issue of such Marriages and of
\nthe fact of the Marriages of many of their Children and Grandchildren
\nand of the names of the issue of such marriages and of the deaths of
\nmany of the persons named therein And after hearing Counsel in support
\nof the said application the Judge being of opinion that the said
\nManuscript Book had been upon the evidence before the Court presumably
\ndeposited at Fulham Palace sometime between the year 1729 and the year
\n1785 during which time the said Colony was by custom within the Diocese
\nof London for purposes Ecclesiastical and the Registry of the said
\nConsistorial Court was a legitimate Registry for the Custody of
\nRegisters of Marriages Births and Deaths within the said Colony and that
\nthe Registry at Fulham Palace was a Registry for Historical and other
\nDocuments connected with the Colonies and possessions of Great Britain
\nbeyond the Seas so long as the same remained by custom within the
\nDiocese of London and that on the Declaration of the Independence of the
\nUnited States of America in 1776 the said Colony had ceased to be within
\nthe Diocese of London and the Registry of the Court had ceased to be a
\npublic registry for the said Colony and having maturely deliberated on
\nthe Cases precedents and practice of the Ecclesiastical Court bearing on
\nthe application before him and having regard to the Special
\nCircumstances of the Case Decreed as follows–(1) That a Photographic
\nfacsimile reproduction of the said Manuscript Book verified by affidavit
\nas being a true and correct Photographic reproduction of the said
\nManuscript Book be deposited in the Registry of Our said Court by or on
\nbehalf of the Petitioner before the delivery to the Petitioner of the
\nsaid original Manuscript Book as hereinafter ordered–(2) That the said
\nManuscript Book be delivered over to the said Honorable Thomas Francis
\nBayard by the Lord Bishop of London or in his Lordship’s absence by the
\nRegistrar of the said Court on his giving his undertaking in writing
\nthat he will with all due care and diligence on his arrival from England
\nin the United States convey and deliver in person the said Manuscript
\nBook to the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the United
\nStates of America at his Official Office in the State House in the City
\nof Boston and that from the time of the delivery of the said Book to him
\nby the said Lord Bishop of London or by the said Registrar until he
\nshall have delivered the same to the Governor of Massachusetts he will
\nretain the same in his own Personal custody–(3) That the said Book be
\ndeposited by the Petitioner with the Governor of Massachusetts for the
\npurpose of the same being with all convenient speed finally deposited
\neither in the State Archives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the
\nCity of Boston or in the Library of the Historical Society of the said
\nCommonwealth in the City of Boston as the Governor shall determine–(4)
\nThat the Governors of the said Commonwealth for all time to come be
\nofficially responsible for the safe custody of the said Manuscript Book
\nwhether the same be deposited in the State Archives at Boston or in the
\nHistorical Library in Boston aforesaid as well as for the performance
\nof the following conditions subject to a compliance wherewith the said
\nManuscript Book is hereby decreed to be deposited in the Custody of the
\naforesaid Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and his
\nSuccessors to wit:–(a) That all persons have such access to the said
\nManuscript Book as to the Governor of the said Commonwealth for the time
\nbeing shall appear to be reasonable and with such safeguard as he shall
\norder–(b) That all persons desirous of searching the said Manuscript
\nBook for the bona fide purpose of establishing or tracing a Pedigree
\nthrough persons named in the last five pages thereof or in any other
\npart thereof shall be permitted to search the same under such safeguards
\nas the Governor for the time being shall determine on payment of a fee
\nto be fixed by the Governor–(c) That any person applying to the
\nOfficial having the immediate custody of the said Manuscript Book for a
\nCertified Copy of any entry contained in proof of Marriage Birth or
\nDeath of persons named therein or of any other matter of like purport
\nfor the purpose of tracing descents shall be furnished with such
\ncertificate on the payment of a sum not exceeding one Dollar–(d) That
\nwith all convenient speed after the delivery of the said Manuscript Book
\nto the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts the Governor shall
\ntransmit to the Registrar of the Court a Certificate of the delivery of
\nthe same to him by the Petitioner and that he accepts the Custody of
\nthe same subject to the terms and conditions herein named AND the Judge
\nlastly decreed that the Petitioner on delivering the said Manuscript
\nBook to the Governor aforesaid shall at the same time deliver to him
\nthis Our Decree Sealed with the Seal of the Court WHEREFORE WE the
\nBishop of London aforesaid well weighing and considering the premises DO
\nby virtue of Our Authority Ordinary and Episcopal and as far as in Us
\nlies and by Law We may or can ratify and confirm such Decree of Our
\nVicar General and Official Principal of Our Consistorial and Episcopal
\nCourt of London IN TESTIMONY whereof We have caused the Seal of Our said
\nVicar General and Official Principal of the Consistorial and Episcopal
\nCourt of London which We use in this behalf to be affixed to these
\nPresents DATED AT LONDON this Twelfth day of April One thousand eight
\nhundred and ninety seven and in the first year of Our Translation.<\/p>\n
HARRY W. LEE
\nExd. H.E.T. Registrar<\/p>\n
(L.S.)<\/p>\n
RECEIPT<\/p>\n
OF<\/p>\n
AMBASSADOR BAYARD.<\/p>\n
RECEIPT OF AMBASSADOR BAYARD.<\/p>\n
_In the Consistory Court of London_<\/p>\n
IN THE MATTER OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT OF THE BOOK ENTITLED AND KNOWN
\nAS “THE LOG OF THE MAYFLOWER.”<\/p>\n
I THE HONOURABLE THOMAS FRANCIS BAYARD lately Ambassador Extraordinary
\nand Plenipotentiary of the United States of America at the Court of
\nSaint James’s London Do hereby undertake, in compliance with the Order
\nof this Honourable Court dated the twelfth day of April 1897 and made on
\nmy Petition filed in the said Honourable Court, that I will with all due
\ncare and diligence on my arrival from England in the United States of
\nAmerica safely convey over the Original Manuscript Book Known as and
\nentitled “The Log of the Mayflower” which has been this twenty ninth day
\nof April 1897 delivered over to me by the Lord Bishop of London, to the
\nCity of Boston in the United States of America and on my arrival in the
\nsaid City deliver the same over in person to the Governor of the
\nCommonwealth of Massachusetts at his Official Office in the State House
\nin the said City of Boston AND I further hereby undertake from the time
\nof the said delivery of the said Book to me by the said Lord Bishop of
\nLondon until I shall have delivered the same to the Governor of
\nMassachusetts, to retain the same in my own personal custody.<\/p>\n
(Signed) T. F. BAYARD<\/p>\n
29 April 1897<\/p>\n
RECEIPT<\/p>\n
of<\/p>\n
HIS EXCELLENCY ROGER WOLCOTT.<\/p>\n
RECEIPT OF GOVERNOR WOLCOTT.<\/p>\n
His Excellency ROGER WOLCOTT, _Governor of the Commonwealth of
\nMassachusetts, in the United States of America_.<\/p>\n
_To the Registrar of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London._<\/p>\n
_Whereas_, The said Honorable Court, by its decree dated the twelfth day
\nof April, 1897, and made on the petition of the Honorable Thomas Francis
\nBayard, lately Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the
\nUnited States of America at the Court of Saint James in London, did
\norder that a certain original manuscript book then in the custody of the
\nLord Bishop of London, known as and entitled “The Log of the Mayflower,”
\nand more specifically described in said decree, should be delivered over
\nto the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard by the Lord Bishop of
\nLondon, on certain conditions specified in said decree, to be delivered
\nby the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard in person to the Governor of
\nthe Commonwealth of Massachusetts, thereafter to be kept in the custody
\nof the aforesaid Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and his
\nsuccessors, subject to a compliance with certain conditions, as set
\nforth in said decree;<\/p>\n
_And Whereas_, The said Honorable Court by its decree aforesaid did
\nfurther order that, with all convenient speed after the delivery of the
\nsaid manuscript book to the Governor of the Commonwealth of
\nMassachusetts, the Governor should transmit to the Registrar of the
\nsaid Honorable Court a certificate of the delivery of the same to him by
\nthe said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard, and his acceptance of the
\ncustody of the same, subject to the terms and conditions named in the
\ndecree aforesaid;<\/p>\n
_Now, Therefore_, In compliance with the decree aforesaid I do hereby
\ncertify that on the twenty-sixth day of May, 1897, the said Honorable
\nThomas Francis Bayard delivered in person to me, at my official office
\nin the State House in the city of Boston, in the Commonwealth of
\nMassachusetts, in the United States of America, a certain manuscript
\nbook which the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard then and there
\ndeclared to be the original manuscript book known as and entitled “The
\nLog of the Mayflower,” which is more specifically described in the
\ndecree aforesaid; and I do further certify that I hereby accept the
\ncustody of the same, subject to the terms and conditions named in the
\ndecree aforesaid.<\/p>\n
_In witness whereof_, I have hereunto signed my name and caused the seal
\nof the Commonwealth to be affixed, at the Capitol in Boston, this
\ntwelfth day of July in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
\nand ninety-seven.<\/p>\n
ROGER WOLCOTT.<\/p>\n
By His Excellency the Governor,
\nWM. M. OLIN,
\n_Secretary of the Commonwealth._<\/p>\n
ADDRESS<\/p>\n
OF THE<\/p>\n
HON. GEORGE F. HOAR.<\/p>\n
[Illustration:]<\/p>\n
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR.<\/p>\n
The first American Ambassador to Great Britain, at the end of his
\nofficial service, comes to Massachusetts on an interesting errand. He
\ncomes to deliver to the lineal successor of Governor Bradford, in the
\npresence of the representatives and rulers of the body politic formed by
\nthe compact on board the “Mayflower,” Nov. 11, 1620, the only authentic
\nhistory of the founding of their Commonwealth; the only authentic
\nhistory of what we have a right to consider the most important political
\ntransaction that has ever taken place on the face of the earth.<\/p>\n
Mr. Bayard has sought to represent to the mother country, not so much
\nthe diplomacy as the good-will of the American people. If in this
\nanybody be tempted to judge him severely, let us remember what his great
\npredecessor, John Adams, the first minister at the same court,
\nrepresenting more than any other man, embodying more than any other man,
\nthe spirit of Massachusetts, said to George III., on the first day of
\nJune, 1785, after the close of our long and bitter struggle for
\nindependence: “I shall esteem myself the happiest of men if I can be
\ninstrumental in restoring an entire esteem, confidence and affection,
\nor, in better words, the old good-nature and the old good-humor between
\npeople who, though separated by an ocean and under different
\ngovernments, have the same language, a similar religion and kindred
\nblood.”<\/p>\n
And let us remember, too, the answer of the old monarch, who, with all
\nhis faults, must have had something of a noble and royal nature stirring
\nin his bosom, when he replied: “Let the circumstances of language,
\nreligion and blood have their natural and full effect.”<\/p>\n
It has long been well known that Governor Bradford wrote and left behind
\nhim a history of the settlement of Plymouth. It was quoted by early
\nchroniclers. There are extracts from it in the records at Plymouth.
\nThomas Prince used it when he compiled his annals. Hubbard depended on
\nit when he wrote his “History of New England.” Cotton Mather had read
\nit, or a copy of a portion of it, when he wrote his “Magnalia.” Governor
\nHutchinson had it when he published the second volume of his history in
\n1767. From that time it disappeared from the knowledge of everybody on
\nthis side of the water. All our historians speak of it as lost, and can
\nonly guess what had been its fate. Some persons suspected that it was
\ndestroyed when Governor Hutchinson’s house was sacked in 1765, others
\nthat it was carried off by some officer or soldier when Boston was
\nevacuated by the British army in 1776.<\/p>\n
In 1844 Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, afterward Bishop of
\nWinchester, one of the brightest of men, published one of the dullest
\nand stupidest of books. It is entitled “The History of the Protestant
\nEpiscopal Church in America.” It contained extracts from manuscripts
\nwhich he said he had discovered in the library of the Bishop of London
\nat Fulham. The book attracted no attention here until, about twelve
\nyears later, in 1855, John Wingate Thornton, whom many of us remember as
\nan accomplished antiquary and a delightful gentleman, happened to pick
\nup a copy of it while he was lounging in Burnham’s book store. He read
\nthe bishop’s quotations, and carried the book to his office, where he
\nleft it for his friend, Mr. Barry, who was then writing his “History of
\nMassachusetts,” with passages marked, and with a note which is not
\npreserved, but which, according to his memory, suggested that the
\npassages must have come from Bradford’s long-lost history. That is the
\nclaim for Mr. Thornton. On the other hand, it is claimed by Mr. Barry
\nthat there was nothing of that kind expressed in Mr. Thornton’s note,
\nbut in reading the book when he got it an hour or so later, the thought
\nstruck him for the first time that the clew had been found to the
\nprecious book which had been lost so long. He at once repaired to
\nCharles Deane, then and ever since, down to his death, as President
\nEliot felicitously styled him, “the master of historical investigators
\nin this country.” Mr. Deane saw the importance of the discovery. He
\ncommunicated at once with Joseph Hunter, an eminent English scholar.
\nHunter was high authority on all matters connected with the settlement
\nof New England. He visited the palace at Fulham, and established beyond
\nquestion the identity of the manuscript with Governor Bradford’s
\nhistory, an original letter of Governor Bradford having been sent over
\nfor comparison of handwriting.<\/p>\n
How the manuscript got to Fulham nobody knows. Whether it was carried
\nover by Governor Hutchinson in 1774; whether it was taken as spoil from
\nthe tower of the Old South Church in 1775; whether, with other
\nmanuscripts, it was sent to Fulham at the time of the attempts of the
\nEpiscopal churches in America, just before the revolution, to establish
\nan episcopate here,–nobody knows. It would seem that Hutchinson would
\nhave sent it to the colonial office; that an officer would naturally
\nhave sent it to the war office; and a private would have sent it to the
\nwar office, unless he had carried it off as mere private booty and
\nplunder,–in which case it would have been unlikely that it would have
\nreached a public place of custody. But we find it in the possession of
\nthe church and of the church official having, until independence was
\ndeclared, special jurisdiction over Episcopal interests in Massachusetts
\nand Plymouth. This may seem to point to a transfer for some
\necclesiastical purpose.<\/p>\n
The bishop’s chancellor conjectures that it was sent to Fulham because
\nof the record annexed to it of the early births, marriages and deaths,
\nsuch records being in England always in ecclesiastical custody. But this
\nis merely conjecture.<\/p>\n
I know of no incident like this in history, unless it be the discovery
\nin a chest in the castle of Edinburgh, where they had been lost for one
\nhundred and eleven years, of the ancient regalia of Scotland,–the crown
\nof Bruce, the sceptre and sword of state. The lovers of Walter Scott,
\nwho was one of the commissioners who made the search, remember his
\nintense emotion, as described by his daughter, when the lid was removed.
\nHer feelings were worked up to such a pitch that she nearly fainted, and
\ndrew back from the circle.<\/p>\n
As she was retiring she was startled by his voice exclaiming, in a tone
\nof the deepest emotion, “something between anger and despair,” as she
\nexpressed it: “By God, no!” One of the commissioners, not quite entering
\ninto the solemnity with which Scott regarded this business, had, it
\nseems, made a sort of motion as if he meant to put the crown on the head
\nof one of the young ladies near him, but the voice and the aspect of
\nthe poet were more than sufficient to make this worthy gentleman
\nunderstand his error; and, respecting the enthusiasm with which he had
\nnot been taught to sympathize, he laid down the ancient diadem with an
\nair of painful embarrassment. Scott whispered, “Pray forgive me,” and
\nturning round at the moment observed his daughter deadly pale and
\nleaning by the door. He immediately drew her out of the room, and when
\nshe had somewhat recovered in the fresh air, walked with her across
\nMound to Castle Street. “He never spoke all the way home,” she says,
\n“but every now and then I felt his arm tremble, and from that time I
\nfancied he began to treat me more like a woman than a child. I thought
\nhe liked me better, too, than he had ever done before.”<\/p>\n
There have been several attempts to procure the return of the manuscript
\nto this country. Mr. Winthrop, in 1860, through the venerable John
\nSinclair, archdeacon, urged the Bishop of London to give it up, and
\nproposed that the Prince of Wales, then just coming to this country,
\nshould take it across the Atlantic and present it to the people of
\nMassachusetts. The Attorney-General, Sir Fitzroy Kelley, approved the
\nplan, and said it would be an exceptional act of grace, a most
\ninteresting action, and that he heartily wished the success of the
\napplication. But the bishop refused. Again, in 1869, John Lothrop
\nMotley, then minister to England, who had a great and deserved
\ninfluence there, repeated the proposition, at the suggestion of that
\nmost accomplished scholar, Justin Winsor. But his appeal had the same
\nfate. The bishop gave no encouragement, and said, as had been said nine
\nyears before, that the property could not be alienated without an act of
\nParliament. Mr. Winsor planned to repeat the attempt on his visit to
\nEngland in 1877. When he was at Fulham the bishop was absent, and he was
\nobliged to come home without seeing him in person.<\/p>\n
In 1881, at the time of the death of President Garfield, Benjamin Scott,
\nchamberlain of London, proposed again in the newspapers that the
\nrestitution should be made. But nothing came of it.<\/p>\n
Dec. 21, 1895, I delivered an address at Plymouth, on the occasion of
\nthe two hundred and seventy-fifth anniversary of the landing of the
\nPilgrims upon the rock. In preparing for that duty, I read again, with
\nrenewed enthusiasm and delight, the noble and touching story, as told by
\nGovernor Bradford. I felt that this precious history of the Pilgrims
\nought to be in no other custody than that of their children. But the
\ncase seemed hopeless. I found myself compelled by a serious physical
\ninfirmity to take a vacation, and to get a rest from public cares and
\nduties, which was impossible while I stayed at home. When I went abroad
\nI determined to visit the locality, on the borders of Lincolnshire and
\nYorkshire, from which Bradford and Brewster and Robinson, the three
\nleaders of the Pilgrims, came, and where their first church was formed,
\nand the places in Amsterdam and Leyden where the emigrants spent
\nthirteen years. But I longed especially to see the manuscript of
\nBradford at Fulham, which then seemed to me, as it now seems to me, the
\nmost precious manuscript on earth, unless we could recover one of the
\nfour gospels as it came in the beginning from the pen of the Evangelist.<\/p>\n
The desire to get it back grew and grew during the voyage across the
\nAtlantic. I did not know how such a proposition would be received in
\nEngland. A few days after I landed I made a call upon John Morley. I
\nasked him whether he thought the thing could be done. He inquired
\ncarefully into the story, took down from his shelf the excellent though
\nbrief life of Bradford in Leslie Stephen’s “Biographical Dictionary,”
\nand told me he thought the book ought to come back to us, and that he
\nshould be glad to do anything in his power to help. It was my fortune, a
\nweek or two after, to sit next to Mr. Bayard at a dinner given to Mr.
\nCollins by the American consuls in Great Britain. I took occasion to
\ntell him the story, and he gave me the assurance, which he has since so
\nabundantly and successfully fulfilled, of his powerful aid. I was
\ncompelled, by the health of one of the party with whom I was
\ntravelling, to go to the continent almost immediately, and was
\ndisappointed in the hope of an early return to England. So the matter
\nwas delayed until about a week before I sailed for home, when I went to
\nFulham, in the hope at least of seeing the manuscript. I had supposed
\nthat it was a quasi-public library, open to general visitors. But I
\nfound the bishop was absent. I asked for the librarian, but there was no
\nsuch officer, and I was told very politely that the library was not open
\nto the public, and was treated in all respects as that of a private
\ngentleman. So I gave up any hope of doing anything in person. But I
\nhappened, the Friday before I sailed for home, to dine with an English
\nfriend who had been exceedingly kind to me. As he took leave of me,
\nabout eleven o’clock in the evening, he asked me if there was anything
\nmore he could do for me. I said, “No, unless you happen to know the Lord
\nBishop of London. I should like to get a sight at the manuscript of
\nBradford’s history before I go home.” He said, “I do not know the bishop
\nmyself, but Mr. Grenfell, at whose house you spent a few days in the
\nearly summer, married the bishop’s niece, and will gladly give you an
\nintroduction to his uncle. He is in Scotland. But I will write to him
\nbefore I go to bed.”<\/p>\n
Sunday morning brought me a cordial letter from Mr. Grenfell,
\nintroducing me to the bishop. I wrote a note to his lordship, saying I
\nshould be glad to have an opportunity to see Bradford’s history; that I
\nwas to sail for the United States the next Wednesday, but would be
\npleased to call at Fulham Tuesday, if that were agreeable to him.<\/p>\n
I got a note in reply, in which he said if I would call on Tuesday he
\nwould be happy to show me “The Log of the Mayflower,” which is the title
\nthe English, without the slightest reason in the world, give the
\nmanuscript. I kept the appointment, and found the bishop with the book
\nin his hand. He received me with great courtesy, showed me the palace,
\nand said that that spot had been occupied by a bishop’s palace for more
\nthan a thousand years.<\/p>\n
After looking at the volume and reading the records on the flyleaf, I
\nsaid: “My lord, I am going to say something which you may think rather
\naudacious. I think this book ought to go back to Massachusetts. Nobody
\nknows how it got over here. Some people think it was carried off by
\nGovernor Hutchinson, the Tory governor; other people think it was
\ncarried off by British soldiers when Boston was evacuated; but in either
\ncase the property would not have changed. Or, if you treat it as a
\nbooty, in which last case, I suppose, by the law of nations ordinary
\nproperty does change, no civilized nation in modern times applies that
\nprinciple to the property of libraries and institutions of learning.”<\/p>\n
“Well,” said the bishop, “I did not know you cared anything about it.”<\/p>\n
“Why,” said I, “if there were in existence in England a history of King
\nAlfred’s reign for thirty years, written by his own hand, it would not
\nbe more precious in the eyes of Englishmen than this manuscript is to
\nus.”<\/p>\n
“Well,” said he, “I think myself it ought to go back, and if it had
\ndepended on me it would have gone back before this. But the Americans
\nwho have been here–many of them have been commercial people–did not
\nseem to care much about it except as a curiosity. I suppose I ought not
\nto give it up on my own authority. It belongs to me in my official
\ncapacity, and not as private or personal property. I think I ought to
\nconsult the Archbishop of Canterbury. And, indeed,” he added, “I think I
\nought to speak to the Queen about it. We should not do such a thing
\nbehind Her Majesty’s back.”<\/p>\n
I said: “Very well. When I go home I will have a proper application made
\nfrom some of our literary societies, and ask you to give it
\nconsideration.”<\/p>\n
I saw Mr. Bayard again, and told him the story. He was at the train when
\nI left London for the steamer at Southampton. He entered with great
\ninterest into the matter, and told me again he would gladly do anything
\nin his power to forward it.<\/p>\n
When I got home I communicated with Secretary Olney about it, who took a
\nkindly interest in the matter, and wrote to Mr. Bayard that the
\nadministration desired he should do everything in his power to promote
\nthe application. The matter was then brought to the attention of the
\ncouncil of the American Antiquarian Society, the Massachusetts
\nHistorical Society, the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth and the New England
\nSociety of New York. These bodies appointed committees to unite in the
\napplication. Governor Wolcott was also consulted, who gave his hearty
\napprobation to the movement, and a letter was dispatched through Mr.
\nBayard.<\/p>\n
Meantime Bishop Temple, with whom I had my conversation, had himself
\nbecome Archbishop of Canterbury, and in that capacity Primate of all
\nEngland. His successor, Rev. Dr. Creighton, had been the delegate of
\nJohn Harvard’s College to the great celebration at Harvard University on
\nthe two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of its foundation, in 1886. He
\nhad received the degree of doctor of laws from the university, had been
\na guest of President Eliot, and had received President Eliot as his
\nguest in England.<\/p>\n
He is an accomplished historical scholar, and very friendly in sentiment
\nto the people of the United States. So, by great fortune, the two
\neminent ecclesiastical personages who were to have a powerful influence
\nin the matter were likely to be exceedingly well disposed. Dr. Benjamin
\nA. Gould, the famous mathematician, was appointed one of the committee
\nof the American Antiquarian Society. He died suddenly, just after a
\nletter to the Bishop of London was prepared and about to be sent to him
\nfor signing. He took a very zealous interest in the matter. The letter
\nformally asked for the return of the manuscript, and was signed by the
\nfollowing-named gentlemen: George F. Hoar, Stephen Salisbury, Edward
\nEverett Hale, Samuel A. Green, for the American Antiquarian Society;
\nCharles Francis Adams, William Lawrence, Charles W. Eliot, for the
\nMassachusetts Historical Society; Arthur Lord, William M. Evarts,
\nWilliam T. Davis, for the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth; Charles C.
\nBeaman, Joseph H. Choate, J. Pierpont Morgan, for the New England
\nSociety of New York; Roger Wolcott, Governor of Massachusetts.<\/p>\n
The rarest good fortune seems to have attended every step in this
\ntransaction.<\/p>\n
I was fortunate in having formed the friendship of Mr. Grenfell, which
\nsecured to me so cordial a reception from the Bishop of London.<\/p>\n
It was fortunate that the Bishop of London was Dr. Temple, an eminent
\nscholar, kindly disposed toward the people of the United States, and a
\nman thoroughly capable of understanding and respecting the deep and
\nholy sentiment which a compliance with our desire would gratify.<\/p>\n
It was fortunate, too, that Bishop Temple, who thought he must have the
\napprobation of the archbishop before his action, when the time came had
\nhimself become Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England.<\/p>\n
It was fortunate that Dr. Creighton had succeeded to the see of London.
\nHe is, himself, as I have just said, an eminent historical scholar. He
\nhas many friends in America. He was the delegate of Emmanuel, John
\nHarvard’s College, at the great Harvard centennial celebration in 1886.
\nHe received the degree of doctor of laws at Harvard and is a member of
\nthe Massachusetts Historical Society. He had, as I have said,
\nentertained President Eliot as his guest in England.<\/p>\n
It was fortunate, too, that the application came in a time of cordial
\ngood-will between the two countries, when the desire of John Adams and
\nthe longing of George III. have their ample and complete fulfilment.
\nThis token of the good-will of England reached Boston on the eve of the
\nbirthday of the illustrious sovereign, who is not more venerated and
\nbeloved by her own subjects than by the kindred people across the sea.<\/p>\n
[Illustration: THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.]<\/p>\n
It comes to us at the time of the rejoicing of the English people at
\nthe sixtieth anniversary of a reign more crowded with benefit to
\nhumanity than any other known in the annals of the race. Upon the power
\nof England, the sceptre, the trident, the lion, the army and the fleet,
\nthe monster ships of war, the all-shattering guns, the American people
\nare strong enough now to look with an entire indifference. We encounter
\nher commerce and her manufacture in the spirit of a generous emulation.
\nThe inheritance from which England has gained these things is ours also.
\nWe, too, are of the Saxon strain.<\/p>\n
In our halls is hung
\nArmory of the invincible knights of old.<\/p>\n
Our temple covers a continent, and its porches are upon both the seas.
\nOur fathers knew the secret to lay, in Christian liberty and law, the
\nfoundations of empire. Our young men are not ashamed, if need be, to
\nspeak with the enemy in the gate.<\/p>\n
But to the illustrious lady, type of gentlest womanhood, model of mother
\nand wife and friend, who came at eighteen to the throne of George IV.
\nand William; of purer eyes than to behold iniquity; the maiden presence
\nbefore which everything unholy shrank; the sovereign who, during her
\nlong reign, “ever knew the people that she ruled;” the royal nature that
\ndisdained to strike at her kingdom’s rival in the hour of our sorest
\nneed; the heart which even in the bosom of a queen beat with sympathy
\nfor the cause of constitutional liberty; who, herself not unacquainted
\nwith grief, laid on the coffin of our dead Garfield the wreath fragrant
\nwith a sister’s sympathy,–to her our republican manhood does not
\ndisdain to bend.<\/p>\n
The eagle, lord of land and sea,
\nWill stoop to pay her fealty.<\/p>\n
But I am afraid this application might have had the fate of its
\npredecessors but for our special good fortune in the fact that Mr.
\nBayard was our ambassador at the Court of St. James. He had been, as I
\nsaid in the beginning, the ambassador not so much of the diplomacy as of
\nthe good-will of the American people. Before his powerful influence
\nevery obstacle gave way. It was almost impossible for Englishmen to
\nrefuse a request like this, made by him, and in which his own sympathies
\nwere so profoundly enlisted.<\/p>\n
You are entitled, sir, to the gratitude of Massachusetts, to the
\ngratitude of every lover of Massachusetts and of every lover of the
\ncountry. You have succeeded where so many others have failed, and where
\nso many others would have been likely to fail. You may be sure that our
\ndebt to you is fully understood and will not be forgotten.<\/p>\n
The question of the permanent abiding-place of this manuscript will be
\nsettled after it has reached the hands of His Excellency. Wherever it
\nshall go it will be an object of reverent care. I do not think many
\nAmericans will gaze upon it without a little trembling of the lips and a
\nlittle gathering of mist in the eyes, as they think of the story of
\nsuffering, of sorrow, of peril, of exile, of death and of lofty triumph
\nwhich that book tells,–which the hand of the great leader and founder
\nof America has traced on those pages.<\/p>\n
There is nothing like it in human annals since the story of Bethlehem.
\nThese Englishmen and English women going out from their homes in
\nbeautiful Lincoln and York, wife separated from husband and mother from
\nchild in that hurried embarkation for Holland, pursued to the beach by
\nEnglish horsemen; the thirteen years of exile; the life at Amsterdam “in
\nalley foul and lane obscure;” the dwelling at Leyden; the embarkation at
\nDelfthaven; the farewell of Robinson; the terrible voyage across the
\nAtlantic; the compact in the harbor; the landing on the rock; the
\ndreadful first winter; the death roll of more than half the number; the
\ndays of suffering and of famine; the wakeful night, listening for the
\nyell of wild beast and the war-whoop of the savage; the building of the
\nState on those sure foundations which no wave or tempest has ever
\nshaken; the breaking of the new light; the dawning of the new day; the
\nbeginning of the new life; the enjoyment of peace with liberty,–of all
\nthese things this is the original record by the hand of our beloved
\nfather and founder. Massachusetts will preserve it until the time shall
\ncome that her children are unworthy of it; and that time shall
\ncome,–never.<\/p>\n
ADDRESS<\/p>\n
OF THE<\/p>\n
HON. THOMAS F. BAYARD.<\/p>\n
[Illustration]<\/p>\n
ADDRESS OF AMBASSADOR BAYARD.<\/p>\n
Your Excellency, Gentlemen of the two Houses of the Legislature of
\nMassachusetts, Ladies and Gentlemen, Fellow Countrymen: The honorable
\nand most gratifying duty with which I am charged is about to receive its
\nfinal act of execution, for I have the book here, as it was placed in my
\nhands by the Lord Bishop of London on April 29, intact then and now; and
\nI am about to deliver it according to the provisions of the decree of
\nthe Chancellor of London, which has been read in your presence, and the
\nreceipt signed by me and registered in his court that I would obey the
\nprovisions of that decree.<\/p>\n
I have kept my trust; I have kept the book as I received it; I shall
\ndeliver it into the hands of the representative of the people who are
\nentitled to its custody.<\/p>\n
And now, gentlemen, it would be superfluous for me to dwell upon the
\nhistorical features of this remarkable occasion, for it has been done,
\nas we all knew it would be done, with ability, learning, eloquence and
\nimpressiveness, by the distinguished Senator who represents you so well
\nin the Congress of the United States.<\/p>\n
For all that related to myself, and for every gracious word of
\nrecognition and commendation that fell from his lips in relation to the
\npart that I have taken in the act of restoration, I am profoundly
\ngrateful. It is an additional reward, but not the reward which induced
\nmy action.<\/p>\n
To have served your State, to have been instrumental in such an act as
\nthis, was of itself a high privilege to me. The Bradford manuscript was
\nin the library of Fulham palace, and if, by lawful means, I could have
\nbecome possessed of the volume, and have brought it here and quietly
\ndeposited it, I should have gone to my home with the great satisfaction
\nof knowing that I had performed an act of justice, an act of right
\nbetween two countries. Therefore the praise, however grateful, is
\nadditional, and I am very thankful for it.<\/p>\n
It may not be inappropriate or unpleasing to you should I state in a
\nvery simple manner the history of my relation to the return of this
\nbook, for it all has occurred within the last twelve months.<\/p>\n
I knew of the existence of this manuscript, and had seen the
\nreproduction in facsimile. I knew that attempts had been made,
\nunsuccessfully, to obtain the original book.<\/p>\n
At that time Senator Hoar made a short visit to England, and in passing
\nthrough London I was informed by him of the great interest that he, in
\ncommon with the people of this State, had in the restoration of this
\nmanuscript to the custody of the State.<\/p>\n
We discussed the methods by which it might be accomplished, and after
\ntwo or three concurrent suggestions he returned to the United States,
\nand presently I received, under cover from the Secretary of State,–a
\ndistinguished citizen of your own State, Mr. Olney,–a formal note,
\nsuggesting rather than instructing that in an informal manner I should
\nendeavor to have carried out the wishes of the various societies that
\nhad addressed themselves to the Bishop of London and the Archbishop of
\nCanterbury, in order to obtain the return of this manuscript.<\/p>\n
It necessarily had to be done informally. The strict regulations of the
\noffice I then occupied forbade my correspondence with any member of the
\nBritish government except through the foreign office, unless it were
\ninformal. An old saying describes the entire case, that “When there’s a
\nwill there’s a way.” There certainly was the will to get the book, and
\nthere certainly was also a will and a way to give the book, and that way
\nwas discovered by the legal custodians of the book itself.<\/p>\n
At first there were suggestions of difficulty, some technical questions;
\nand following a very safe rule, the first thought was, What is the law?
\nand the case was submitted to the law officers of the Crown. Then there
\narose the necessity of a formal act of permission.<\/p>\n
There could be entertained no question as to the title to the manuscript
\nin the possession of the British government. There was no authority to
\ngrant a claim, founded on adverse title, and the question arose as to
\nthe requisite form of law of a permissive rather than of a mandatory
\nnature, in order to be authoritative with those who had charge of the
\ndocument.<\/p>\n
But, as I have said, when there was a will there was found a way. By
\npersonal correspondence and interviews with the Bishop of London, I soon
\ndiscovered that he was as anxious to find the way as I was that he
\nshould find it. In March last it was finally agreed that I should employ
\nlegal counsel to present a formal petition in the Episcopal Consistorial
\nCourt of London, and there before the Chancellor to represent the strong
\ndesire of Massachusetts and her people for the return of the record of
\nher early Governor.<\/p>\n
Accordingly, the petition was prepared, and by my authority signed as
\nfor me by an eminent member of the bar, and it was also signed by the
\nBishop of London, so that there was a complete consensus. The decree was
\nordered, as is published in the London “Times” on March 25 last, and
\nnothing after that remained but formalities, in which, as you are well
\naware, the English law is not lacking, especially in the ecclesiastical
\ntribunals.<\/p>\n
These formalities were carried out during my absence from London on a
\nshort visit to the Continent, and the decree which you have just heard
\nread was duly entered on April 12 last, consigning the document to my
\npersonal custody, to be delivered by me in this city to the high
\nofficial therein named, subject to those conditions which you have also
\nheard.<\/p>\n
Accordingly, on the 29th of April last I was summoned to the court, and
\nthere, having signed the receipt, this decree was read in my presence.
\nThen the Bishop of London arose, and, taking the book in his hands,
\ndelivered it with a few gracious words into my custody, and here it is
\nto-day.<\/p>\n
The records of those proceedings will no doubt be preserved here as
\naccompanying this book, as they are in the Episcopal Consistorial Court
\nin London, and they tell the entire story.<\/p>\n
But that is but part. The thing that I wish to impress upon you, and
\nupon my fellow countrymen throughout the United States, is that this is
\nan act of courtesy and friendship by another government–the government
\nof what we once called our “mother country”–to the entire people of the
\nUnited States.<\/p>\n
You cannot limit it to the Governor of this Commonwealth; nor to the
\nLegislature; nor even to the citizens of this Commonwealth. It extends
\nin its courtesy, its kindness and comity to the entire people of the
\nUnited States. From first to last there was the ready response of
\ncourtesy and kindness to the request for the restoration of this
\nmanuscript record.<\/p>\n
I may say to you that there has been nothing that I have sought more
\nearnestly than to place the affairs of these two great nations in the
\natmosphere of mutual confidence and respect and good-will. If it be a
\nsin to long for the honor of one’s country, for the safety and strength
\nof one’s country, then I have been a great sinner, for I have striven to
\nadvance the honor and the safety and the welfare of my country, and
\nbelieved it was best accomplished by treating all with justice and
\ncourtesy, and doing those things to others which we would ask to have
\ndone to ourselves.<\/p>\n
When the Chancellor pronounced his decree in March last, he cited
\ncertain precedents to justify him in restoring this volume to
\nMassachusetts. One precedent which powerfully controlled his decision,
\nand which in the closing portion of his judgment he emphasizes, was an
\nact of generous liberality upon the part of the American Library Society
\nin Philadelphia in voluntarily returning to the British government some
\nvolumes of original manuscript of the period of James the First, which
\nby some means not very clearly explained had found their way among the
\nbooks of that institution.<\/p>\n
Those books were received by a distinguished man, Lord Romilly, Master
\nof the Rolls, who took occasion to speak of the liberality and kindness
\nwhich dictated the action of the Philadelphia library. Gentlemen, I am
\none of those who believe that a generous and kindly act is never unwise
\nbetween individuals or nations.<\/p>\n
The return of this book to you is an echo of the kindly act of your
\ncountrymen in the city of Philadelphia in 1866.<\/p>\n
It is that, not, as Mr. Hoar has said, any influence or special effort
\nof mine; but it is international good feeling and comity which brought
\nabout to you the pleasure and the joy of having this manuscript
\nreturned, and so it will ever be. A generous act will beget a generous
\nact; trust and confidence will beget trust and confidence; and so it
\nwill be while the world shall last, and well will it be for the man or
\nfor the people who shall recognize this truth and act upon it.<\/p>\n
Now, gentlemen, there is another coincidence that I may venture to point
\nout. It is history repeating itself. More than three hundred years ago
\nthe ancestors from whom my father drew his name and blood were French
\nProtestants, who had been compelled to flee from the religious
\npersecutions of that day, and for the sake of conscience to find an
\nasylum in Holland. Fifty years after they had fled and found safety in
\nHolland, the little congregation of Independents from the English
\nvillage of Scrooby, under the pastorate of John Robinson, was forced to
\nfly, and with difficulty found its way into the same country of the
\nNetherlands, seeking an asylum for consciences’ sake.<\/p>\n
Time passed on. The little English colony removed, as this manuscript of
\nWilliam Bradford will tell you, across the Atlantic, and soon after the
\nHuguenot family from whom I drew my name found their first settlement in
\nwhat was then the New Netherlands, now New York. Both came from the same
\ncause; both came with the same object, the same purpose,–“soul
\nfreedom,” as Roger Williams well called it. Both came to found homes
\nwhere they could worship God according to their own conscience and live
\nas free men. They came to these shores, and they have found the asylum,
\nand they have strengthened it, and it is what we see to-day,–a country
\nof absolute religious and civil freedom,–of equal rights and
\ntoleration.<\/p>\n
And is it not fitting that I, who have in my veins the blood of the
\nHuguenots, should present to you and your Governor the log of the
\nEnglish emigrants, who left their country for the sake of religious
\nfreedom?<\/p>\n
They are blended here,–their names, their interests. No man asks and no
\nman has a right to ask or have ascertained by any method authorized by
\nlaw what is the conscientious religious tenet or opinion of any man, of
\nany citizen, as a prerequisite for holding an office of trust or power
\nin the United States.<\/p>\n
I think it well on this occasion to make, as I am sure you are making,
\nacknowledgment to that heroic little country, the Lowlands as they call
\nit, the Netherlands,–the country without one single feature of military
\ndefence except the brave hearts of the men who live in it and defend it.<\/p>\n
Holland was the anvil upon which religious and civil liberty was beaten
\nout in Europe at a time when the clang was scarcely heard anywhere else.
\nWe can never forget our historical debt to that country and to those
\npeople. Puritan, Independent, Huguenot, whoever he may be, forced to
\nflee for conscience’s sake, will not forget that in the Netherlands
\nthere was found in his time of need the asylum where conscience,
\nproperty and person might be secure.<\/p>\n
And now my task is done. I am deeply grateful for the part that I have
\nbeen enabled to take in this act of just and natural restitution. In
\nMassachusetts or out of Massachusetts there is no one more willing than
\nI to assist this work; and here, sir [addressing Governor Wolcott], I
\nfulfil my trust in placing in your hands the manuscript.<\/p>\n
To you, as the honored representative of the people of this
\nCommonwealth, I commit this book, in pursuance of my obligations, gladly
\nundertaken under the decree of the Episcopal Consistorial Court of
\nLondon.<\/p>\n
ADDRESS<\/p>\n
OF<\/p>\n
HIS EXCELLENCY ROGER WOLCOTT.<\/p>\n
[Illustration:]<\/p>\n
ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR WOLCOTT.<\/p>\n
On receiving the volume, Governor Wolcott, addressing Mr. Bayard, spoke
\nas follows: I thank you, sir, for the diligent and faithful manner in
\nwhich you have executed the honorable trust imposed upon you by the
\ndecree of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London, a copy of
\nwhich you have now placed in my hands. It was fitting that one of your
\nhigh distinction should be selected to perform so dignified an office.<\/p>\n
The gracious act of international courtesy which is now completed will
\nnot fail of grateful appreciation by the people of this Commonwealth and
\nof the nation. It is honorable alike to those who hesitated not to
\nprefer the request and to those whose generous liberality has prompted
\ncompliance with it. It may be that the story of the departure of this
\nprecious relic from our shores may never in its every detail be
\nrevealed; but the story of its return will be read of all men, and will
\nbecome a part of the history of the Commonwealth. There are places and
\nobjects so intimately associated with the world’s greatest men or with
\nmighty deeds that the soul of him who gazes upon them is lost in a sense
\nof reverent awe, as it listens to the voice that speaks from the past,
\nin words like those which came from the burning bush, “Put off thy shoes
\nfrom off thy feet, for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground.”<\/p>\n
On the sloping hillside of Plymouth, that bathes its feet in the waters
\nof the Atlantic, such a voice is breathed by the brooding genius of the
\nplace, and the ear must be dull that fails to catch the whispered words.
\nFor here not alone did godly men and women suffer greatly for a great
\ncause, but their noble purpose was not doomed to defeat, but was carried
\nto perfect victory. They stablished what they planned. Their feeble
\nplantation became the birthplace of religious liberty, the cradle of a
\nfree Commonwealth. To them a mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they have
\nmade the civilized world their debtor. In the varied tapestry which
\npictures our national life, the richest spots are those where gleam the
\ngolden threads of conscience, courage and faith, set in the web by that
\nlittle band. May God in his mercy grant that the moral impulse which
\nfounded this nation may never cease to control its destiny; that no act
\nof any future generation may put in peril the fundamental principles on
\nwhich it is based,–of equal rights in a free state, equal privileges in
\na free church and equal opportunities in a free school.<\/p>\n
In this precious volume which I hold in my hands–the gift of England to
\nthe Commonwealth of Massachusetts–is told the noble, simple story “of
\nPli[~m]oth Plantation.” In the midst of suffering and privation and
\nanxiety the pious hand of William Bradford here set down in ample detail
\nthe history of the enterprise from its inception to the year 1647. From
\nhim we may learn “that all great and honourable actions are accompanied
\nwith great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with
\nanswerable courages.”<\/p>\n
The sadness and pathos which some might read into the narrative are to
\nme lost in victory. The triumph of a noble cause even at a great price
\nis theme for rejoicing, not for sorrow, and the story here told is one
\nof triumphant achievement, and not of defeat.<\/p>\n
As the official representative of the Commonwealth, I receive it, sir,
\nat your hands. I pledge the faith of the Commonwealth that for all time
\nit shall be guarded in accordance with the terms of the decree under
\nwhich it is delivered into her possession as one of her chiefest
\ntreasures. I express the thanks of the Commonwealth for the priceless
\ngift. And I venture the prophecy that for countless years to come and to
\nuntold thousands these mute pages shall eloquently speak of high
\nresolve, great suffering and heroic endurance made possible by an
\nabsolute faith in the over-ruling providence of Almighty God.<\/p>\n
ACKNOWLEDGMENT<\/p>\n
BY THE<\/p>\n
BISHOP OF LONDON.<\/p>\n
[Illustration: THE BISHOP OF LONDON]<\/p>\n
(Copy)<\/p>\n
FULHAM PALACE, S.W.
\nOct. 16, 1897.<\/p>\n
DEAR SIR,<\/p>\n
I would ask you to express to the Convention of the two branches of the
\nGeneral Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts my grateful thanks
\nfor the copy of their resolution of May 26, which was presented to me by
\nMr. Adams.[A]<\/p>\n
I consider it a great privilege to have been associated with an act of
\ncourtesy, which was also an act of justice, in restoring to its proper
\nplace a document which is so important in the records of your
\nillustrious Commonwealth.<\/p>\n
I am<\/p>\n
Yours faithfully,
\nM. London.<\/p>\n
H.D. COOLIDGE, Esq.
\nClerk of the Convention.<\/p>\n
OF PLIMOTH PLANTATION.<\/p>\n
Of Plimoth Plantation.<\/p>\n
And first of y^e occasion and ind[~u]sments ther unto; the which that I
\nmay truly unfould, I must begine at y^e very roote & rise of y^e same.
\nThe which I shall endevor to manefest in a plaine stile, with singuler
\nregard unto y^e simple trueth in all things, at least as near as my
\nslender judgmente can attaine the same.<\/p>\n
1. Chapter.<\/p>\n
It is well knowne unto y^e godly and judicious, how ever since y^e first
\nbreaking out of y^e lighte of y^e gospell in our Honourable Nation of
\nEngland, (which was y^e first of nations whom y^e Lord adorned ther
\nwith, affter y^t grosse darknes of popery which had covered & overspred
\ny^e Christian worled,) what warrs & opposissions ever since, Satan hath
\nraised, maintained, and continued against the Saincts, from time to
\ntime, in one sorte or other. Some times by bloody death and cruell
\ntorments; other whiles imprisonments, banishments, & other hard usages;
\nas being loath his kingdom should goe downe, the trueth prevaile, and
\ny^e churches of God reverte to their anciente puritie, and recover their
\nprimative order, libertie, & bewtie. But when he could not prevaile by
\nthese means, against the maine trueths of y^e gospell, but that they
\nbegan to take rootting in many places, being watered with y^e blooud of
\ny^e martires, and blessed from heaven with a gracious encrease; He then
\nbegane to take him to his anciente strategemes, used of old against the
\nfirst Christians. That when by y^e bloody & barbarous persecutions of
\ny^e Heathen Emperours, he could not stoppe & subuerte the course of y^e
\ngospell, but that it speedily overspred with a wounderfull celeritie the
\nthen best known parts of y^e world, He then begane to sow errours,
\nheresies, and wounderfull dissentions amongst y^e professours them
\nselves, (working upon their pride & ambition, with other corrupte
\npassions incidente to all mortall men, yea to y^e saints them selves in
\nsome measure,) by which wofull effects followed; as not only bitter
\ncontentions, & hartburnings, schismes, with other horrible confusions,
\nbut Satan tooke occasion & advantage therby to foyst in a number of vile
\nceremoneys, with many unproffitable cannons & decrees, which have since
\nbeen as snares to many poore & peaceable souls even to this day. So as
\nin y^e anciente times, the persecutions[2] by y^e heathen & their
\nEmperours, was not greater then of the Christians one against other; the
\nArians & other their complices against y^e orthodoxe & true Christians.
\nAs witneseth Socrates in his 2. booke. His words are these;[B] _The
\nviolence truly_ (saith he) _was no less than that of ould practised
\ntowards y^e Christians when they were compelled & drawne to sacrifice to
\nidoles; for many indured sundrie kinds of tormente, often rackings, &
\ndismembering of their joynts; confiscating of ther goods; some bereaved
\nof their native soyle; others departed this life under y^e hands of y^e
\ntormentor; and some died in banishm[=e]te, & never saw ther cuntrie
\nagaine, &c._<\/p>\n
The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold in these later times, since
\ny^e trueth begane to springe & spread after y^e great defection made by
\nAntichrist, y^t man of si[=n]e.<\/p>\n
For to let pass y^e infinite examples in sundrie nations and severall
\nplaces of y^e world, and instance in our owne, when as y^t old serpente
\ncould not prevaile by those firie flames & other his cruell tragedies,
\nwhich he[C] by his instruments put in ure every wher in y^e days of
\nqueene Mary & before, he then begane an other kind of warre, & went more
\nclosly to worke; not only to oppuggen, but even to ruinate & destroy y^e
\nkingdom of Christ, by more secrete & subtile means, by kindling y^e
\nflames of contention and sowing y^e seeds of discorde & bitter enmitie
\namongst y^e proffessors & seeming reformed them selves. For when he
\ncould not prevaile by y^e former means against the principall doctrins
\nof faith, he bente his force against the holy discipline & outward
\nregimente of the kingdom of Christ, by which those holy doctrines
\nshould be conserved, & true pietie maintained amongest the saints &
\npeople of God.<\/p>\n
Mr. Foxe recordeth how y^t besids those worthy martires & confessors
\nwhich were burned in queene Marys days & otherwise tormented,[D] _many
\n(both studients & others) fled out of y^e land, to y^e number of 800.
\nAnd became severall congregations. At Wesell, Frankford, Bassill, Emden,
\nMarkpurge, Strausborugh, & Geneva, &c._ Amongst whom (but especialy
\nthose at Frankford) begane y^t bitter warr of contention & persecuti[=o]
\naboute y^e ceremonies, & servise-booke, and other popish and
\nantichristian stuffe, the plague of England to this day, which are like
\ny^e highplases in Israell, w^ch the prophets cried out against, & were
\ntheir ruine; [3] which y^e better parte sought, according to y^e puritie
\nof y^e gospell, to roote out and utterly to abandon. And the other parte
\n(under veiled pretences) for their ouwn ends & advancments, sought as
\nstifly to continue, maintaine, & defend. As appeareth by y^e discourse
\ntherof published in printe, An^o: 1575; a booke y^t deserves better to
\nbe knowne and considred.<\/p>\n
The one side laboured to have y^e right worship of God & discipline of
\nChrist established in y^e church, according to y^e simplicitie of y^e
\ngospell, without the mixture of mens inventions, and to have & to be
\nruled by y^e laws of Gods word, dispensed in those offices, & by those
\nofficers of Pastors, Teachers, & Elders, &c. according to y^e Scripturs.
\nThe other partie, though under many colours & pretences, endevored to
\nhave y^e episcopall dignitie (affter y^e popish ma[=n]er) with their
\nlarge power & jurisdiction still retained; with all those courts,
\ncannons, & ceremonies, togeather with all such livings, revenues, &
\nsubordinate officers, with other such means as formerly upheld their
\nantichristian greatnes, and enabled them with lordly & tyranous power to
\npersecute y^e poore servants of God. This contention was so great, as
\nneither y^e honour of God, the commone persecution, nor y^e mediation of
\nMr. Calvin & other worthies of y^e Lord in those places, could prevaile
\nwith those thus episcopally minded, but they proceeded by all means to
\ndisturbe y^e peace of this poor persecuted church, even so farr as to
\ncharge (very unjustly, & ungodlily, yet prelatelike) some of their
\ncheefe opposers, with rebellion & hightreason against y^e Emperour, &
\nother such crimes.<\/p>\n
And this cont[=e]tion dyed not with queene Mary, nor was left beyonde
\ny^e seas, but at her death these people returning into England under
\ngracious queene Elizabeth, many of them being preferred to bishopricks &
\nother promotions, according to their aimes and desires, that inveterate
\nhatered against y^e holy discipline of Christ in his church hath
\ncontinued to this day. In somuch that for fear [4] it should preveile,
\nall plotts & devices have been used to keepe it out, incensing y^e
\nqueene & state against it as dangerous for y^e co[=m]on wealth; and that
\nit was most needfull y^t y^e fundamentall poynts of Religion should be
\npreached in those ignorante & superstitious times; and to wi[=n]e y^e
\nweake & ignorante, they might retaine diverse harmles ceremoneis; and
\nthough it were to be wished y^t diverse things were reformed, yet this
\nwas not a season for it. And many the like, to stop y^e mouthes of y^e
\nmore godly, to bring them over to yeeld to one ceremoney after another,
\nand one corruption after another; by these wyles begyleing some &
\ncorrupting others till at length they begane to persecute all y^e
\nzealous professors in y^e land (though they knew little what this
\ndiscipline mente) both by word & deed, if they would not submitte to
\ntheir ceremonies, & become slaves to them & their popish trash, which
\nhave no ground in y^e word of God, but are relikes of y^t man of sine.
\nAnd the more y^e light of y^e gospell grew, y^e more y^ey urged their
\nsubscriptions to these corruptions. So as (notwithstanding all their
\nformer pretences & fair colures) they whose eyes God had not justly
\nblinded might easily see wherto these things tended. And to cast
\ncontempte the more upon y^e sincere servants of God, they opprobriously
\n& most injuriously gave unto, & imposed upon them, that name of
\nPuritans, which [it] is said the Novatians out of prid did assume &
\ntake unto themselves.[E] And lamentable it is to see y^e effects which
\nhave followed. Religion hath been disgraced, the godly greeved,
\nafflicted, persecuted, and many exiled, sundrie have lost their lives in
\nprisones & otherways. On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced,
\nignorance, profannes, & atheisme increased, & the papists encouraged to
\nhope againe for a day.<\/p>\n
This made that holy man Mr. Perkins[F] crie out in his exhortation to
\nrepentance, upon Zeph. 2. _Religion_ (saith he) _hath been amongst us
\nthis 35. years; but the more it is published, the more it is contemned &
\nreproached of many, &c. Thus not prophanes nor wickednes, but Religion
\nit selfe is a byword, a moking-stock, & a matter of reproach; so that in
\nEngland at this day the man or woman y^t begines to profes Religion, &
\nto serve God, must resolve with him selfe to sustaine_ [5] _mocks &
\ninjueries even as though he lived amongst y^e enimies of Religion._ And
\nthis co[=m]one experience hath confirmed & made too apparente.<\/p>\n
_A late observation, as it were by the way, worthy to be Noted._[G]<\/p>\n
Full litle did I thinke, y^t the downfall of y^e Bishops, with their
\ncourts, cannons, & ceremonies, &c. had been so neare, when I first
\nbegane these scribled writings (which was aboute y^e year 1630, and so
\npeeced up at times of leasure afterward), or that I should have lived
\nto have seene or heard of y^e same; but it is y^e Lords doing, and
\nought to be marvelous in our eyes! Every plante which mine heavenly
\nfather hath not planted (saith our Saviour) shall be rooted up. Mat:
\n15. 13.[H] I have snared the, and thou art taken, O Babell (Bishops),
\nand thou wast not aware; thou art found, and also caught, because thou
\nhast striven against the Lord. Jer. 50. 24. But will they needs strive
\nagainst y^e truth, against y^e servants of God; what, & against the
\nLord him selfe? Doe they provoke the Lord to anger? Are they stronger
\nthan he? 1. Cor: 10. 22. No, no, they have mete with their match.
\nBehold, I come unto y^e, O proud man, saith the Lord God of hosts; for
\nthy day is come, even the time that I will visite the. Jer: 50. 31.
\nMay not the people of God now say (and these pore people among y^e
\nrest), The Lord hath brought forth our righteousnes; come, let us
\ndeclare in Sion the work of the Lord our God. Jer: 51. 10. Let all
\nflesh be still before the Lord; for he is raised up out of his holy
\nplace. Zach: 2. 13.<\/p>\n
In this case, these poore people may say (among y^e thousands of
\nIsrall), _When the Lord brougt againe the captivite of Zion, we were
\nlike them that dreame. Psa: 126. 1. The Lord hath done greate things
\nfor us, wherof we rejoyce. v. 3. They that sow in teares, shall reap
\nin joye. They wente weeping, and carried precious seede, but they
\nshall returne with joye, and bring their sheaves, v. 5, 6._<\/p>\n
Doe you not now see y^e fruits of your labours, O all yee servants of
\ny^e Lord that have suffered for his truth, and have been faithfull
\nwitneses of y^e same, and yee litle handfull amongst y^e rest, y^e
\nleast amongest y^e thousands of Israll? You have not only had a seede
\ntime, but many of you have seene y^e joyefull harvest; should you not
\nthen rejoyse, yea, and againe rejoyce, and say Hallelu-iah,
\nsalvation, and glorie, and honour, and power, be to y^e Lord our God;
\nfor true and righteous are his judgments. Rev. 19. 1, 2.<\/p>\n
But thou wilte aske what is y^e mater? What is done? Why, art thou a
\nstranger in Israll, that thou shouldest not know what is done? Are not
\nthose Jebusites overcome that have vexed the people of Israll so long,
\neven holding Jerusalem till Davids days, and been as thorns in their
\nsids, so many ages; and now begane to scorne that any David should
\nmeadle with them; they begane to fortifie their tower, as that of the
\nold Babelonians; but those proud Anakimes are throwne downe, and their
\nglory laid in y^e dust. The tiranous bishops are ejected, their courts
\ndissolved, their cannons forceless, their servise casheired, their
\nceremonies uselese and despised; their plots for popery prevented, and
\nall their superstitions discarded & returned to Roome from whence they
\ncame, and y^e monuments of idolatrie rooted out of y^e land. And the
\nproud and profane suporters, and cruell defenders of these (as bloody
\npapists & wicked athists, and their malignante consorts) marvelously
\nover throwne. And are not these greate things? Who can deney it?<\/p>\n
But who hath done it? Who, even he that siteth on y^e white horse, who
\nis caled faithfull, & true, and judgeth and fighteth righteously, Rev:
\n19. 11. whose garments are dipte in blood, and his name was caled the
\nword of God, v. 13. for he shall rule them with a rode of iron; for it
\nis he that treadeth the winepress of the feircenes and wrath of God
\nalmighty. And he hath upon his garmente, and upon his thigh, a name
\nwriten, The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, v. 15, 16.<\/p>\n
Hallelu-iah.<\/p>\n
Anno Dom: 1646.<\/p>\n
But that I may come more near my intendmente; when as by the travell &
\ndiligence of some godly & zealous preachers, & Gods blessing on their
\nlabours, as in other places of y^e land, so in y^e North parts, many
\nbecame inlightened by the word of God, and had their ignorance & sins
\ndiscovered unto them, and begane by his grace to reforme their lives,
\nand make conscience of their wayes, the worke of God was no sooner
\nmanifest in them, but presently they were both scoffed and scorned by
\ny^e prophane multitude, and y^e ministers urged with y^e yoak of
\nsubscription, or els must be silenced; and y^e poore people were so
\nvexed with apparators, & pursuants, & y^e comissarie courts, as truly
\ntheir affliction was not smale; which, notwithstanding, they bore
\nsundrie years with much patience, till they were occasioned (by y^e
\ncontinuance & encrease of these troubls, and other means which the Lord
\nraised up in those days) to see further into things by the light of y^e
\nword of God. How not only these base and beggerly ceremonies were
\nunlawfull, but also that y^e lordly & tiranous power of y^e prelats
\nought not to be submitted unto; which thus, contrary to the freedome of
\nthe gospell, would load & burden mens consciences, and by their
\ncompulsive power make a prophane mixture of persons & things in the
\nworship of God. And that their offices & calings, courts & cannons, &c.
\nwere unlawfull and antichristian; being such as have no warrante in y^e
\nword of God; but the same y^t were used in poperie, & still retained. Of
\nwhich a famous author thus writeth in his Dutch co[=m]taries.[I] At the
\ncoming of king James into England; _The new king_ (saith he) _found
\ntheir established y^e reformed religion, according to y^e reformed
\nreligion of king Edward y^e 6. Retaining, or keeping still y^e
\nspirituall state of y^e Bishops, &c. after y^e ould maner, much varying
\n& differing from y^e reformed churches in Scotland, France, & y^e
\nNeatherlands, Embden, Geneva, &c. whose reformation is cut, or shapen
\nmuch nerer y^e first Christian churches, as it was used in y^e Apostles
\ntimes._[J]<\/p>\n
[6] So many therfore of these proffessors as saw y^e evill of these
\nthings, in thes parts, and whose harts y^e Lord had touched w^th
\nheavenly zeale for his trueth, they shooke of this yoake of
\nantichristian bondage, and as y^e Lords free people, joyned them selves
\n(by a covenant of the Lord) into a church estate, in y^e felowship of
\ny^e gospell, to walke in all his wayes, made known, or to be made known
\nunto them, according to their best endeavours, whatsoever it should cost
\nthem, the Lord assisting them. And that it cost them something this
\nensewing historie will declare.<\/p>\n
These people became 2. distincte bodys or churches, & in regarde of
\ndistance of place did congregate severally; for they were of sundrie
\ntownes & vilages, some in Notingamshire, some of Lincollinshire, and
\nsome of Yorkshire, wher they border nearest togeather. In one of these
\nchurches (besids others of note) was Mr. John Smith, a man of able
\ngifts, & a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor. But
\nthese afterwards falling into some errours in y^e Low Countries, ther
\n(for y^e most part) buried them selves, & their names.<\/p>\n
But in this other church (w^ch must be y^e subjecte of our discourse)
\nbesids other worthy men, was M^r. Richard Clifton, a grave and
\nrever[=e]d preacher, who by his paines and dilligens had done much good,
\nand under God had ben a means of y^e conversion of many. And also that
\nfamous and worthy man M^r. John Robinson, who afterwards was their
\npastor for many years, till y^e Lord tooke him away by death. Also M^r.
\nWilliam Brewster a reverent man, who afterwards was chosen an elder of
\ny^e church and lived with them till old age.<\/p>\n
But after these things they could not long continue in any peaceable
\ncondition, but were hunted & persecuted on every side, so as their
\nformer afflictions were but as flea-bitings in comparison of these which
\nnow came upon them. For some were taken & clapt up in prison, others had
\ntheir houses besett & watcht night and day, & hardly escaped their
\nhands; and y^e most were faine to flie & leave their howses &
\nhabitations, and the means of their livelehood. Yet these & many other
\nsharper things which affterward befell them, were no other then they
\nlooked for, and therfore were y^e better prepared to bear them by y^e
\nassistance of Gods grace & spirite. Yet seeing them selves thus
\nmolested, [7] and that ther was no hope of their continuance ther, by a
\njoynte consente they resolved to goe into y^e Low-Countries, wher they
\nheard was freedome of Religion for all men; as also how sundrie from
\nLondon, & other parts of y^e land, had been exiled and persecuted for
\ny^e same cause, & were gone thither, and lived at Amsterdam, & in other
\nplaces of y^e land. So affter they had continued togeither aboute a
\nyear, and kept their meetings every Saboth in one place or other,
\nexercising the worship of God amongst them selves, notwithstanding all
\ny^e dilligence & malice of their adverssaries, they seeing they could no
\nlonger continue in y^t condition, they resolved to get over into
\nHoll[=a]d as they could; which was in y^e year 1607. & 1608.; of which
\nmore at large in y^e next chap.<\/p>\n
2. Chap.<\/p>\n
_Of their departure into Holland and their troubls ther aboute, with
\nsome of the many difficulties they found and mete withall_.<\/p>\n
An^o. 1608.<\/p>\n
Being thus constrained to leave their native soyle and countrie, their
\nlands & livings, and all their freinds & famillier acquaintance, it was
\nmuch, and thought marvelous by many. But to goe into a countrie they
\nknew not (but by hearsay), wher they must learne a new language, and get
\ntheir livings they knew not how, it being a dear place, & subjecte to
\ny^e misseries of warr, it was by many thought an adventure almost
\ndesperate, a case intolerable, & a misserie worse then death. Espetially
\nseeing they were not aquainted with trads nor traffique, (by which y^t
\ncountrie doth subsiste,) but had only been used to a plaine countrie
\nlife, & y^e inocente trade of husbandrey. But these things did not
\ndismay them (though they did some times trouble them) for their desires
\nwere sett on y^e ways of God, & to injoye his ordinances; but they
\nrested on his providence, & knew whom they had beleeved. Yet [8] this
\nwas not all, for though they could not stay, yet were y^e not suffered
\nto goe, but y^e ports and havens were shut against them, so as they were
\nfaine to seeke secrete means of conveance, & to bribe & fee y^e
\nmariners, & give exterordinarie rates for their passages. And yet were
\nthey often times betrayed (many of them), and both they & their goods
\nintercepted & surprised, and therby put to great trouble & charge, of
\nwhich I will give an instance or tow, & omitte the rest.<\/p>\n
Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get passage at Boston in
\nLincoln-shire, and for that end had hired a shipe wholy to them selves,
\n& made agreement with the maister to be ready at a certaine day, and
\ntake them and their goods in, at a conveniente place, wher they
\naccordingly would all attende in readines. So after long waiting, &
\nlarge expences, though he kepte not day with them, yet he came at
\nlength & tooke them in, in y^e night. But when he had them & their goods
\nabord, he betrayed them, haveing before hand complotted with y^e
\nserchers & other officers so to doe; who tooke them, and put them into
\nopen boats, & ther rifled & ransaked them, searching them to their
\nshirts for money, yea even y^e women furder then became modestie; and
\nthen caried them back into y^e towne, & made them a spectackle & wonder
\nto the multitude, which came flocking on all sids to behould them. Being
\nthus first, by the chatch-poule officers, rifled, & stripte of their
\nmoney, books, and much other goods, they were presented to y^e
\nmagestrates, and messengers sente to informe y^e lords of y^e Counsell
\nof them; and so they were co[=m]ited to ward. Indeed y^e magestrats used
\nthem courteously, and shewed them what favour they could; but could not
\ndeliver them, till order came from y^e Counsell-table. But y^e issue was
\nthat after a months imprisonmente, y^e greatest parte were dismiste, &
\nsent to y^e places from whence they came; but 7. of y^e principall were
\nstill kept in prison, and bound over to y^e Assises.<\/p>\n
The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte made by some of these
\n& others, to get over at an other place. And it so fell out, that they
\nlight of a Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his owne belonging to
\nZealand; they made agreemente with him, and acquainted [9] him with
\ntheir condition, hoping to find more faithfullnes in him, then in y^e
\nformer of their owne nation. He bad them not fear, for he would doe well
\nenough. He was by appointment to take them in betweene Grimsbe & Hull,
\nwher was a large co[=m]one a good way distante from any towne. Now
\naganst the prefixed time, the women & children, with y^e goods, were
\nsent to y^e place in a small barke, which they had hired for y^t end;
\nand y^e men were to meete them by land. But it so fell out, that they
\nwere ther a day before y^e shipe came, & y^e sea being rough, and y^e
\nwomen very sicke, prevailed with y^e seamen to put into a creeke hardby,
\nwher they lay on ground at lowwater. The nexte morning y^e shipe came,
\nbut they were fast, & could not stir till aboute noone. In y^e mean
\ntime, y^e shipe maister, perceiveing how y^e matter was, sente his boate
\nto be getting y^e men abord whom he saw ready, walking aboute y^e shore.
\nBut after y^e first boat full was gott abord, & she was ready to goe for
\nmore, the m^r espied a greate company, both horse & foote, with bills, &
\ngunes, & other weapons; for y^e countrie was raised to take them. Y^e
\nDutch-man seeing y^t, swore his countries oath, “sacremente,” and having
\ny^e wind faire, waiged his Ancor, hoysed sayles, & away. But y^e poore
\nmen which were gott abord, were in great distress for their wives and
\nchildren, which they saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of
\ntheir helps; and them selves also, not having a cloath to shifte them
\nwith, more then they had on their baks, & some scarce a peney aboute
\nthem, all they had being abord y^e barke. It drew tears from their eyes,
\nand any thing they had they would have given to have been a shore
\nagaine; but all in vaine, ther was no remedy, they must thus sadly part.
\nAnd afterward endured a fearfull storme at sea, being 14. days or more
\nbefore y^ey arived at their porte, in 7. wherof they neither saw son,
\nmoone, nor stars, & were driven near y^e coast of Norway; the mariners
\nthem selves often despairing of life; and once with shriks & cries gave
\nover all, as if y^e ship had been foundred in y^e sea, & they sinking
\nwithout recoverie. But when mans hope & helpe wholy failed, y^e Lords
\npower & mercie appeared in ther recoverie; for y^e ship rose againe, &
\ngave y^e mariners courage againe to manage her. And if modestie woud
\nsuffer me, I might declare with what fervente [10] prayres they cried
\nunto y^e Lord in this great distres, (espetialy some of them,) even
\nwithout any great distraction, when y^e water rane into their mouthes &
\nears; & the mariners cried out, We sinke, we sinke; they cried (if not
\nwith mirakelous, yet with a great hight or degree of devine faith), Yet
\nLord thou canst save, yet Lord thou canst save; with shuch other
\nexpressions as I will forbeare. Upon which y^e ship did not only
\nrecover, but shortly after y^e violence of y^e storme begane to abate,
\nand y^e Lord filed their afflicted minds with shuch comforts as every
\none ca[=n]ot understand, and in y^e end brought them to their desired
\nHaven, wher y^e people came flockeing admiring their deliverance, the
\nstorme having ben so longe & sore, in which much hurt had been don, as
\ny^e masters freinds related unto him in their congrattulations.<\/p>\n
But to returne to y^e others wher we left. The rest of y^e men y^t were
\nin greatest danger, made shift to escape away before y^e troope could
\nsurprise them; those only staying y^t best might, to be assistante unto
\ny^e women. But pitifull it was to see y^e heavie case of these poore
\nwomen in this distress; what weeping & crying on every side, some for
\ntheir husbands, that were caried away in y^e ship as is before related;
\nothers not knowing what should become of them, & their litle ones;
\nothers againe melted in teares, seeing their poore litle ones hanging
\naboute them, crying for feare, and quaking with could. Being thus
\naprehended, they were hurried from one place to another, and from one
\njustice to another, till in y^e ende they knew not what to doe with
\nthem; for to imprison so many women & innocent children for no other
\ncause (many of them) but that they must goe with their husbands, semed
\nto be unreasonable and all would crie out of them; and to send them home
\nagaine was as difficult, for they aledged, as y^e trueth was, they had
\nno homes to goe to, for they had either sould, or otherwise disposed of
\ntheir houses & livings. To be shorte, after they had been thus turmolyed
\na good while, and conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad
\nto be ridd of them in y^e end upon any termes; for all were wearied &
\ntired with them. Though in y^e mean time they (poore soules) indured
\nmiserie enough; and thus in the end necessitie forste a way for them.<\/p>\n
But y^t I be not tedious in these things, I will omitte y^e rest, though
\nI might relate many other notable passages and troubles which they
\nendured & underwente in these their wanderings & travells both at land &
\nsea; but I hast to [11] other things. Yet I may not omitte y^e fruite
\nthat came hearby, for by these so publick troubls, in so many eminente
\nplaces, their cause became famouss, & occasioned many to looke into y^e
\nsame; and their godly cariage & Christian behaviour was such as left a
\ndeep impression in the minds of many. And though some few shrunk at
\nthese first conflicts & sharp beginings, (as it was no marvell,) yet
\nmany more came on with fresh courage, & greatly animated others. And in
\ny^e end, notwithstanding all these stormes of oppossition, they all gatt
\nover at length, some at one time & some at an other, and some in one
\nplace & some in an other, and mette togeather againe according to their
\ndesires, with no small rejoycing.<\/p>\n
The 3. Chap.<\/p>\n
_Of their setling in Holand, & their maner of living, & entertainmente
\nther._<\/p>\n
Being now come into y^e Low Countries, they saw many goodly & fortified
\ncities, strongly walled and garded with troopes of armed men. Also they
\nheard a strange & uncouth language, and beheld y^e differente ma[=n]ers
\n& customes of y^e people, with their strange fashons and attires; all so
\nfarre differing from y^t of their plaine countrie villages (wherin they
\nwere bred, & had so longe lived) as it seemed they were come into a new
\nworld. But these were not y^e things they much looked on, or long tooke
\nup their thoughts; for they had other work in hand, & an other kind of
\nwarr to wage & maintaine. For though they saw faire & bewtifull cities,
\nflowing with abundance of all sorts of welth & riches, yet it was not
\nlonge before they saw the gri[=m]e & grisly face of povertie coming upon
\nthem like an armed man, with whom they must bukle & incounter, and from
\nwhom they could not flye; but they were armed with faith & patience
\nagainst him, and all his encounters; and though they were sometimes
\nfoyled, yet by Gods assistance they prevailed and got y^e victorie.<\/p>\n
Now when M^r. Robinson, M^r. Brewster, & other principall members were
\ncome over, (for they were of y^e last, & stayed to help y^e weakest
\nover before them,) such things were [12] thought on as were necessarie
\nfor their setling and best ordering of y^e church affairs. And when they
\nhad lived at Amsterdam aboute a year, M^r. Robinson, their pastor, and
\nsome others of best discerning, seeing how M^r. John Smith and his
\ncompanie was allready fallen in to contention with y^e church y^t was
\nther before them, & no means they could use would doe any good to cure
\ny^e same, and also that y^e flames of contention were like to breake out
\nin y^t anciente church it selfe (as affterwards lamentably came to
\npass); which things they prudently foreseeing, thought it was best to
\nremove, before they were any way engaged with y^e same; though they well
\nknew it would be much to y^e prejudice of their outward estats, both at
\npresente & in licklyhood in y^e future; as indeed it proved to be.<\/p>\n
_Their remoovall to Leyden._<\/p>\n
For these & some other reasons they removed to Leyden, a fair &
\nbewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation, but made more famous by y^e
\nuniversitie wherwith it is adorned, in which of late had been so many
\nlearned men. But wanting that traffike by sea which Amsterdam injoyes,
\nit was not so beneficiall for their outward means of living & estats.
\nBut being now hear pitchet they fell to such trads & imployments as they
\nbest could; valewing peace & their spirituall comforte above any other
\nriches whatsoever. And at lenght they came to raise a competente &
\ncomforteable living, but with hard and continuall labor.<\/p>\n
Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they continued many years in
\na comfortable condition, injoying much sweete & delightefull societie &
\nspirituall comforte togeather in y^e wayes of God, under y^e able
\nministrie, and prudente governmente of M^r. John Robinson, & M^r.
\nWilliam Brewster, who was an assistante unto him in y^e place of an
\nElder, unto which he was now called & chosen by the church. So as they
\ngrew in knowledge & other gifts & graces of y^e spirite of God, & lived
\ntogeather in peace, & love, and holines; and many came unto them from
\ndiverse parts of England, so as they grew a great congregation. And if
\nat any time any differences arose, or offences broak[13] out (as it
\ncannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst y^e best of men) they
\nwere ever so mete with, and nipt in y^e head betims, or otherwise so
\nwell composed, as still love, peace, and communion was continued; or els
\ny^e church purged of those that were incurable & incorrigible, when,
\nafter much patience used, no other means would serve, which seldom came
\nto pass. Yea such was y^e mutuall love, & reciprocall respecte that this
\nworthy man had to his flocke, and his flocke to him, that it might be
\nsaid of them as it once was of y^t famouse Emperour Marcus Aurelious,[K]
\nand y^e people of Rome, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted
\nmore in haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing such a pastor. His
\nlove was greate towards them, and his care was all ways bente for their
\nbest good, both for soule and body; for besids his singuler abilities in
\ndevine things (wherin he excelled), he was also very able to give
\ndirections in civill affaires, and to foresee dangers & inconveniences;
\nby w^ch means he was very helpfull to their outward estats, & so was
\nevery way as a commone father unto them. And none did more offend him
\nthen those that were close and cleaving to them selves, and retired from
\ny^e comm[=o]e good; as also such as would be stiffe & riged in matters
\nof outward order, and invey against y^e evills of others, and yet be
\nremisse in them selves, and not so carefull to express a vertuous
\nconversation. They in like maner had ever a reverente regard unto him, &
\nhad him in precious estimation, as his worth & wisdom did deserve; and
\nthough they esteemed him highly whilst he lived & laboured amongst them,
\nyet much more after his death, when they came to feele y^e wante of his
\nhelp, and saw (by woefull experience) what a treasure they had lost, to
\ny^e greefe of their harts, and wounding of their sowls; yea such a loss
\nas they saw could not be repaired; for it was as hard for them to find
\nsuch another leader and feeder in all respects, as for y^e Taborits to
\nfind another Ziska. And though they did not call themselves orphans, as
\nthe other did, after his death, yet they had cause as much to lamente,
\nin another regard, their present condition, and after usage. But to
\nreturne; I know not but it may be spoken to y^e honour of God, & without
\nprejudice [14] to any, that such was y^e true pietie, y^e humble zeale,
\n& fervent love, of this people (whilst they thus lived together) towards
\nGod and his waies, and y^e single hartednes & sinceir affection one
\ntowards another, that they came as near y^e primative patterne of y^e
\nfirst churches, as any other church of these later times have done,
\naccording to their ranke & qualitie.<\/p>\n
But seeing it is not my purpose to treat of y^e severall passages that
\nbefell this people whilst they thus lived in y^e Low Countries, (which
\nmight worthily require a large treatise of it selfe,) but to make way to
\nshew y^e begining of this plantation, which is that I aime at; yet
\nbecause some of their adversaries did, upon y^e rumore of their
\nremovall, cast out slanders against them, as if that state had been
\nwearie of them, & had rather driven them out (as y^e heathen historians
\ndid faine of Moyses & y^e Isralits when they went out of Egipte), then
\ny^t it was their owne free choyse & motion, I will therfore mention a
\nperticuler or too to shew y^e contrary, and the good acceptation they
\nhad in y^e place wher they lived. And first though many of them weer
\npoore, yet ther was none so poore, but if they were known to be of y^t
\ncongregation, the _Dutch_ (either bakers or others) would trust them in
\nany reasonable matter when y^ey wanted money. Because they had found by
\nexperience how carfull they were to keep their word, and saw them so
\npainfull & dilligente in their callings; yea, they would strive to gett
\ntheir custome, and to imploy them above others, in their worke, for
\ntheir honestie & diligence.<\/p>\n
Againe; y^e magistrats of y^e citie, aboute y^e time of their coming
\naway, or a litle before, in y^e publick place of justice, gave this
\ncomendable testemoney of them, in y^e reproofe of the Wallons, who were
\nof y^e French church in y^t citie. These English, said they, have lived
\namongst us now this 12. years, and yet we never had any sute or
\naccusation came against any of them; but your strifs & quarels are
\ncontinuall, &c. In these times allso were y^e great troubls raised by
\ny^e Arminians, who, as they greatly mollested y^e whole state, so this
\ncitie in particuler, in which was y^e cheefe universitie; so as ther
\nwere dayly & hote disputs in y^e schooles ther aboute; and as y^he
\nstudients & other lerned were devided in their oppinions hearin, so were
\ny^e 2. proffessors or devinitie readers them selves; the one daly
\nteaching for it, y^e other against it. Which grew to that pass, that few
\nof the discipls of y^e one would hear y^e other teach. But M^r.
\nRobinson, though he taught thrise a weeke him selfe, & write sundrie
\nbooks, besids his manyfould pains otherwise, yet he went constantly [15]
\nto hear ther readings, and heard y^e one as well as y^e other; by which
\nmeans he was so well grounded in y^e controversie, and saw y^e force of
\nall their arguments, and knew y^e shifts of y^e adversarie, and being
\nhim selfe very able, none was fitter to buckle with them then him selfe,
\nas appered by sundrie disputs; so as he begane to be terrible to y^e
\nArminians; which made Episcopius (y^e Arminian professor) to put forth
\nhis best stringth, and set forth sundrie Theses, which by publick
\ndispute he would defend against all men. Now Poliander y^e other
\nproffessor, and y^e cheefe preachers of y^e citie, desired M^r. Robinson
\nto dispute against him; but he was loath, being a stranger; yet the
\nother did importune him, and tould him y^t such was y^e abilitie and
\nnimblnes of y^e adversarie, that y^e truth would suffer if he did not
\nhelp them. So as he condescended, & prepared him selfe against the time;
\nand when y^e day came, the Lord did so help him to defend y^e truth &
\nfoyle this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent nonplus, in this
\ngreat & publike audience. And y^e like he did a 2. or 3. time, upon such
\nlike occasions. The which as it caused many to praise God y^t the trueth
\nhad so famous victory, so it procured him much honour & respecte from
\nthose lerned men & others which loved y^e trueth. Yea, so farr were they
\nfrom being weary of him & his people, or desiring their absence, as it
\nwas said by some, of no mean note, that were it not for giveing offence
\nto y^e state of England, they would have preferd him otherwise if he
\nwould, and alowd them some publike favour. Yea when ther was speech of
\ntheir remoovall into these parts, sundrie of note & eminencie of y^t
\nnation would have had them come under them, and for y^t end made them
\nlarge offers. Now though I might aledg many other perticulers & examples
\nof the like kinde, to shew y^e untruth & unlicklyhode of this slander,
\nyet these shall suffice, seeing it was beleeved of few, being only
\nraised by y^e malice of some, who laboured their disgrace.<\/p>\n
The 4. Chap.<\/p>\n
_Showing y^e reasons & causes of their remoovall._<\/p>\n
After they had lived in this citie about some 11. or 12. years, (which
\nis y^e more observable being y^e whole time of y^t famose truce between
\nthat state & y^e Spaniards,) and sundrie of them were taken away by
\ndeath, & many others begane to be well striken in years, the grave
\nmistris Experience haveing taught them many things, [16] those prudent
\ngovernours with sundrie of y^e sagest members begane both deeply to
\napprehend their present dangers, & wisely to foresee y^e future, &
\nthinke of timly remedy. In y^e agitation of their thoughts, and much
\ndiscours of things hear aboute, at length they began to incline to this
\nconclusion, of remoovall to some other place. Not out of any
\nnewfanglednes, or other such like giddie humor, by which men are
\noftentimes transported to their great hurt & danger, but for sundrie
\nweightie & solid reasons; some of y^e cheefe of which I will hear
\nbreefly touch. And first, they saw & found by experience the hardnes of
\ny^e place & countrie to be such, as few in comparison would come to
\nthem, and fewer that would bide it out, and continew with them. For many
\ny^t came to them, and many more y^t desired to be with them, could not
\nendure y^t great labor and hard fare, with other inconveniences which
\nthey underwent & were contented with. But though they loved their
\npersons, approved their cause, and honoured their sufferings, yet they
\nleft them as it weer weeping, as Orpah did her mother in law Naomie, or
\nas those Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused & borne
\nwith, though they could not all be Catoes. For many, though they desired
\nto injoye y^e ordinances of God in their puritie, and y^e libertie of
\nthe gospell with them, yet, alass, they admitted of bondage, with danger
\nof conscience, rather then to indure these hardships; yea, some
\npreferred & chose y^e prisons in England, rather then this libertie in
\nHolland, with these afflictions. But it was thought that if a better and
\neasier place of living could be had, it would draw many, & take away
\nthese discouragments. Yea, their pastor would often say, that many of
\nthose w^o both wrate & preached now against them, if they were in a
\nplace wher they might have libertie and live comfortably, they would
\nthen practise as they did.<\/p>\n
2^ly. They saw that though y^e people generally bore all these
\ndifficulties very cherfully, & with a resolute courage, being in y^e
\nbest & strength of their years, yet old age began to steale on many of
\nthem, (and their great & continuall labours, with other crosses and
\nsorrows, hastened it before y^e time,) so as it was not only probably
\nthought, but apparently seen, that within a few years more they would be
\nin danger to scatter, by necessities pressing them, or sinke under their
\nburdens, or both. And therfore according to y^e devine proverb, y^t a
\nwise man seeth y^e plague when it cometh, & hideth him selfe, Pro. 22.
\n3., so they like skillfull & beaten souldiers were fearfull either to be
\nintrapped or surrounded by their enimies, so as they should neither be
\nable to fight nor flie; and therfor thought it better to dislodge
\nbetimes to some place of better advantage & less danger, if any such
\ncould be found. [16] Thirdly; as necessitie was a taskmaster over them,
\nso they were forced to be such, not only to their servants, but in a
\nsorte, to their dearest chilldren; the which as it did not a litle wound
\ny^e tender harts of many a loving father & mother, so it produced
\nlikwise sundrie sad & sorowful effects. For many of their children, that
\nwere of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, haveing lernde to
\nbear y^e yoake in their youth, and willing to bear parte of their
\nparents burden, were, often times, so oppressed with their hevie
\nlabours, that though their minds were free and willing, yet their bodies
\nbowed under y^e weight of y^e same, and became decreped in their early
\nyouth; the vigor of nature being consumed in y^e very budd as it were.
\nBut that which was more lamentable, and of all sorowes most heavie to be
\nborne, was that many of their children, by these occasions, and y^e
\ngreat licentiousnes of youth in y^t countrie, and y^e manifold
\ntemptations of the place, were drawne away by evill examples into
\nextravagante & dangerous courses, getting y^e raines off their neks, &
\ndeparting from their parents. Some became souldiers, others tooke upon
\nthem farr viages by sea, and other some worse courses, tending to
\ndissolutnes & the danger of their soules, to y^e great greefe of their
\nparents and dishonour of God. So that they saw their posteritie would be
\nin danger to degenerate & be corrupted.<\/p>\n
Lastly, (and which was not least,) a great hope & inward zeall they had
\nof laying some good foundation, or at least to make some way therunto,
\nfor y^e propagating & advancing y^e gospell of y^e kingdom of Christ in
\nthose remote parts of y^e world; yea, though they should be but even as
\nstepping-stones unto others for y^e performing of so great a work.<\/p>\n
These, & some other like reasons, moved them to undertake this
\nresolution of their removall; the which they afterward prosecuted with
\nso great difficulties, as by the sequell will appeare.<\/p>\n
The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast & unpeopled
\ncountries of America, which are frutfull & fitt for habitation, being
\ndevoyd of all civill inhabitants, wher ther are only salvage & brutish
\nmen, which range up and downe, litle otherwise then y^e wild beasts of
\nthe same. This proposition being made publike and coming to y^e scaning
\nof all, it raised many variable opinions amongst men, and caused many
\nfears & doubts amongst them selves. Some, from their reasons & hops
\nconceived, laboured to stirr up & incourage the rest to undertake &
\nprosecute y^e same; others, againe, out of their fears, objected against
\nit, & sought to diverte from it, aledging many things, and those neither
\nunreasonable nor unprobable; as that it was a great designe, and
\nsubjecte to many unconceivable perills & dangers; as, besids the
\ncasulties of y^e seas (which none can be freed from) the length of y^e
\nvioage was such, as y^e weake bodys of women and other persons worne out
\nwith age & traville (as many of them were) could never be able to
\nendure. And yet if they should, the miseries of y^e land which they
\nshould be [17] exposed unto, would be to hard to be borne; and lickly,
\nsome or all of them togeither, to consume & utterly to ruinate them. For
\nther they should be liable to famine, and nakednes, & y^e wante, in a
\nmaner, of all things. The chang of aire, diate, & drinking of water,
\nwould infecte their bodies with sore sickneses, and greevous diseases.
\nAnd also those which should escape or overcome these difficulties,
\nshould yett be in continuall danger of y^e salvage people, who are
\ncruell, barbarous, & most trecherous, being most furious in their rage,
\nand merciles wher they overcome; not being contente only to kill, & take
\naway life, but delight to tormente men in y^e most bloodie ma[=n]er that
\nmay be; fleaing some alive with y^e shells of fishes, cutting of y^e
\nmembers & joynts of others by peesmeale, and broiling on y^e coles, eate
\ny^e collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live; with other
\ncruelties horrible to be related. And surely it could not be thought but
\ny^e very hearing of these things could not but move y^e very bowels of
\nmen to grate within them, and make y^e weake to quake & tremble. It was
\nfurder objected, that it would require greater su[=m]es of money to
\nfurnish such a voiage, and to fitt them with necessaries, then their
\nconsumed estats would amounte too; and yett they must as well looke to
\nbe seconded with supplies, as presently to be tr[=a]sported. Also many
\npresidents of ill success, & lamentable misseries befalne others in the
\nlike designes, were easie to be found, and not forgotten to be aledged;
\nbesids their owne experience, in their former troubles & hardships in
\ntheir removall into Holand, and how hard a thing it was for them to live
\nin that strange place, though it was a neighbour countrie, & a civill
\nand rich comone wealth.<\/p>\n
It was answered, that all great & honourable actions are accompanied
\nwith great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with
\nanswerable courages. It was granted y^e dangers were great, but not
\ndesperate; the difficulties were many, but not invincible. For though
\ntheir were many of them likly, yet they were not cartaine; it might be
\nsundrie of y^e things feared might never befale; others by providente
\ncare & y^e use of good means, might in a great measure be prevented; and
\nall of them, through y^e help of God, by fortitude and patience, might
\neither be borne, or overcome. True it was, that such atempts were not to
\nbe made and undertaken without good ground & reason; not rashly or
\nlightly as many have done for curiositie or hope of gaine, &c. But their
\ncondition was not ordinarie; their ends were good & honourable; their
\ncalling lawfull, & urgente; and therfore they might expecte y^e blessing
\nof God in their proceding. Yea, though they should loose their lives in
\nthis action, yet might they have comforte in the same, and their
\nendeavors would be honourable. They lived hear but as men in exile, & in
\na poore condition; and as great miseries might possibly befale them in
\nthis place, for y^e 12. years of truce were now out, & ther was nothing
\nbut beating of drumes, and preparing for warr, the events wherof are
\nallway uncertaine. Y^e Spaniard might prove as cruell as [18] the
\nsalvages of America, and y^e famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther,
\n& their libertie less to looke out for remedie. After many other
\nperticuler things answered & aledged on both sids, it was fully
\nconcluded by y^e major parte, to put this designe in execution, and to
\nprosecute it by the best means they could.<\/p>\n
The 5. Chap.<\/p>\n
_Shewing what means they used for preparation to this waightie vioag._<\/p>\n
And first after thir humble praiers unto God for his direction &
\nassistance, & a generall conferrence held hear aboute, they consulted
\nwhat perticuler place to pitch upon, & prepare for. Some (& none of y^e
\nmeanest) had thoughts & were ernest for Guiana, or some of those fertill
\nplaces in those hott climats; others were for some parts of Virginia,
\nwher y^e English had all ready made enterance, & begining. Those for
\nGuiana aledged that the cuntrie was rich, fruitfull, & blessed with a
\nperpetuall spring, and a florishing greenes; where vigorous nature
\nbrought forth all things in abundance & plentie without any great labour
\nor art of man. So as it must needs make y^e inhabitants rich, seing less
\nprovisions of clothing and other things would serve, then in more
\ncoulder & less frutfull countries must be had. As also y^t the Spaniards
\n(having much more then they could possess) had not yet planted there,
\nnor any where very near y^e same. But to this it was answered, that out
\nof question y^e countrie was both frutfull and pleasante, and might
\nyeeld riches & maintenance to y^e possessors, more easily then y^e
\nother; yet, other things considered, it would not be so fitt for them.
\nAnd first, y^t such hott countries are subject to greevuos diseases,
\nand many noysome impediments, which other more temperate places are
\nfreer from, and would not so well agree with our English bodys. Againe,
\nif they should ther live, & doe well, the jealous Spaniard would never
\nsuffer them long, but would displante or overthrow them, as he did y^e
\nFrench in Florida, who were seated furder from his richest countries;
\nand the sooner because they should have none to protect them, & their
\nowne strength would be too smale to resiste so potent an enemie, & so
\nneare a neighbor.<\/p>\n
On y^e other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if they lived
\namong y^e English w^ch wear ther planted, or so near them as to be under
\ntheir goverment, they should be in as great danger to be troubled and
\npersecuted for the cause of religion, as if they lived in England, and
\nit might be worse. And if they lived too farr of, they should neither
\nhave succour, nor defence from them.<\/p>\n
But at length y^e conclusion was, to live as a distincte body by them
\nselves, under y^e generall Goverment of Virginia; and by their freinds
\nto sue to his majestie that he would be pleased to grant them freedome
\nof Religion; and y^t this might be obtained, they wear putt in good hope
\nby some great persons, of good ranke & qualitie, that were made their
\nfreinds. Whereupon 2. were chosen [19] & sent in to England (at y^e
\ncharge of y^e rest) to sollicite this matter, who found the Virginia
\nCompany very desirous to have them goe thither, and willing to grante
\nthem a patent, with as ample priviliges as they had, or could grant to
\nany, and to give them the best furderance they could. And some of y^e
\ncheefe of y^t company douted not to obtaine their suite of y^e king for
\nliberty in Religion, and to have it confirmed under y^e kings broad
\nseale, according to their desires. But it prooved a harder peece of
\nworke then they tooke it for; for though many means were used to bring
\nit aboute, yet it could not be effected; for ther were diverse of good
\nworth laboured with the king to obtaine it, (amongst whom was one of his
\ncheefe secretaries,[L]) and some other wrought with y^e archbishop to
\ngive way therunto; but it proved all in vaine. Yet thus farr they
\nprevailed, in sounding his majesties mind, that he would connive at
\nthem, & not molest them, provided they carried them selves peacably. But
\nto allow or tolerate them by his publick authoritie, under his seale,
\nthey found it would not be. And this was all the cheefe of y^e Virginia
\ncompanie or any other of their best freinds could doe in the case. Yet
\nthey perswaded them to goe on, for they presumed they should not be
\ntroubled. And with this answer y^e messengers returned, and signified
\nwhat diligence had bene used, and to what issue things were come.<\/p>\n
But this made a dampe in y^e busines, and caused some distraction, for
\nmany were afraid that if they should unsetle them selves, & put of their
\nestates, and goe upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and but a
\nsandie foundation. Yea, it was thought they might better have presumed
\nhear upon without makeing any suite at all, then, haveing made it, to be
\nthus rejected. But some of y^e cheefest thought other wise, and y^t they
\nmight well proceede hereupon, & that y^e kings majestie was willing
\nenough to suffer them without molestation, though for other reasons he
\nwould not confirme it by any publick acte. And furdermore, if ther was
\nno securitie in this promise intimated, ther would be no great certainty
\nin a furder confirmation of y^e same; for if after wards ther should be
\na purpose or desire to wrong them, though they had a seale as broad as
\ny^e house flore, it would not serve y^e turne; for ther would be means
\nenew found to recall or reverse it. Seeing therfore the course was
\nprobable, they must rest herein on Gods providence, as they had done in
\nother things.<\/p>\n
Upon this resolution, other messengers were dispatched, to end with y^e
\nVirginia Company as well as they could. And to procure [20] a patent
\nwith as good and ample conditions as they might by any good means
\nobtaine. As also to treate and conclude with such merchants and other
\nfreinds as had manifested their forwardnes to provoke too and adventure
\nin this vioage. For which end they had instructions given them upon
\nwhat conditions they should proceed with them, or els to conclude
\nnothing without further advice. And here it will be requisite to inserte
\na letter or too that may give light to these proceedings.<\/p>\n
_A coppie of leter from Sir Edwin Sands, directed to M^r. John Robinson
\n& M^r. William Brewster._<\/p>\n
After my hartie salutations. The agents of your congregation, Robert
\nCushman & John Carver, have been in co[=m]unication with diverse
\nselecte gentlemen of his Majesties Counsell for Virginia; and by y^e
\nwriting of 7. Articles subscribed with your names, have given them y^t
\ngood degree of satisfaction, which hath caried them on with a
\nresolution to sett forward your desire in y^e best sorte y^t may be,
\nfor your owne & the publick good. Divers perticulers wherof we leave
\nto their faithfull reporte; having carried them selves heere with that
\ngood discretion, as is both to their owne and their credite from
\nwhence they came. And wheras being to treate for a multitude of
\npeople, they have requested further time to conferr with them that are
\nto be interessed in this action, aboute y^e severall particularities
\nwhich in y^e prosecution therof will fall out considerable, it hath
\nbeen very willingly assented too. And so they doe now returne unto
\nyou. If therfore it may please God so to directe your desires as that
\non your parts ther fall out no just impediments, I trust by y^e same
\ndirection it shall likewise appear, that on our parte, all forwardnes
\nto set you forward shall be found in the best sorte which with reason
\nmay be expected. And so I betake you with this designe (w^ch I hope
\nverily is y^e worke of God), to the gracious protection and blessing
\nof the Highest.<\/p>\n
Your very loving freind
\nEDWIN SANDYS.<\/p>\n
London, No[~v]b^r 12.
\nAn^o 1617.<\/p>\n
_Their answer was as foloweth._<\/p>\n
Righte Wor^pl:<\/p>\n
Our humble duties remembred, in our owne, our messengers, and our
\nchurches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmente of your singuler
\nlove, expressing [21] itselfe, as otherwise, so more spetially in your
\ngreat care and earnest endeavor of our good in this weightie bussines
\naboute Virginia, which y^e less able we are to requite, we shall
\nthinke our selves the more bound to commend in our prayers unto God
\nfor recompence; whom, as for y^e presente you rightly behould in our
\nindeavors, so shall we not be wanting on our parts (the same God
\nassisting us) to returne all answerable fruite, and respecte unto y^e
\nlabour of your love bestowed upon us. We have with y^e best speed and
\nconsideration withall that we could, sett downe our requests in
\nwriting, subscribed, as you willed, w^th the hands of y^e greatest
\nparte of our congregation, and have sente y^e same unto y^e Counsell
\nby our agente, & a deacon of our church, John Carver, unto whom we
\nhave also requested a gentleman of our company to adyone him selfe; to
\nthe care & discretion of which two, we doe referr y^e prosecuting of
\ny^e bussines. Now we perswade our selves Right Wor^pp: that we need
\nnot provoke your godly & loving minde to any further or more tender
\ncare of us, since you have pleased so farr to interest us in your
\nselfe, that, under God, above all persons and things in the world, we
\nrelye upon you, expecting the care of your love, counsell of your
\nwisdome, & the help & countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding,
\nfor your encouragmente in y^e worke, so farr as probabilities may
\nleade, we will not forbeare to mention these instances of indusmente.<\/p>\n
1. We veryly beleeve & trust y^e Lord is with us, unto whom & whose
\nservice we have given our selves in many trialls; and that he will
\ngraciously prosper our indeavours according to y^e simplicitie of our
\nharts therin.<\/p>\n
2^ly. We are well weaned from y^e delicate milke of our mother
\ncountrie, and enured to y^e difficulties of a strange and hard land,
\nwhich yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome.<\/p>\n
3^ly. The people are for the body of them, industrious, & frugall, we
\nthinke we may safly say, as any company of people in the world.<\/p>\n
4^ly. We are knite togeather as a body in a most stricte & sacred bond
\nand covenante of the Lord, of the violation[M] wherof we make great
\nconscience, and by vertue wherof we doe hould our selves straitly tied
\nto all care of each others good, and of y^e whole by every one and so
\nmutually.<\/p>\n
5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small things can
\ndiscourage, or small discontentments cause to wish them selves at home
\nagaine. We knowe our entertainmente in England, and in Holand; we
\nshall much prejudice both our arts & means by removall; who, if we
\nshould be driven to returne, we should not hope to recover our present
\nhelps and comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to
\nattaine unto y^e like in any other place during our lives, w^ch are
\nnow drawing towards their periods.<\/p>\n
[22] These motives we have been bould to tender unto you, which you
\nin your wisdome may also imparte to any other our wor^pp: freinds of
\ny^e Counsell with you; of all whose godly dispossition and loving
\ntowards our despised persons, we are most glad, & shall not faile by
\nall good means to continue & increase y^e same. We will not be further
\ntroublesome, but doe, with y^e renewed remembrance of our humble
\nduties to your Wor^pp: and (so farr as in modestie we may be bould) to
\nany other of our wellwillers of the Counsell with you, we take our
\nleaves, co[=m]iting your persons and counsels to y^e guidance and
\ndirection of the Almighty.<\/p>\n
Yours much bounden in all duty,
\nJOHN ROBINSON,
\nWILLIAM BREWSTER.<\/p>\n
Leyden, Desem: 15.
\nAn^o: 1617.<\/p>\n
For further light in these proceedings see some other letters & notes as
\nfolloweth.<\/p>\n
_The coppy of a letter sent to S^r. John Worssenham._<\/p>\n
Right Wor^pll: with due acknowledgmente of our thankfullnse for your
\nsingular care & pains in the bussines of Virginia, for our, &, we
\nhope, the co[=m]one good, we doe remember our humble dutys unto you,
\nand have sent inclosed, as is required, a further explanation of our
\njudgments in the 3. points specified by some of his majesties Hon^bl
\nPrivie Counsell; and though it be greevious unto us that such unjust
\ninsinuations are made against us, yet we are most glad of y^e occasion
\nof making our just purgation unto so honourable personages. The
\ndeclarations we have sent inclosed, the one more breefe & generall,
\nwhich we thinke y^e fitter to be presented; the other something more
\nlarge, and in which we express some smale accidentall differances,
\nwhich if it seeme good unto you and other of our wor^pl freinds, you
\nmay send in stead of y^e former. Our prayers unto God is, y^t your
\nWor^pp may see the frute of your worthy endeaours, which on our parts
\nwe shall not faile to furder by all good means in us. And so praing
\ny^t you would please with y^e convenientest speed y^t may be, to give
\nus knowledge of y^e success of y^e bussines with his majesties Privie
\nCounsell, and accordingly what your further pleasure is, either for
\nour direction or furtherance in y^e same, so we rest<\/p>\n
Your Wor^pp in all duty,
\nJOHN ROBINSON,
\nWILLIAM BREWSTER.<\/p>\n
Leyden, Jan: 27.
\nAn^o: 1617. old stile.<\/p>\n
_The first breefe note was this._<\/p>\n
Touching y^e Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for
\nteaching, elders for ruling, & deacons for distributing y^e churches
\ncontribution, as allso for y^e too Sacrements, baptisme, and y^e Lords
\nsupper, we doe wholy and in all points agree [23] with y^e French
\nreformed churches, according to their publick confession of faith.<\/p>\n
The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly take if it be required of
\nus, and that conveniente satisfaction be not given by our taking y^e
\noath of Alleagence.<\/p>\n
JOHN ROB:
\nWILLIAM BREWSTER.<\/p>\n
_Y^e 2. was this._<\/p>\n
Touching y^e Ecclesiasticall ministrie, &c. as in y^e former, we agree
\nin all things with the French reformed churches, according to their
\npublick confession of faith; though some small differences be to be
\nfound in our practises, not at all in y^e substance of the things, but
\nonly in some accidentall circumstances.<\/p>\n
1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads covered; ours
\nuncovered.<\/p>\n
2. We chose none for Governing Elders but such as are able to teach;
\nwhich abilitie they doe not require.<\/p>\n
3. Their elders & deacons are an[=u]all, or at most for 2. or 3.
\nyears; ours perpetuall.<\/p>\n
4. Our elders doe administer their office in admonitions &
\nexcommunications for publick scandals, publickly & before y^e
\ncongregation; theirs more privately, & in their consistories.<\/p>\n
5. We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as wherof y^e one
\nparente, at y^e least, is of some church, which some of ther churches
\ndoe not observe; though in it our practice accords with their publick
\nconfession and y^e judgmente of y^e most larned amongst them.<\/p>\n
Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none in these points.
\nThen aboute y^e oath, as in y^e former.<\/p>\n
Subscribed,
\nJOHN R.
\nW. B.<\/p>\n
_Part of another letter from him that delivered these._<\/p>\n
London. Feb: 14.
\n1617.<\/p>\n
Your letter to S^r. John Worstenholme I delivered allmost as soone as
\nI had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him y^e opening & reading.
\nTher were 2. papers inclosed, he read them to him selfe, as also y^e
\nletter, and in y^e reading he spake to me & said, Who shall make them?
\nviz. y^e ministers; I answered his Wor^pp that y^e power of making was
\nin y^e church, to be ordained by y^e imposition of hands, by y^e
\nfittest instruments they had. It must either be in y^e church or from
\ny^e pope, & y^e pope is Antichrist. Ho! said S^r. John, what y^e pope
\nhoulds good, (as in y^e Trinitie,) that we doe well to assente too;
\nbut, said he, we will not enter into dispute now. And as for your
\nletters he would not show them at any hand, least he should spoyle
\nall. He expected you should have been of y^e archb[~p] minde for y^e
\ncalling of ministers, but it seems you differed. I could have wished
\nto have known y^e contents of your tow inclosed, at w^ch he stuck so
\nmuch, espetially y^e larger. I asked his Wor^p what good news he had
\nfor me to write to morrow. He tould me very good news, for both the
\nkings majestie and y^e bishops have consented. He said he would goe to
\nM^r. Chancelor, S^r. Fulk Grivell, as this day, & nexte weeke I should
\nknow more. I mett S^r. Edw: Sands on Wedensday night; he wished me to
\nbe at the Virginia Courte y^e nexte Wedensday, wher I purpose to be.
\nThus loath to be troublsome at present, I hope to have somewhate nexte
\nweek of certentie concerning you. I co[=m]itte you to y^e Lord. Yours,<\/p>\n
S. B.<\/p>\n
[24] These things being long in agitation, & messengers passing too and
\nagaine aboute them, after all their hopes they were long delayed by many
\nrubs that fell in y^e way; for at y^e returne of these messengers into
\nEngland they found things farr otherwise then they expected. For y^e
\nVirginia Counsell was now so disturbed with factions and quarrels
\namongst them selves, as no bussines could well goe forward. The which
\nmay the better appear in one of the messengers letters as followeth.<\/p>\n
To his loving freinds, &c.<\/p>\n
I had thought long since to have write unto you, but could not effecte
\ny^t which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as I wished; yet,
\nnotwithstanding, I doubt not but M^r. B. hath writen to M^r. Robinson.
\nBut I thinke my selfe bound also to doe something, least I be thought
\nto neglecte you. The maine hinderance of our proseedings in y^e
\nVirginia bussines, is the dissentions and factions, as they terme it,
\namongs y^e Counsell & Company of Virginia; which are such, as that
\never since we came up no busines could by them be dispatched. The
\noccasion of this trouble amongst them is, for that a while since S^r.
\nThomas Smith, repining at his many offices & troubls, wished y^e
\nCompany of Virginia to ease him of his office in being Treasurer &
\nGover^r. of y^e Virginia Company. Wereupon y^e Company tooke occasion
\nto dismisse him, and chose S^r. Edwin Sands Treasure^r & Gover^r of
\ny^e Company. He having 60. voyces, S^r. John Worstenholme 16. voices,
\nand Alderman Johnsone 24. But S^r. Thomas Smith, when he saw some
\nparte of his honour lost, was very angrie, & raised a faction to
\ncavill & contend aboute y^e election, and sought to taxe S^r. Edwin
\nwith many things that might both disgrace him, and allso put him by
\nhis office of Governour. In which contentions they yet stick, and are
\nnot fit nor readie to intermedle in any bussines; and what issue
\nthings will come to we are not yet certaine. It is most like S^r.
\nEdwin will carrie it away, and if he doe, things will goe well in
\nVirginia; if otherwise, they will goe ill enough allways. We hope in
\nsome 2. or 3. Court days things will setle. Mean space I thinke to goe
\ndowne into Kente, & come up againe aboute 14. days, or 3. weeks hence;
\nexcept either by these afforesaid contentions, or by y^e ille tidings
\nfrom Virginia, we be wholy discouraged, of which tidings I am now to
\nspeake.<\/p>\n
Captaine Argoll is come home this weeke (he upon notice of y^e intente
\nof y^e Counsell, came away before S^r. Georg Yeardley came ther, and
\nso ther is no small dissention). But his tidings are ill, though his
\nperson be wellcome. He saith M^r. Blackwells shipe came not ther till
\nMarch, but going towards winter, they had still norwest winds, which
\ncarried them to the southward beyond their course. And y^e m^r of y^e
\nship & some 6. of y^e mariners dieing, it seemed they could not find
\ny^e bay, till after long seeking & beating aboute. M^r. Blackwell is
\ndead, & M^r. Maggner, y^e Captain; yea, ther are dead, he saith, 130.
\npersons, one & other in y^t ship; it is said ther was in all an 180.
\npersons in y^e ship, so as they were packed togeather like herings.
\nThey had amongst them y^e fluxe, and allso wante of fresh water; so as
\nit is hear rather wondred at y^t so many are alive, then that so many
\nare dead. The marchants hear say it was M^r. Blackwells faulte to pack
\nso many in y^e ship; yea, & ther were great mutterings & repinings
\namongst them, and upbraiding of M^r. Blackwell, for his dealing and
\ndispossing of them, when they saw how he had dispossed of them, & how
\nhe insulted over them. Yea, y^e streets at Gravsend runge of their
\nextreame quarrelings, crying out one of another, Thou hast brought me
\nto this, and, I may thanke the for this. Heavie newes it is, and I
\nwould be glad to heare how farr it will discourage. I see none hear
\ndiscouraged much, [25] but rather desire to larne to beware by other
\nmens harmes, and to amend that wherin they have failed. As we desire
\nto serve one another in love, so take heed of being inthraled by any
\nimperious persone, espetially if they be discerned to have an eye to
\nthem selves. It doth often trouble me to thinke that in this bussines
\nwe are all to learne and none to teach; but better so, then to depend
\nupon such teachers as M^r. Blackwell was. Such a strategeme he once
\nmade for M^r. Johnson & his people at Emden, w^ch was their
\nsubversion. But though he ther clenlily (yet unhonstly) plucked his
\nneck out of y^e collar, yet at last his foote is caught. Hear are no
\nletters come, y^e ship captain Argole came in is yet in y^e west
\nparts; all y^t we hear is but his report; it seemeth he came away
\nsecretly. The ship y^t M^r. Blackwell went in will be hear shortly. It
\nis as M^r. Robinson once said; he thought we should hear no good of
\nthem.<\/p>\n
M^r. B. is not well at this time; whether he will come back to you or
\ngoe into y^e north, I yet know not. For my selfe, I hope to see an end
\nof this bussines ere I come, though I am sorie to be thus from you; if
\nthings had gone roundly forward, I should have been with you within
\nthese 14. days. I pray God directe us, and give us that spirite which
\nis fitting for such a bussines. Thus having su[=m]arily pointed at
\nthings w^ch M^r. Brewster (I thinke) hath more largly write of to M^r.
\nRobinson, I leave you to the Lords protection.<\/p>\n
Yours in all readines, &c.
\nROBART CUSHMAN.<\/p>\n
London, May 8.
\nAn^o: 1619.<\/p>\n
A word or tow by way of digression touching this M^r. Blackwell; he was
\nan elder of y^e church at Amsterdam, a man well known of most of them.
\nHe declined from y^e trueth w^th M^r. Johnson & y^e rest, and went with
\nhim when y^ey parted assunder in y^t wofull maner, w^ch brought so great
\ndishonour to God, scandall to y^e trueth, & outward ruine to them selves
\nin this world. But I hope, notwithstanding, through y^e mercies of y^e
\nLord, their souls are now at rest with him in y^e heavens, and y^t they
\nare arrived in y^e Haven of hapines; though some of their bodies were
\nthus buried in y^e terrable seas, and others sunke under y^e burthen of
\nbitter afflictions. He with some others had prepared for to goe to
\nVirginia. And he, with sundrie godly citizens, being at a private
\nme[=e]ing (I take it a fast) in London, being discovered, many of them
\nwere apprehended, wherof M^r. Blackwell was one; but he so glosed w^th
\ny^e b[~p]s,[N] and either dissembled or flatly denyed y^e trueth which
\nformerly he had maintained; and not only so, but very unworthily
\nbetrayed and accused another godly man who had escaped, that so he
\nmight slip his own neck out of y^e collar, & to obtaine his owne
\nfreedome brought others into bonds. Wherupon he so wone y^e b[~p]s
\nfavour (but lost y^e Lord’s) as he was not only dismiste, but in open
\ncourte y^e arch-bishop gave him great applause and his sollemne blessing
\nto proseed in his vioage. But if such events follow y^e b[~p]s blessing,
\nhappie are they y^t misse y^e same; it is much better to keepe a good
\nconscience and have y^e Lords blessing, whether in life or death.<\/p>\n
But see how y^e man thus apprehended by M^r. Blackwells means, writs to
\na freind of his.<\/p>\n
Right dear friend & christian brother, _M^r. Carver_, I salute you &
\nyours in y^e Lord, &c. As for my owne presente condition, I doubt not
\nbut you well understand it ere this by our brother Maistersone, who
\nshould have tasted of y^e same cupp, had his place of residence & his
\nperson been as well knowne as my selfe. Some what I have written to
\n_M^r. Cushman_ how y^e matter _still continues_. I have petitioned
\n_twise_ to M^r. Sherives, and _once_ to my Lord Cooke, and have used
\nsuch reasons to move them to pittie, that if they were not overruled
\nby some others, I suppose I should soone gaine my libertie; as that I
\nwas a yonge man living by my [26] credite, indebted to diverse in our
\ncitie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a close & tedious
\nprison; besids great rents abroad, all my bussines lying still, my
\nonly servante lying lame in y^e countrie, my wife being also great
\nwith child. And yet no answer till y^e lords of his majesties Counsell
\ngave consente. Howbeit, M^r. Blackwell, a man as deepe in this action
\nas I, was delivered at a cheaper rate, with a great deale less adoe;
\nyea, with an addition of y^e Arch[~p]: blessing. I am sorie for M^r.
\nBlackwels weaknes, I wish it may prove no worse. But yet he & some
\nothers of them, _before their going_, were not sorie, but thought it
\nwas for y^e best that I was nominated, not because y^e Lord sanctifies
\nevill to good, but that y^e action was good, yea for y^e best. One
\nreason I well remember he used was, because this trouble would
\nencrease y^e Virginia plantation, in that now people begane to be more
\ngenerally inclined to goe; and if he had not nomminated some such as
\nI, he had not bene free, being it was knowne that diverse citizens
\nbesids them selves were ther. I expecte an answer shortly what they
\nintende conscerning me; I purpose to write to some others of you, by
\nwhom you shall know the certaintie. Thus not haveing further at
\npresent to acquaint you withall, co[=m]ending myselfe to your prairs,
\nI cease, & co[=m]itte you and us all to y^e Lord.<\/p>\n
From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter.
\nYour freind, & brother in bonds,
\nSABIN STARESMORE.<\/p>\n
Sept^r: 4. An^o: 1618.<\/p>\n
But thus much by y^e way, which may be of instruction & good use.<\/p>\n
But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, they had
\na patent granted them, and confirmed under y^e Companies seale; but
\nthese devissions and distractions had shaken of many of ther pretended
\nfreinds, and disappointed them of much of their hoped for & proffered
\nmeans. By the advise of some freinds this pattente was not taken in y^e
\nname of any of their owne, but in y^e name of Mr. John Wincob (a
\nreligious gentleman then belonging to y^e Countess of Lincoline), who
\nintended to goe with them. But God so disposed as he never went, nor
\nthey ever made use of this patente, which had cost them so much labour
\nand charge, as by y^e sequell will appeare. This patente being sente
\nover for them to veiw & consider, as also the passages aboute y^e
\npropossitions between them & such marchants & freinds as should either
\ngoe or adventure with them, and espetially with those[O] on whom y^ey
\ndid cheefly depend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been
\nlarge, they were requested to fitt and prepare them selves with all
\nspeed. A right emblime, it may be, of y^e uncertine things of this
\nworld; y^t when men have toyld them selves for them, they vanish into
\nsmoke.<\/p>\n
The 6. Chap.<\/p>\n
_Conscerning y^e agreements and artickles between them, and such
\nmarchants & others as adventured moneys; with other things falling out
\naboute making their provissions._<\/p>\n
Upon y^e receite of these things by one of their messengers, they had a
\nsollemne meeting and a day of humilliation to seeke y^e Lord for his
\ndirection; and their pastor tooke this texte, 1 _Sam_. 23. 3, 4. _And
\nDavid’s men said unto him, see, we be afraid hear in Judah, how much
\nmore if we come to Keilah against the host of the Phillistines? Then
\nDavid asked counsell of y^e Lord againe, &c._ From which texte he taught
\nmany things very aptly, and befitting ther present occasion and
\ncondition, strengthing them against their fears and perplexities, and
\nincouraging them in their resolutions. [27] After which they concluded
\nboth what number and what persons should prepare them selves to goe with
\ny^e first; for all y^t were willing to have gone could not gett ready
\nfor their other affairs in so shorte a time; neither if all could have
\nbeen ready, had ther been means to have trasported them alltogeather.
\nThose that staied being y^e greater number required y^e pastor to stay
\nwith them; and indeede for other reasons he could not then well goe, and
\nso it was y^e more easilie yeelded unto. The other then desired y^e
\nelder, M^r. Brewster, to goe with them, which was also condescended
\nunto. It was also agreed on by mutuall consente and covenante, that
\nthose that went should be an absolute church of them selves, as well as
\nthose y^t staid; seing in such a dangrous vioage, and a removall to such
\na distance, it might come to pass they should (for y^e body of them)
\nnever meete againe in this world; yet with this proviso, that as any of
\ny^e rest came over to them, or of y^e other returned upon occasion, they
\nshould be reputed as members without any further dismission or
\ntestimoniall. It was allso promised to those y^t wente first, by y^e
\nbody of y^e rest, that if y^e Lord gave them life, & me[=a]s, &
\nopportunitie, they would come to them as soone as they could.<\/p>\n
Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with y^e proseedings of
\ny^e Virginia Company, & y^e ill news from thence aboute M^r. Blackwell &
\nhis company, and making inquirey about y^e hiring & buying of shiping
\nfor their vioage, some Dutchmen made them faire offers aboute goeing
\nwith them. Also one M^r. Thomas Weston, a m^{r}chant of London, came to
\nLeyden aboute y^e same time, (who was well aquainted with some of them,
\nand a furtherer of them in their former proseedings,) haveing much
\nconferance w^th M^r. Robinson & other of y^e cheefe of them, perswaded
\nthem to goe on (as it seems) & not to medle with y^e Dutch, or too much
\nto depend on the Virginia Company; for if that failed, if they came to
\nresolution, he and such marchants as were his freinds (togeather with
\ntheir owne means) would sett them forth; and they should make ready, and
\nneither feare wante of shipping nor money; for what they wanted should
\nbe provided. And, not so much for him selfe as for y^e satisfing of such
\nfrends as he should procure to adventure in this bussines, they were to
\ndraw such articls of agreemente, and make such propossitions, as might
\ny^e better induce his freinds to venture. Upon which (after y^e formere
\nconclusion) articles were drawne & agreed unto, and were showne unto
\nhim, and approved by him; and afterwards by their messenger (M^r. John
\nCarver) sent into England, who, togeather with Robart Cushman, were to
\nreceive y^e moneys & make provissione both for shiping & other things
\nfor y^e vioage; with this charge, not to exseede their co[=m]ission, but
\nto proseed according to y^e former articles. Also some were chossen to
\ndoe y^e like for such things as were to be prepared there; so those that
\nweare to goe, prepared them selves with all speed, and sould of their
\nestats and (such as were able) put in their moneys into y^e commone
\nstock, which was disposed by those appointed, for y^e making of generall
\nprovissions. Aboute this time also they had heard, both by M^r. Weston
\nand others, y^t sundrie Hon^bl: Lords had obtained a large grante from
\ny^e king, for y^e more northerly parts of that countrie, derived out of
\ny^e Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from their Govermente, and to
\nbe called by another name, viz. New-England. Unto which M^r. Weston, and
\ny^e cheefe of them, begane to incline it was [28] best for them to goe,
\nas for other reasons, so cheefly for y^e hope of present profite to be
\nmade by y^e fishing that was found in y^t countrie.<\/p>\n
But as in all bussineses y^e acting parte is most difficulte, espetially
\nwher y^e worke of many agents must concurr, so it was found in this; for
\nsome of those y^t should have gone in England, fell of & would not goe;
\nother marchants & freinds y^t had offered to adventure their moneys
\nwithdrew, and pretended many excuses. Some disliking they wente not to
\nGuiana; others againe would adventure nothing excepte they wente to
\nVirginia. Some againe (and those that were most relied on) fell in utter
\ndislike with Virginia, and would doe nothing if they wente thither. In
\ny^e midds of these distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of their
\nestats, and laid out their moneys, were brought into a greate streight,
\nfearing what issue these things would come too; but at length y^e
\ngeneralitie was swaid to this latter opinion.<\/p>\n
But now another difficultie arose, for M^r. Weston and some other that
\nwere for this course, either for their better advantage or rather for
\ny^e drawing on of others, as they pretended, would have some of those
\nconditions altered y^t were first agreed on at Leyden. To which y^e 2.
\nagents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them who is most charged
\nwith it) did consente; seeing els y^t all was like to be dashte, & y^e
\nopportunitie lost, and y^t they which had put of their estats and paid
\nin their moneys were in hazard to be undon. They presumed to conclude
\nwith y^e marchants on those termes, in some things contrary to their
\norder & co[=m]ission, and without giving them notice of y^e same; yea,
\nit was conceled least it should make any furder delay; which was y^e
\ncause afterward of much trouble & contention.<\/p>\n
It will be meete I here inserte these conditions, which are as foloweth.<\/p>\n
An^o: 1620. July 1.<\/p>\n
1. The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person that goeth
\nbeing aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10^li., and ten pounds to
\nbe accounted a single share.<\/p>\n
2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out with
\n10^li. either in money or other provissions, be accounted as haveing
\n20^li. in stock, and in y^e devission shall receive a double share.<\/p>\n
3. The persons transported & y^e adventurers shall continue their
\njoynt stock & partnership togeather, y^e space of 7. years, (excepte
\nsome unexpected impedimente doe cause y^e whole company to agree
\notherwise,) during which time, all profits & benifits that are gott by
\ntrade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any
\nperson or persons, remaine still in y^e co[=m]one stock untill y^e
\ndivision.<\/p>\n
4. That at their co[=m]ing ther, they chose out such a number of fitt
\npersons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon y^e
\nsea; imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon y^e land; as
\nbuilding houses, tilling, and planting y^e ground, & makeing shuch
\nco[=m]odities as shall be most usefull for y^e collonie.<\/p>\n
5. That at y^e end of y^e 7. years, y^e capitall & profits, viz. the
\nhouses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided betwixte y^e
\nadventurers, and planters; w^ch done, every man shall be free from
\nother of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure.<\/p>\n
[29] 6. Whosoever cometh to y^e colonie herafter, or putteth any into
\ny^e stock, shall at the ende of y^e 7. years be alowed proportionably
\nto y^e time of his so doing.<\/p>\n
7. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall be
\nalowed for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a single share
\nin y^e devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or
\nif they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed
\nfor a person, both in tr[=a]sportation and devision.<\/p>\n
8. That such children as now goe, & are under y^e age of ten years,
\nhave noe other shar in y^e devision, but 50. acers of unmanured land.<\/p>\n
9. That such persons as die before y^e 7. years be expired, their
\nexecutors to have their parte or sharr at y^e devision, proportionably
\nto y^e time of their life in y^e collonie.<\/p>\n
10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their
\nmeate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of y^e co[=m]on stock
\n& goods of y^e said collonie.<\/p>\n
The cheefe & principall differences betwene these & the former
\nconditions, stood in those 2. points; that y^e houses, & lands improved,
\nespetialy gardens & home lotts should remaine undevided wholy to y^e
\nplanters at y^e 7. years end. 2^ly, y^t they should have had 2. days in
\na weeke for their owne private imploymente, for y^e more comforte of
\nthem selves and their families, espetialy such as had families. But
\nbecause letters are by some wise men counted y^e best parte of
\nhistories, I shall shew their greevances hereaboute by their owne
\nletters, in which y^e passages of things will be more truly discerned.<\/p>\n
_A letter of M^r. Robinsons to John Carver._<\/p>\n
June 14. 1620. N. Stile.<\/p>\n
My dear freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise remember in my
\nbest affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease to co[=m]end to
\nGod by my best & most earnest praires. You doe throwly understand by
\nour generall letters y^e estate of things hear, which indeed is very
\npitifull; espetialy by wante of shiping, and not seeing means lickly,
\nmuch less certaine, of having it provided; though withall ther be
\ngreat want of money & means to doe needfull things. M^r. Pickering,
\nyou know before this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robart
\nCushman presumed of I know not how many 100^li. from him, & I know
\nnot whom. Yet it seems strange y^t we should be put to him to receive
\nboth his & his partners adventer, and yet M^r. Weston write unto him,
\ny^t in regard of it, he hath drawne upon him a 100^li. more. But ther
\nis in this some misterie, as indeed it seems ther is in y^e whole
\ncourse. Besids, wheras diverse are to pay in some parts of their
\nmoneys yet behinde, they refuse to doe it, till they see shiping
\nprovided, or a course taken for it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man
\nhear would pay any thing, if he had againe his money in his purse. You
\nknow right well we depended on M^r. Weston alone, and upon such means
\nas he would procure for this commone bussines; and when we had in hand
\nanother course with y^e Dutchmen, broke it of at his motion, and upon
\ny^e conditions by him shortly after propounded. He did this in his
\nlove I know, but things appeare not answerable from him hitherto. That
\nhe should have first have put in his moneys, is thought by many to
\nhave been but fitt, but y^t I can well excuse, he being a marchante
\nand haveing use of it to his benefite; wheras others, if it had been
\nin their hands, would have consumed it. [30] But y^t he should not but
\nhave had either shipping ready before this time, or at least certaine
\nmeans, and course, and y^e same knowne to us for it, or have taken
\nother order otherwise, cannot in my conscience be excused. I have
\nheard y^t when he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put it of
\nfrom him selfe, and referred it to y^e others;[P] and would come to
\nGeorg Morton, & enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce
\nbeen some accessarie unto it. Wether he hath failed of some helps from
\nothers which he expected, and so be not well able to goe through with
\nthings, or whether he hath feared least you should be ready too soone
\n& so encrease y^e charge of shiping above y^t is meete, or whether he
\nhave thought by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking y^t
\ntherby M^r. Brewer and M^r. Pickering would be drawne by importunitie
\nto doe more, or what other misterie is in it, we know not; but sure we
\nare y^t things are not answerable to such an occasion. M^r. Weston
\nmaks himselfe mery with our endeavors about buying a ship, but we have
\ndone nothing in this but with good reason, as I am perswaded, nor yet
\nthat I know in any thing els, save in those tow; y^e one, that we
\nimployed Robart Cushman, who is known (though a good man, & of
\nspetiall abilities in his kind, yet) most unfitt to deale for other
\nmen, by reason of his singularitie, and too great indifferancie for
\nany conditions, and for (to speak truly) that[Q] we have had nothing
\nfrom him but termes & presumptions. The other, y^t we have so much
\nrelyed, by implicite faith as it were, upon generalities, without
\nseeing y^e perticuler course & means for so waghtie an affaire set
\ndown unto us. For shiping, M^r. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon
\nhireing, which yet I wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle
\nhope of help from hence if so it be. Of M^r. Brewer you know what to
\nexpecte. I doe not thinke M^r. Pickering will ingage, excepte in y^e
\ncourse of buying, in former letters specified. Aboute y^e conditions,
\nyou have our reasons for our judgments of what is agreed. And let this
\nspetially be borne in minde, y^t the greatest parte of y^e Collonie is
\nlike to be imployed constantly, not upon dressing ther perticuler land
\n& building houses, but upon fishing, trading, &c. So as y^e land &
\nhouse will be but a trifell for advantage to y^e adventurers, and yet
\nthe devission of it a great discouragmente to y^e planters, who would
\nwith singuler care make it comfortable with borowed houres from their
\nsleep. The same consideration of co[=m]one imploymente constantly by
\nthe most is a good reason not to have y^e 2. daies in a weeke denyed
\ny^e few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate to
\nco[=m]one good. Consider also how much unfite that you & your liks
\nmust serve a new prentishipe of 7. years, and not a daies freedome
\nfrom taske. Send me word what persons are to goe, who of usefull
\nfaculties, & how many, & perticulerly of every thing. I know you wante
\nnot a minde. I am sorie you have not been at London all this while,
\nbut y^e provissions could not wante you. Time will suffer me to write
\nno more; fare you & yours well allways in y^e Lord, in whom I rest.<\/p>\n
Yours to use,
\nJOHN ROBINSON.<\/p>\n
_An other letter from sundrie of them at y^e same time._<\/p>\n
[31] To their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cushman, these,
\n&c.<\/p>\n
Good bretheren, after salutations, &c. We received diverse letters at
\ny^e coming of M^r. Nash & our pilott, which is a great incouragmente
\nunto us, and for whom we hop after times will minister occasion of
\npraising God; and indeed had you not sente him, many would have been
\nready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of y^e new
\nconditions which have bene taken up by you, which all men are against,
\nand partly in regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those
\nmany waightie bussineses you referr to us here. For y^e former wherof,
\nwheras Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising
\ntherupon to alter y^e same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no
\nbrains, we desire him to exercise them therin, refering him to our
\npastors former reasons, and them to y^e censure of y^e godly wise. But
\nour desires are that you will not entangle your selvs and us in any
\nsuch unreasonable courses as those are, viz. y^t the marchants should
\nhave y^e halfe of mens houses and lands at y^e dividente; and that
\npersons should be deprived of y^e 2. days in a weeke agreed upon, yea
\nevery momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason wherof we
\ncannot conceive why any should carie servants for their own help and
\ncomfort; for that we can require no more of them then all men one of
\nanother. This we have only by relation from M^r. Nash, & not from any
\nwriting of your owne, & therfore hope you have not proceeded farr in
\nso great a thing without us. But requiring you not to exseed the
\nbounds of your co[=m]ission, which was to proceed upon y^e things or
\nconditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going over
\nabout it), we leave it, not without marveling, that you^r selfe, as
\nyou write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our consultations, and
\nhow few, as you fear, understands the busnes aright, should trouble us
\nwith such matters as these are, &c.<\/p>\n
Salute M^r. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived; we
\npray you make known our estate unto him, and if you thinke good shew
\nhim our letters, at least tell him (y^t under God) we much relie upon
\nhim & put our confidence in him; and, as your selves well know, that
\nif he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand;
\npresuming that if he had not seene means to accomplish it, he would
\nnot have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr help
\nus as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him. Since
\ntherfore, good brethren, we have plainly opened y^e state of things
\nwith us in this matter, you will, &c. Thus beseeching y^e Allmightie,
\nwho is allsufficiente to raise us out of this depth of dificulties, to
\nassiste us herein; raising such means by his providence and fatherly
\ncare for us, his pore children & servants, as we may with comforte
\nbehould y^e hand of our God for good towards us in this our bussines,
\nwhich we undertake in his name & fear, we take leave & remaine<\/p>\n
Your perplexed, yet hopfull
\nbretheren,<\/p>\n
S. F.
\nE. W.
\nW. B.
\nJ. A.[R]<\/p>\n
June 10. New Stille,
\nAn^o: 1620.<\/p>\n
_A letter of Robart Cushmans to them._<\/p>\n
Brethern, I understand by letters & passagess y^t have come to me,
\nthat ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceedings amongst
\nyou. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting
\nbut y^t partly by writing, and more principally by word when we shall
\ncome togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been
\nperswaded [32] by some, espetialy this bearer, to come and clear
\nthings unto you; but as things now stand I ca[=n]ot be absente one
\nday, excepte I should hazard all y^e viage. Neither conceive I any
\ngreat good would come of it. Take then, brethern, this as a step to
\ngive you contente. First, for your dislike of y^e alteration of one
\nclause in y^e conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no
\nblame lye on me at all. For y^e articles first brought over by John
\nCarver were never seene of any of y^e adventurers hear, excepte M^r.
\nWeston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; nor
\nM^r. Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at y^e
\nfirst ther was 500^li. withdrawne by S^r. Georg Farrer and his brother
\nupon that dislike, so all y^e rest would have withdrawne (M^r. Weston
\nexcepted) if we had not altered y^t clause. Now whilst we at Leyden
\nconclude upon points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which
\nwas not my falte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter y^e equitie of y^t
\ncondition, & our inconveniences, which might be sett against all M^r.
\nRob: inconveniences, that without y^e alteration of y^t clause, we
\ncould neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to
\nsubsiste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons,
\nwhich were not mine, but other mens wiser then my selfe, without
\nanswer to any one of them, here cometh over many quirimonies, and
\ncomplaints against me, of lording it over my brethern, and making
\nconditions fitter for theeves & bondslaves then honest men, and that
\nof my owne head I did what I list. And at last a paper of reasons,
\nframed against y^t clause in y^e conditions, which as y^ey were
\ndelivered me open, so my answer is open to you all. And first, as they
\nare no other but inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as
\ngreat on y^e other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them,
\nso they misse & mistake both y^e very ground of y^e article and nature
\nof y^e project. For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no
\ndivission of houses & lands, it had been better for y^e poore. True,
\nand y^t showeth y^e inequalitie of y^e condition; we should more
\nrespecte him y^t ventureth both his money and his person, then him y^t
\nventureth but his person only.<\/p>\n
2. Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing a
\nstore house; no one shall be porer then another for 7. years, and if
\nany be rich, none can be pore. At y^e least, we must not in such
\nbussines crie, Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it life in
\nwraks, not in venturs; you are by this most in a hopefull pitie of
\nmakeing, therfore complaine not before you have need.<\/p>\n
3. This will hinder y^e building of good and faire houses, contrarie
\nto y^e advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it; our purpose is to
\nbuild for y^e presente such houses as, if need be, we may with litle
\ngreefe set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; our riches shall not
\nbe in pompe, but in strenght; if God send us riches, we will imploye
\nthem to provid more men, ships, munition, &c. You may see it amongst
\nthe best pollitiks, that a co[=m]onwele is readier to ebe then to
\nflow, when once fine houses and gay cloaths come up.<\/p>\n
4. The Gove^t may prevente excess in building. A. But if it be on all
\nmen beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, y^e Gove^r laboure
\nis spared.<\/p>\n
5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean
\nwealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, qualities, then I
\nsay he that is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house,
\nfare, means, &c. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2^ly. Such
\nretired persons, as have aneie only to them selves, are fitter to
\ncome wher catching is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone,
\nthen in any societie, either civill or religious.<\/p>\n
6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5^li. A. True, it may be
\nnot worth halfe 5^li. [33] If then so smale a thing will content them,
\nwhy strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to suspecte us to
\nbe worldly & covetous? I will not say what I have heard since these
\ncomplaints came first over.<\/p>\n
7. Our freinds with us y^t adventure mind not their owne profite, as
\ndid y^e old adventurers. A. Then they are better then we, who for a
\nlitle matter of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more
\napparente brethern looke too it, that make profite your maine end;
\nrepente of this, els goe not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. 2^ly.
\nThough some of them mind not their profite, yet others doe mind it;
\nand why not as well as we? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and
\nwe must labour to give them all contente, if we can.<\/p>\n
8. It will break y^e course of co[=m]unitie, as may be showed by many
\nreasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster
\ncomunion, as may be showed by many reasons.<\/p>\n
9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, &c. A. As it
\nis better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids our living
\nstill upon it, and if such profite in y^t way come, our labour shall
\nbe y^e less on y^e land, and our houses and lands must & will be of
\nless value.<\/p>\n
10. Our hazard is greater then theirs. A. True, but doe they put us
\nupon it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not y^e motion & resolution
\nbeen always in our selves? doe they any more then in seeing us
\nresolute if we had means, help us to means upon equall termes &
\nconditions? If we will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys.
\nThus I have pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you
\nwill consider seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them.<\/p>\n
Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but
\nsurly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If
\nyou mean it of y^e 2. days in a week for perticuler, as some
\ninsinuate, you are deceived; you may have 3. days in a week for me if
\nyou will. And when I have spoken to y^e adventurers of times of
\nworking, they have said they hope we are men of discretion &
\nconscience, and so fitte to be trusted our selves with that. But
\nindeed y^e ground of our proceedings at Leyden was mistaken, and so
\nhere is nothing but tottering every day, &c.<\/p>\n
As for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as soone have gone
\nto Rome as with us; for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and
\ntheir riggour as bad to us as y^e Spanish Inquision. If any practise
\nof mine discourage them, let them yet draw back; I will undertake they
\nshall have their money againe presently paid hear. Or if the company
\nthinke me to be y^e Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe; I shall
\nbe content to stay with good will, having but the cloaths on my back;
\nonly let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full litle
\ndid I expecte these things which are now come to pass, &c.<\/p>\n
Yours,
\nR. CUSHMAN.<\/p>\n
But whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at Leyden I well
\nknow not; I rather thinke it was staied by M^r. Carver & kept by him,
\nforgiving offence. But this which follows was ther received; both which
\nI thought pertenent to recite.<\/p>\n
_Another of his to y^e aforesaid, June_ 11. 1620.[S]<\/p>\n
Salutations, &c. I received your l[~e]r. yesterday, by John Turner,
\nwith another y^e same day from Amsterdam by M^r. W. savouring of y^e
\nplace whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements I find her,
\ntogeather with y^e demurrs and retirings ther, had made me to say, I
\nwould give up my accounts to John Carver, & at his comeing aquainte
\nhim fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only y^e pore
\ncloaths on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further
\nconsideration, [34] I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to
\naquainte M^r. Weston with y^e fainted state of our bussines; and
\nthough he hath been much discontented at some thing amongst us of
\nlate, which hath made him often say, that save for his promise, he
\nwould not meadle at all with y^e bussines any more, yet considering
\nhow farr we were plunged into maters, & how it stood both on our
\ncredits & undoing, at y^e last he gathered up him selfe a litle more,
\n& coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he would not yet leave it.
\nAnd so advising togeather we resolved to hire a ship, and have tooke
\nliking of one till Monday, about 60. laste, for a greater we cannot
\ngett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing our
\nneer freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without
\ntroubling them any further; and if y^e ship fale too small, it fitteth
\nwell y^t such as stumble at strawes allready, may rest them ther a
\nwhile, least worse blocks come in y^e way ere 7. years be ended. If
\nyou had beaten this bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us
\nas now you doe, we could thus have done much more conveniently. But it
\nis as it is; I hope our freinds ther, if they be quitted of the ship
\nhire, will be indusced to venture y^e more. All y^t I now require is
\ny^t salt and netts may ther be boughte, and for all y^e rest we will
\nhere provid it; yet if that will not be, let them but stand for it a
\nmonth or tow, and we will take order to pay it all. Let M^r.
\n_Reinholds_ tarie ther, and bring y^e ship to Southampton. We have
\nhired another pilote here, one M^r. _Clarke_, who went last year to
\nVirginia with a ship of kine.<\/p>\n
You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come
\nhence on Tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to have
\nanswerd to my complaints; but I shal lerne to pass litle for their
\ncensurs; and if I had more minde to goe & dispute & expostulate with
\nthem, then I have care of this waightie bussines, I were like them who
\nlive by clamours & jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at
\nlibertie to doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather
\nstudy to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men be
\nset on it, let them beat y^e eair; I hope such as are my sinceire
\nfreinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my actions. But
\nof your mistaking aboute y^e mater, & other things tending to this
\nbussines, I shall nexte informe you more distinctly. Mean space
\nentreate our freinds not to be too bussie in answering matters, before
\nthey know them. If I doe such things as I ca[=n]ot give reasons for,
\nit is like you have sett a foole aboute your bussines, and so turne
\ny^e reproofe to your selves, & send an other, and let me come againe
\nto my Combes. But setting a side my naturall infirmities, I refuse not
\nto have my cause judged, both of God, & all indifferent men; and when
\nwe come togeather I shall give accounte of my actions hear. The Lord,
\nwho judgeth justly without respect of persons, see into y^e equitie of
\nmy cause, and give us quiet, peacable, and patient minds, in all these
\nturmoiles, and sanctifie unto us all crosses whatsoever. And so I take
\nmy leave of you all, in all love & affection.<\/p>\n
I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days.<\/p>\n
Your pore brother,
\nROBART CUSHMAN.<\/p>\n
June 11. 1620.<\/p>\n
Besids these things, ther fell out a differance amongs those 3. that
\nreceived [35] the moneys & made y^e provissions in England; for besids
\nthese tow formerly mentioned sent from Leyden for this end, viz. M^r.
\nCarver & Robart Cushman, ther was one chosen in England to be joyned
\nwith them, to make y^e provisions for y^e vioage; his name was M^r.
\nMartin, he came from Billirike in Essexe, from which parts came sundrie
\nothers to goe with them, as also from London & other places; and
\ntherfore it was thought meete & conveniente by them in Holand that these
\nstrangers that were to goe with them, should apointe one thus to be
\njoyned with them, not so much for any great need of their help, as to
\navoyd all susspition, or jelosie of any partiallitie. And indeed their
\ncare for giving offence, both in this & other things afterward, turned
\nto great inconvenience unto them, as in y^e sequell will apeare; but
\nhowever it shewed their equall & honest minds. The provissions were for
\ny^e most parte made at Southhamton, contrarie to M^r. Westons & Robert
\nCushm[=a]s mind (whose counsells did most concure in all things). A
\ntouch of which things I shall give in a letter of his to M^r. Carver,
\nand more will appear afterward.<\/p>\n
To his loving freind M^r. John Carver, these, &c.<\/p>\n
Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full of
\naffection & complaints, and what it is you would have of me I know
\nnot; for your crieing out, Negligence, negligence, negligence, I
\nmarvell why so negligente a man was used in y^e bussines. Yet know you
\ny^t all that I have power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind,
\nI warent you. You have reference to M^r. Weston to help us with money,
\nmore then his adventure; wher he protesteth but for his promise, he
\nwould not have done any thing. He saith we take a heady course, and
\nis offended y^t our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he
\nwas not made aquainted with our quantitie of things; and saith y^t in
\nnow being in 3. places, so farr remote, we will, with going up &
\ndowne, and wrangling & expostulating, pass over y^e so[=m]er before we
\nwill goe. And to speake y^e trueth, ther is fallen already amongst us
\na flatt schisme; and we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett
\nforwarde a voiage. I have received from Leyden since you wente 3. or
\n4. letters directed to you, though they only conscerne me. I will not
\ntrouble you with them. I always feared y^e event of y^e Amsterdamers
\nstriking in with us. I trow you must exco[=m]unicate me, or els you
\nmust goe without their companie, or we shall wante no quareling; but
\nlet them pass. We have reckoned, it should seeme, without our host;
\nand, counting upon a 150. persons, ther cannot be founde above
\n1200^li. & odd moneys of all y^e venturs you can reckone, besids some
\ncloath, stockings, & shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come
\nshorte at least 3. or 400^li. I would have had some thing shortened at
\nfirst of beare & other provissions in hope of other adventurs, & now
\nwe could have, both in Amsterd: & Kente, beere inough to serve our
\nturne, but now we cannot accept it without prejudice. You fear we have
\nbegune to build & shall not be able to make an end; indeed, our
\ncourses were never established by counsell, we may therfore justly
\nfear their standing. Yea, ther was a [36] schisme amongst us 3. at y^e
\nfirst. You wrote to M^r. Martin, to prevente y^e making of y^e
\nprovissions in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolution how
\nmuch he would have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or
\nexception. Surely he y^t is in a societie & yet regards not counsell,
\nmay better be a king then a consorte. To be short, if ther be not some
\nother dispossition setled unto then yet is, we y^t should be partners
\nof humilitie and peace, shall be examples of jangling & insulting. Yet
\nyour money which you ther must have, we will get provided for you
\ninstantly. 500^li. you say will serve; for y^e rest which hear & in
\nHoland is to be used, we may goe scratch for it. For M^r.[T] Crabe, of
\nwhom you write, he hath promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I
\nshall not be without feare till I see him shipped, for he is much
\nopposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke y^e best of all, and
\nbear with patience what is wanting, and y^e Lord guid us all.<\/p>\n
Your loving freind,
\nROBART CUSHMAN.<\/p>\n
London, June 10.
\nAn^o: 1620.<\/p>\n
I have bene y^e larger in these things, and so shall crave leave in some
\nlike passages following, (thoug in other things I shal labour to be more
\ncontracte,) that their children may see with what difficulties their
\nfathers wrastled in going throug these things in their first
\nbegi[=n]ings, and how God brought them along notwithstanding all their
\nweaknesses & infirmities. As allso that some use may be made hereof in
\nafter times by others in such like waightie imployments; and herewith I
\nwill end this chapter.<\/p>\n
The 7. Chap.<\/p>\n
_Of their departure from Leyden, and other things ther aboute, with
\ntheir arivall at South hamton, were they all mete togeather, and tooke
\nin ther provissions._<\/p>\n
At length, after much travell and these debats, all things were got
\nready and provided. A smale ship[U] was bought, & fitted in Holand,
\nwhich was intended as to serve to help to transport them, so to stay in
\ny^e cuntrie and atend upon fishing and shuch other affairs as might be
\nfor y^e good & benefite of y^e colonie when they came ther. Another was
\nhired at London, of burden about 9. score; and all other things gott in
\nreadines. So being ready to departe, they had a day of solleme
\nhumiliation, their pastor taking his texte from Ezra 8. 21. _And ther at
\ny^e river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves
\nbefore our God, and seeke of him a right way for us, and for our
\nchildren, and for all our substance._ Upon which he spente a good parte
\nof y^e day very profitably, and suitable to their presente occasion. The
\nrest of the time was spente in powering out prairs to y^e Lord with
\ngreat fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears. And y^e time being come
\nthat they must departe, they were accompanied with most of their
\nbrethren out of y^e citie, unto a towne sundrie miles of called
\nDelfes-Haven, wher the ship lay ready to receive them. So they lefte y^t
\ngoodly & pleasante citie, which had been ther resting place near 12.
\nyears; but they knew they were pilgrimes,[V] & looked not much on those
\nthings, but lift up their eyes to y^e heavens, their dearest cuntrie,
\nand quieted their spirits. When they [37] came to y^e place they found
\ny^e ship and all things ready; and shuch of their freinds as could not
\ncome with them followed after them, and sundrie also came from
\nAmsterdame to see them shipte and to take their leave of them. That
\nnight was spent with litle sleepe by y^e most, but with freindly
\nentertainmente & christian discourse and other reall expressions of true
\nchristian love. The next day, the wind being faire, they wente aborde,
\nand their freinds with them, where truly dolfull was y^e sight of that
\nsade and mournfull parting; to see what sighs and sobbs and praires did
\nsound amongst them, what tears did gush from every eye, & pithy speeches
\npeirst each harte; that sundry of y^e Dutch strangers y^t stood on y^e
\nkey as spectators, could not refraine from tears. Yet comfortable &
\nsweete it was to see shuch lively and true expressions of clear &
\nunfained love. But the tide (which stays for no man) caling them away
\ny^t were thus loath to departe, their Re[~v][=e]^d: pastor falling downe
\non his knees, (and they all with him,) with watrie cheeks co[=m]ended
\nthem with most fervente praiers to the Lord and his blessing. And then
\nwith mutuall imbrases and many tears, they tooke their leaves one of an
\nother; which proved to be y^e last leave to many of them.<\/p>\n
Thus hoysing saile,[W] with a prosperus winde they came in short time to
\nSouthhamton, wher they found the bigger ship come from London, lying
\nready, w^th all the rest of their company. After a joyfull wellcome, and
\nmutuall congratulations, with other frendly entertainements, they fell
\nto parley aboute their bussines, how to dispatch with y^e best
\nexpedition; as allso with their agents, aboute y^e alteration of y^e
\nconditions. M^r. Carver pleaded he was imployed hear at Hamton, and knew
\nnot well what y^e other had don at London. M^r. Cushman answered, he had
\ndone nothing but what he was urged too, partly by y^e grounds of equity,
\nand more espetialy by necessitie, other wise all had bene dasht and many
\nundon. And in y^e begining he aquainted his felow agents here with, who
\nconsented unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to receive y^e
\nmoney at London and send it downe to them at Hamton, wher they made y^e
\nprovissions; the which he accordingly did, though it was against his
\nminde, & some of y^e marchants, y^t they were their made. And for
\ngiveing them notise at Leyden of this change, he could not well in
\nregarde of y^e shortnes of y^e time; againe, he knew it would trouble
\nthem and hinder y^e bussines, which was already delayed overlong in
\nregard of y^e season of y^e year, which he feared they would find to
\ntheir cost. But these things gave not contente at presente. Mr. Weston,
\nlikwise, came up from London to see them dispatcht and to have y^e
\nconditions confirmed; but they refused, and answered him, that he knew
\nright well that these were not according to y^e first agreemente,
\nneither could they yeeld to them without y^e consente of the rest that
\nwere behind. And indeed they had spetiall charge when they came away,
\nfrom the cheefe of those that were behind, not to doe it. At which he
\nwas much offended, and tould them, they must then looke to stand on
\ntheir owne leggs. So he returned in displeasure, and this was y^e first
\nground of discontent betweene them. And wheras ther wanted well near
\n100^li. to clear things at their going away, he would not take order to
\ndisburse a penie, but let them shift as they could. [38] So they were
\nforst to selle of some of their provissions to stop this gape, which was
\nsome 3. or 4. score firkins of butter, which comoditie they might best
\nspare, haveing provided too large a quantitie of y^t kind. Then they
\nwrite a leter to y^e marchants & adventures aboute y^e diferances
\nconcerning y^e conditions, as foloweth.<\/p>\n
Aug. 3. An^o: 1620.<\/p>\n
Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion of writing
\nat all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see y^e most of
\nyou hear, but espetially because ther should any differance at all be
\nconceived betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr
\ntogeather, we thinke it meete (though brefly) to show you y^e just
\ncause & reason of our differing from those articles last made by
\nRobart Cushman, without our comission or knowledg. And though he might
\npropound good ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his doing it.
\nOur maine diference is in y^e 5. & 9. article, concerning y^e deviding
\nor holding of house and lands; the injoying wherof some of your selves
\nwell know, was one spetiall motive, amongst many other, to provoke us
\nto goe. This was thought so reasonable, y^t when y^e greatest of you
\nin adventure (whom we have much cause to respecte), when he
\npropounded conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he set this
\ndowne for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto you, with some
\nadditions then added by us; which being liked on both sids, and a day
\nset for y^e paimente of moneys, those of Holland paid in theirs. After
\ny^t, Robart Cushman, M^r. Peirce, & M^r. Martine, brought them into a
\nbetter forme, & write them in a booke now extante; and upon Robarts
\nshewing them and delivering M^r. Mullins a coppy therof under his hand
\n(which we have), he payd in his money. And we of Holland had never
\nseen other before our coming to Hamton, but only as one got for him
\nselfe a private coppy of them; upon sight wherof we manyfested uter
\ndislike, but had put of our estats & were ready to come, and therfore
\nwas too late to rejecte y^e vioage. Judge therfore we beseech you
\nindiferently of things, and if a faulte have bene co[=m]ited, lay it
\nwher it is, & not upon us, who have more cause to stand for y^e one,
\nthen you have for y^e other. We never gave Robart Cushman comission to
\nmake any one article for us, but only sent him to receive moneys upon
\narticles before agreed on, and to further y^e provissions till John
\nCarver came, and to assiste him in it. Yet since you conceive your
\nselves wronged as well as we, we thought meete to add a branch to y^e
\nend of our 9. article, as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe,
\nwhich you conceive to be in it. But that it may appeare to all men y^t
\nwe are not lovers of our selves only, but desire also y^e good &
\ninriching of our freinds who have adventured your moneys with our
\npersons, we have added our last article to y^e rest, promising you
\nagaine by leters in y^e behalfe of the whole company, that if large
\nprofits should not arise within y^e 7. years, y^t we will continue
\ntogeather longer with you, if y^e Lord give a blessing.[X] This we
\nhope is sufficente to satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds,
\nsince we are asured y^t if the whole charge was devided into 4. parts,
\n3. of them will not stand upon it, nether doe regarde it, &c. We are
\nin shuch a streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60^li.
\nworth of our provissions to cleare y^e Haven, & withall put our selves
\nupon great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole
\nto mend a shoe, [39] nor every man a sword to his side, wanting many
\nmuskets, much armoure, &c. And yet we are willing to expose our selves
\nto shuch eminente dangers as are like to insue, & trust to y^e good
\nprovidence of God, rather then his name & truth should be evill spoken
\nof for us. Thus saluting all of you in love, and beseeching the Lord
\nto give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe all our harts in y^e
\nbonds of peace & love, we take leave & rest,<\/p>\n
Yours, &c.<\/p>\n
Aug. 3. 1620.<\/p>\n
It was subscribed with many names of y^e cheefest of y^e company.<\/p>\n
At their parting M^r. Robinson write a leter to y^e whole company, which
\nthough it hath already bene printed, yet I thought good here likwise to
\ninserte it; as also a breefe leter writ at y^e same time to M^r. Carver,
\nin which y^e tender love & godly care of a true pastor appears.<\/p>\n
My dear Brother,–I received inclosed in your last leter y^e note of
\ninformation, w^ch I shall carefuly keepe & make use of as ther shall
\nbe occasion. I have a true feeling of your perplexitie of mind & toyle
\nof body, but I hope that you who have allways been able so plentifully
\nto administer comforte unto others in their trials, are so well
\nfurnished for your selfe as that farr greater difficulties then you
\nhave yet undergone (though I conceive them to have been great enough)
\ncannot oppresse you, though they press you, as y^e Aspostle speaks.
\nThe spirite of a man (sustained by y^e spirite of God) will sustaine
\nhis infirmitie, I dout not so will yours. And y^e beter much when you
\nshall injoye y^e presence & help of so many godly & wise bretheren,
\nfor y^e bearing of part of your burthen, who also will not admitte
\ninto their harts y^e least thought of suspition of any y^e least
\nnegligence, at least presumption, to have been in you, what so ever
\nthey thinke in others. Now what shall I say or write unto you & your
\ngoodwife my loving sister? even only this, I desire (& allways shall)
\nunto you from y^e Lord, as unto my owne soule; and assure your selfe
\ny^t my harte is with you, and that I will not forslowe my bodily
\ncoming at y^e first oppertunitie. I have writen a large leter to y^e
\nwhole, and am sorie I shall not rather speak then write to them; & the
\nmore, considering y^e wante of a preacher, which I shall also make
\nsume spurr to my hastening after you. I doe ever co[=m]end my best
\naffection unto you, which if I thought you made any doubte of, I would
\nexpress in more, & y^e same more ample & full words. And y^e Lord in
\nwhom you trust & whom you serve ever in this bussines & journey, guid
\nyou with his hand, protecte you with his winge, and shew you & us his
\nsalvation in y^e end, & bring us in y^e mean while togeather in y^e
\nplace desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake.<\/p>\n
Amen.
\nYours, &c.
\nJo: R.<\/p>\n
July 27. 1620.<\/p>\n
This was y^e last letter y^t M^r. Carver lived to see from him. The
\nother follows.<\/p>\n
[Y]Lovinge Christian friends, I doe hartily & in y^e Lord salute you
\nall, as being they with whom I am presente in my best affection, and
\nmost ernest longings after you, though I be constrained for a while to
\nbe bodily absente from you. I say constrained, God knowing how
\nwillingly, & much rather then otherwise, I would have borne my part
\nwith you in this first brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held
\nback for y^e present. Make accounte of me in y^e mean while, as of a
\nman devided in my selfe with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set a
\nside) having my beter parte with [40] you. And though I doubt not but
\nin your godly wisdoms, you both foresee & resolve upon y^t which
\nconcerneth your presente state & condition, both severally & joyntly,
\nyet have I thought it but my duty to add some furder spurr of
\nprovocation unto them, who rune allready, if not because you need it,
\nyet because I owe it in love & dutie. And first, as we are daly to
\nrenew our repentance with our God, espetially for our sines known, and
\ngenerally for our unknowne trespasses, so doth y^e Lord call us in a
\nsinguler maner upon occasions of shuch difficultie & danger as lieth
\nupon you, to a both more narrow search & carefull reformation of your
\nways in his sight; least he, calling to remembrance our sines
\nforgotten by us or unrepented of, take advantage against us, & in
\njudgmente leave us for y^e same to be swalowed up in one danger or
\nother; wheras, on the contrary, sine being taken away by ernest
\nrepentance & y^e pardon therof from y^e Lord sealed up unto a mans
\nconscience by his spirite, great shall be his securitie and peace in
\nall dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with hapie
\ndeliverance from all evill, whether in life or in death.<\/p>\n
Now next after this heavenly peace with God & our owne consciences, we
\nare carefully to provide for peace with all men what in us lieth,
\nespetially with our associats, & for y^e watchfullnes must be had,
\nthat we neither at all in our selves doe give, no nor easily take
\noffence being given by others. Woe be unto y^e world for offences, for
\nthough it be necessarie (considering y^e malice of Satan & mans
\ncorruption) that offences come, yet woe unto y^e man or woman either
\nby whom y^e offence cometh, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7. And if offences
\nin y^e unseasonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more
\nto be feared then death itselfe, as y^e Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9.
\n15. how much more in things simply evill, in which neither honour of
\nGod nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded. Neither yet is
\nit sufficiente y^t we keepe our selves by y^e grace of God from
\ngiveing offence, exepte withall we be armed against y^e taking of them
\nwhen they be given by others. For how imperfect & lame is y^e work of
\ngrace in y^t person, who wants charritie to cover a multitude of
\noffences, as y^e scriptures speake. Neither are you to be exhorted to
\nthis grace only upon y^e co[=m]one grounds of Christianitie, which
\nare, that persons ready to take offence, either wante charitie, to
\ncover offences, of wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie; or lastly,
\nare grosse, though close hipocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Mat.
\n7. 1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne experience, few or none have bene
\nfound which sooner give offence, then shuch as easily take it; neither
\nhave they ever proved sound & profitable members in societies, which
\nhave nurished this touchey humor. But besids these, ther are diverse
\nmotives provoking you above others to great care & conscience this
\nway: As first, you are many of you strangers, as to y^e persons, so to
\ny^e infirmities one of another, & so stand in neede of more
\nwatchfullnes this way, least when shuch things fall out in men & women
\nas you suspected not, you be inordinatly affected with them; which
\ndoth require at your hands much wisdome & charitie for y^e covering &
\npreventing of incident offences that way. And lastly, your intended
\ncourse of civill comunitie will minister continuall occasion of
\noffence, & will be as fuell for that fire, excepte you dilligently
\nquench it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking of offence
\ncauslesly or easilie at mens doings be so carefuly to be avoyded, how
\nmuch more heed is to be taken y^t we take not offence at God him
\nselfe, which yet we certainly doe so oft[=e] as we doe murmure at his
\nprovidence in our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch afflictions as
\nwherwith he pleaseth to visite us. Store up therfore patience against
\ny^e evill day, without which we take offence at y^e Lord him selfe in
\nhis holy & just works.<\/p>\n
A 4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that with
\nyour co[=m]one imployments you joyne co[=m]one affections truly bente
\nupon y^e generall good, avoyding as a deadly [41] plague of your both
\nco[=m]one & spetiall comfort all retirednes of minde for proper
\nadvantage, and all singularly affected any maner of way; let every man
\nreprese in him selfe & y^e whol body in each person, as so many rebels
\nagainst y^e commone good, all private respects of mens selves, not
\nsorting with y^e generall conveniencie. And as men are carfull not to
\nhave a new house shaken with any violence before it be well setled &
\ny^e parts firmly knite, so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much more
\ncarfull, y^t the house of God which you are, and are to be, be not
\nshaken with unnecessarie novelties or other oppositions at y^e first
\nsetling therof.<\/p>\n
Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst your
\nselves civill govermente, and are not furnished with any persons of
\nspetiall eminencie above y^e rest, to be chosen by you into office of
\ngoverment, let your wisdome & godlines appeare, not only in chusing
\nshuch persons as doe entirely love and will promote y^e co[=m]one
\ngood, but also in yeelding unto them all due honour & obedience in
\ntheir lawfull administrations; not behoulding in them y^e
\nordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods ordinance for your good, not
\nbeing like y^e foolish multitud who more honour y^e gay coate, then
\neither y^e vertuous minde of y^e man, or glorious ordinance of y^e
\nLord. But you know better things, & that y^e image of y^e Lords power
\n& authoritie which y^e magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how meane
\npersons soever. And this dutie you both may y^e more willingly and
\nought y^e more conscionably to performe, because you are at least for
\ny^e present to have only them for your ordinarie governours, which
\nyour selves shall make choyse of for that worke.<\/p>\n
Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in minde of, and of
\nthose before mentioned, in more words, but I will not so farr wrong
\nyour godly minds as to thinke you heedless of these things, ther being
\nalso diverce among you so well able to admonish both them selves &
\nothers of what concerneth them. These few things therfore, & y^e same
\nin few words, I doe ernestly co[=m]end unto your care & conscience,
\njoyning therwith my daily incessante prayers unto y^e Lord, y^t he who
\nhath made y^e heavens & y^e earth, y^e sea and all rivers of waters,
\nand whose providence is over all his workes, espetially over all his
\ndear children for good, would so guide & gard you in your wayes, as
\ninwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly by y^e hand of his power, as y^t
\nboth you & we also, for & with you, may have after matter of praising
\nhis name all y^e days of your and our lives. Fare you well in him in
\nwhom you trust, and in whom I rest.<\/p>\n
An unfained wellwiller of your hapie
\nsuccess in this hopefull voyage,
\nJOHN ROBINSON.<\/p>\n
This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in it selfe, and
\nsuitable to their occation, I thought meete to inserte in this place.<\/p>\n
All things being now ready, & every bussines dispatched, the company was
\ncaled togeather, and this letter read amongst them, which had good
\nacceptation with all, and after fruit with many. Then they ordered &
\ndistributed their company for either shipe, as they conceived for y^e
\nbest. And chose a Governor & 2. or 3. assistants for each shipe, to
\norder y^e people by y^e way, and see to y^e dispossing of there
\nprovissions, and shuch like affairs. All which was not only with y^e
\nliking of y^e maisters of y^e ships, but according to their desires.
\nWhich being done, they sett sayle from thence aboute y^e 5. of August;
\nbut what befell them further upon y^e coast of England will appeare in
\ny^e nexte chapter.<\/p>\n
The 8. Chap.<\/p>\n
_Off the troubls that befell them on the coaste, and at sea being
\nforced, after much trouble, to leave one of ther ships & some of their
\ncompanie behind them._<\/p>\n
[42] Being thus put to sea they had not gone farr, but M^r. Reinolds y^e
\nmaster of y^e leser ship complained that he found his ship so leak as he
\ndurst not put further to sea till she was mended. So y^e m^r. of y^e
\nbiger ship (caled M^r. Jonas) being consulted with, they both resolved
\nto put into Dartmouth & have her ther searched & mended, which
\naccordingly was done, to their great charg & losse of time and a faire
\nwinde. She was hear thorowly searcht from steme to sterne, some leaks
\nwere found & mended, and now it was conceived by the workmen & all, that
\nshe was sufficiente, & they might proceede without either fear or
\ndanger. So with good hopes from hence, they put to sea againe,
\nconceiving they should goe comfortably on, not looking for any more
\nlets of this kind; but it fell out otherwise, for after they were gone
\nto sea againe above 100. leagues without the Lands End, houlding company
\ntogeather all this while, the m^r. of y^e small ship complained his ship
\nwas so leake as he must beare up or sinke at sea, for they could scarce
\nfree her with much pumping. So they came to consultation againe, and
\nresolved both ships to bear up backe againe & put into Pli[=m]oth, which
\naccordingly was done. But no spetiall leake could be founde, but it was
\njudged to be y^e generall weaknes of y^e shipe, and that shee would not
\nprove sufficiente for the voiage. Upon which it was resolved to dismise
\nher & parte of y^e companie, and proceede with y^e other shipe. The
\nwhich (though it was greevous, & caused great discouragmente) was put in
\nexecution. So after they had tooke out such provission as y^e other ship
\ncould well stow, and concluded both what number and what persons to send
\nbak, they made another sad parting, y^e one ship going backe for London,
\nand y^e other was to proceede on her viage. Those that went bak were for
\nthe most parte such as were willing so to doe, either out of some
\ndiscontente, or feare they conceived of y^e ill success of y^e vioage,
\nseeing so many croses befale, & the year time so farr spente; but
\nothers, in regarde of their owne weaknes, and charge of many yonge
\nchildren, were thought least usefull, and most unfite to bear y^e brunte
\nof this hard adventure; unto which worke of God, and judgmente of their
\nbrethern, they were contented to submite. And thus, like Gedions armie,
\nthis small number was devided, as if y^e Lord by this worke of his
\nprovidence thought these few to many for y^e great worke he had to doe.
\nBut here by the way let me show, how afterward it was found y^t the
\nleaknes of this ship was partly by being over masted, and too much
\npressed with sayles; for after she was sould & put into her old trime,
\nshe made many viages & performed her service very sufficiently, to y^e
\ngreat profite of her owners. But more espetially, by the cuning &
\ndeceite of y^e m^r. & his company, who were hired to stay a whole year
\nin y^e cuntrie, and now fancying dislike & fearing wante of victeles,
\nthey ploted this strategem to free them selves; as afterwards was
\nknowne, & by some of them confessed. For they apprehended y^t the
\ngreater ship, being of force, & in whom most of y^e provissions were
\nstowed, she would retayne enough for her selfe, what soever became of
\nthem or y^e passengers; & indeed shuch speeches had bene cast out by
\nsome of them; and yet, besids other incouragments, y^e cheefe of them
\nthat came from Leyden wente in this shipe to give y^e m^r. contente. But
\nso strong was self love & his fears, as he forgott all duty and [43]
\nformer kindnesses, & delt thus falsly with them, though he pretended
\notherwise. Amongest those that returned was M^r. Cushman & his familie,
\nwhose hart & courage was gone from them before, as it seems, though his
\nbody was with them till now he departed; as may appear by a passionate
\nletter he write to a freind in London from Dartmouth, whilst y^e ship
\nlay ther a mending; the which, besids y^e expressions of his owne fears,
\nit shows much of y^e providence of God working for their good beyonde
\nman’s expectation, & other things concerning their condition in these
\nstreats. I will hear relate it. And though it discover some infirmities
\nin him (as who under temtation is free), yet after this he continued to
\nbe a spetiall instrumente for their good, and to doe y^e offices of a
\nloving freind & faithfull brother unto them, and pertaker of much
\ncomforte with them.<\/p>\n
The letter is as followth.<\/p>\n
To his loving friend Ed: S.[Z] at Henige House in y^e Duks Place,
\nthese, &c.<\/p>\n
Dartmouth, Aug. 17.<\/p>\n
Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you & your wife, with
\nloving E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. For
\nbesids y^e eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then
\ndeadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased me, which will not in all
\nlie^{c}lyhoode leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it
\nis a bundle of lead, as it were, crushing my harte more & more these
\n14. days, as that allthough I doe y^e acctions of a liveing man, yet I
\nam but as dead; but y^e will of God be done. Our pinass will not cease
\nleaking, els I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage
\nhither hath been as full of crosses, as our selves have been of
\ncrokednes. We put in hear to tri[=m]e her, & I thinke, as others
\nalso, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. howers more, shee would
\nhave sunke right downe. And though she was twise tri[=m]ed at Hamton,
\nyet now shee is open and leakie as a seive; and ther was a borde, a
\nman might have puld of with his fingers, 2 foote longe, wher y^e water
\ncame in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton 7. days, in fair weather,
\nwaiting for her, and now we lye hear waiting for her in as faire a
\nwind as can blowe, and so have done these 4. days, and are like to lye
\n4. more, and by y^t time y^e wind will happily turne as it did at
\nHampton. Our victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe
\nfrom the coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall not
\nhave a months victialls when we come in y^e countrie. Neare 700^li.
\nhath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I know not. Mr. Martin saith
\nhe neither can nor will give any accounte of it, and if he be called
\nupon for accounts he crieth out of unthankfullnes for his paines &
\ncare, that we are susspitious of him, and flings away, & will end
\nnothing. Also he so insult[=e]h over our poore people, with shuch
\nscorne & contempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes.
\nIt would break your hart to see his dealing,[AA] and y^e mourning of
\nour people. They complaine to me, & alass! I can doe nothing for them;
\nif I speake to him, he flies in my face, as mutinous, and saith no
\ncomplaints shall be heard or received but by him selfe, and saith they
\nare forwarde, & waspish, discontented people, & I doe ill to hear
\nthem. Ther are others y^t would lose all they have put in, or make
\nsatisfaction for what they have had, that they might departe: but he
\nwill not hear them, nor suffer them to goe ashore, least they should
\nrune away. The sailors also are so offended at his ignorante bouldnes,
\nin medling & controuling in things he knows not what belongs too, as
\ny^t some threaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave y^e
\nshipe & goe their way. But at y^e best this cometh of it, y^t he maks
\nhim selfe a scorne & laughing stock unto them. As for M^r. Weston,
\nexcepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten times
\nmore then ever he loved us, for not confirming y^e conditions. But
\nnow, since some pinches have taken them, they begine to reveile y^e
\ntrueth, & say M^r. Robinson was in y^e falte who charged them never to
\nconsente to those conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede
\napointed them to chose them they did chose.[AB] But he & they will rue
\ntoo late, they may [44] now see, & all be ashamed when it is too late,
\nthat they were so ignorante, yea, & so inordinate in their courses. I
\nam sure as they were resolved not to seale those conditions, I was not
\nso resolute at Hampton to have left y^e whole bussines, excepte they
\nwould seale them, & better y^e vioage to have bene broken of then,
\nthen to have brought such miserie to our selves, dishonour to God, &
\ndetrimente to our loving freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or 5.
\nof y^e cheefe of them which came from Leyden, came resolved never to
\ngoe on those conditions. And M^r. Martine, he said he never received
\nno money on those conditions, he was not beholden to y^e marchants for
\na pine, they were bloudsuckers, & I know not what. Simple man, he
\nindeed never made any conditions w^th the marchants, nor ever spake
\nwith them. But did all that money flie to Hampton, or was it his owne?
\nWho will goe & lay out money so rashly & lavishly as he did, and never
\nknow how he comes by it, or on what conditions? 2^ly. I tould him of
\ny^e alteration longe agoe, & he was contente; but now he dominires, &
\nsaid I had betrayed them into y^e hands of slaves; he is not beholden
\nto them, he can set out 2. ships him selfe to a viage. When, good man?
\nHe hath but 50^li. in, & if he should give up his accounts he would
\nnot have a penie left him, as I am persuaded,[AC] &c. Freind, if ever
\nwe make a plantation, God works a mirakle; especially considering how
\nscante we shall be of victualls, and most of all ununited amongst our
\nselves, & devoyd of good tutors & regimente. Violence will break all.
\nWher is y^e meek & humble spirite of Moyses? & of Nehemiah who
\nreedified y^e wals of Jerusalem, & y^e state of Israell? Is not y^e
\nsound of Rehoboams braggs daly hear amongst us? Have not y^e
\nphilosophers and all wise men observed y^t, even in setled co[=m]one
\nwelths, violente governours bring either them selves, or people, or
\nboath, to ruine; how much more in y^e raising of co[=m]one wealths,
\nwhen y^e morter is yet scarce tempered y^t should bind y^e wales. If I
\nshould write to you of all things which promiscuously forerune our
\nruine, I should over charge my weake head and greeve your tender hart;
\nonly this, I pray you prepare for evill tidings of us every day. But
\npray for us instantly, it may be y^e Lord will be yet entreated one
\nway or other to make for us. I see not in reason how we shall escape
\neven y^e gasping of hunger starved persons; but God can doe much, &
\nhis will be done. It is better for me to dye, then now for me to bear
\nit, which I doe daly, & expecte it howerly; haveing received y^e
\nsentance of death, both within me & without me. Poore William King &
\nmy selfe doe strive[AD] who shall be meate first for y^e fishes; but
\nwe looke for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after y^e
\nflesh no more, but looking unto y^e joye y^t is before us, we will
\nendure all these things and accounte them light in comparison of y^t
\njoye we hope for. Remember me in all love to our freinds as if I named
\nthem, whose praiers I desire ernestly, & wish againe to see, but not
\ntill I can with more comforte looke them in y^e face. The Lord give us
\nthat true comforte which none can take from us. I had a desire to make
\na breefe relation of our estate to some freind. I doubte not but your
\nwisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things as here after you
\nshall be called to it. That which I have writen is treue, & many
\nthings more which I have forborne. I write it as upon my life, and
\nlast confession in England. What is of use to be spoken [45] of
\npresently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile,
\nconceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, & my body
\nfeeble, y^e Lord make me strong in him, & keepe both you & yours.<\/p>\n
Your loving friend,
\nROBART CUSHMAN.<\/p>\n
Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 1620.<\/p>\n
These being his conceptions & fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be
\nmuch stronger now at Plimoth.<\/p>\n
The 9. Chap.<\/p>\n
_Of their vioage, & how they passed y^e sea, and of their safe arrivall
\nat Cape Codd._<\/p>\n
SEPT^R: 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now all being compacte
\ntogeather in one shipe,[AE] they put to sea againe with a prosperus
\nwinde, which continued diverce days togeather, which was some
\nincouragmente unto them; yet according to y^e usuall maner many were
\nafflicted with sea-sicknes. And I may not omite hear a spetiall worke of
\nGods providence. Ther was a proud & very profane yonge man, one of y^e
\nsea-men, of a lustie, able body, which made him the more hauty; he
\nwould allway be contemning y^e poore people in their sicknes, & cursing
\nthem dayly with gre[=e]ous execrations, and did not let to tell them,
\nthat he hoped to help to cast halfe of them over board before they came
\nto their jurneys end, and to make mery with what they had; and if he
\nwere by any gently reproved, he would curse and swear most bitterly. But
\nit plased God before they came halfe seas over, to smite this yong man
\nwith a greeveous disease, of which he dyed in a desperate maner, and so
\nwas him selfe y^e first y^t was throwne overbord. Thus his curses light
\non his owne head; and it was an astonishmente to all his fellows, for
\nthey noted it to be y^e just hand of God upon him.<\/p>\n
After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a season, they were
\nincountred many times with crosse winds, and mette with many feirce
\nstormes, with which y^e shipe was shroudly shaken, and her upper works
\nmade very leakie; and one of the maine beames in y^e midd ships was
\nbowed & craked, which put them in some fear that y^e shipe could not be
\nable to performe y^e vioage. So some of y^e cheefe of y^e company,
\nperceiveing y^e mariners to feare y^e suffisiencie of y^e shipe, as
\nappeared by their mutterings, they entred into serious consulltation
\nwith y^e m^r. & other officers of y^e ship, to consider in time of y^e
\ndanger; and rather to returne then to cast them selves into a desperate
\n& inevitable perill. And truly ther was great distraction & differance
\nof opinion amongst y^e mariners them selves; faine would they doe what
\ncould be done for their wages sake, (being now halfe the seas over,) and
\non y^e other hand they were loath to hazard their lives too desperatly.
\nBut in examening of all opinions, the m^r. & others affirmed they knew
\ny^e ship to be stronge & firme under water; and for the buckling of y^e
\nmaine beame, ther was a great iron scrue y^e passengers brought out of
\nHolland, which would raise y^e beame into his place; y^e which being
\ndone, the carpenter & m^r. affirmed that with a post put under it, set
\nfirme in y^e lower deck, & otherways bounde, he would make it
\nsufficiente. And as for y^e decks & uper workes they would calke them as
\nwell as they could, and though with y^e workeing of y^e ship they [46]
\nwould not longe keepe stanch, yet ther would otherwise be no great
\ndanger, if they did not overpress her with sails. So they co[=m]ited
\nthem selves to y^e will of God, & resolved to proseede. In sundrie of
\nthese stormes the winds were so feirce, & y^e seas so high, as they
\ncould not beare a knote of saile, but were forced to hull, for diverce
\ndays togither. And in one of them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty
\nstorme, a lustie yonge man (called John Howland) coming upon some
\noccasion above y^e grattings, was, with a seele of the shipe throwne
\ninto [y^e] sea; but it pleased God y^t he caught hould of y^e top-saile
\nhalliards, which hunge over board, & rane out at length; yet he held
\nhis hould (though he was sundrie fadomes under water) till he was hald
\nup by y^e same rope to y^e brime of y^e water, and then with a boat
\nhooke & other means got into y^e shipe againe, & his life saved; and
\nthough he was something ill with it, yet he lived many years after, and
\nbecame a profitable member both in church & co[=m]one wealthe. In all
\nthis viage ther died but one of y^e passengers, which was William
\nButten, a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, when they drew near y^e
\ncoast. But to omite other things, (that I may be breefe,) after longe
\nbeating at sea they fell with that land which is called Cape Cod; the
\nwhich being made & certainly knowne to be it, they were not a litle
\njoyfull. After some deliberation had amongst them selves & with y^e m^r.
\nof y^e ship, they tacked aboute and resolved to stande for y^e southward
\n(y^e wind & weather being faire) to finde some place aboute Hudsons
\nriver for their habitation. But after they had sailed y^t course aboute
\nhalfe y^e day, they fell amongst deangerous shoulds and roring breakers,
\nand they were so farr intangled ther with as they conceived them selves
\nin great danger; & y^e wind shrinking upon them withall, they resolved
\nto bear up againe for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy to gett out
\nof those dangers before night overtooke them, as by Gods providence they
\ndid. And y^e next day they gott into y^e Cape-harbor wher they ridd in
\nsaftie. A word or too by y^e way of this cape; it was thus first named
\nby Capten Gosnole & his company,[AF] Anno: 1602, and after by Capten
\nSmith was caled Cape James; but it retains y^e former name amongst
\nseamen. Also y^t pointe which first shewed those dangerous shoulds unto
\nthem, they called Pointe Care, & Tuckers Terrour; but y^e French & Dutch
\nto this day call it Malabarr, by reason of those perilous shoulds, and
\ny^e losses they have suffered their.<\/p>\n
Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe to land, they fell
\nupon their knees & blessed y^e God of heaven, who had brought them over
\ny^e vast & furious ocean, and delivered them from all y^e periles &
\nmiseries therof, againe to set their feete on y^e firme and stable
\nearth, their proper elemente. And no marvell if they were thus joyefull,
\nseeing wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles on y^e coast
\nof his owne Italy; as he affirmed,[AG] that he had rather remaine
\ntwentie years on his way by land, then pass by sea to any place in a
\nshort time; so tedious & dreadfull was y^e same unto him.<\/p>\n
But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amased at
\nthis poore peoples presente condition; and so I thinke will the reader
\ntoo, when he well considers [47] y^e same. Being thus passed y^e vast
\nocean, and a sea of troubles before in their preparation (as may be
\nremembred by y^t which wente before), they had now no freinds to
\nwellcome them, nor inns to entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten
\nbodys, no houses or much less townes to repaire too, to seeke for
\nsuccoure. It is recorded in scripture[AH] as a mercie to y^e apostle &
\nhis shipwraked company, y^t the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes
\nin refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when they mette with
\nthem (as after will appeare) were readier to fill their sids full of
\narrows then otherwise. And for y^e season it was winter, and they that
\nknow y^e winters of y^t cuntrie know them to be sharp & violent, &
\nsubjecte to cruell & feirce stormes, deangerous to travill to known
\nplaces, much more to serch an unknown coast. Besids, what could they see
\nbut a hidious & desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts & willd men? and
\nwhat multituds ther might be of them they knew not. Nether could they,
\nas it were, goe up to y^e tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willdernes a
\nmore goodly cuntrie to feed their hops; for which way soever they turnd
\ntheir eys (save upward to y^e heavens) they could have litle solace or
\ncontent in respecte of any outward objects. For su[=m]er being done, all
\nthings stand upon them with a wetherbeaten face; and y^e whole countrie,
\nfull of woods & thickets, represented a wild & savage heiw. If they
\nlooked behind them, ther was y^e mighty ocean which they had passed, and
\nwas now as a maine barr & goulfe to seperate them from all y^e civill
\nparts of y^e world. If it be said they had a ship to sucour them, it is
\ntrew; but what heard they daly from y^e m^r. & company? but y^t with
\nspeede they should looke out a place with their shallop, wher they would
\nbe at some near distance; for y^e season was shuch as he would not stirr
\nfrom thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them wher they would
\nbe, and he might goe without danger; and that victells consumed apace,
\nbut he must & would keepe sufficient for them selves & their returne.
\nYea, it was muttered by some, that if they gott not a place in time,
\nthey would turne them & their goods ashore & leave them. Let it also be
\nconsidred what weake hopes of supply & succoure they left behinde them,
\ny^t might bear up their minds in this sade condition and trialls they
\nwere under; and they could not but be very smale. It is true, indeed,
\ny^e affections & love of their brethren at Leyden was cordiall & entire
\ntowards them, but they had litle power to help them, or them selves; and
\nhow y^e case stode betweene them & y^e marchants at their coming away,
\nhath allready been declared. What could now sustaine them but the
\nspirite of God & his grace? May not & ought not the children of these
\nfathers rightly say: _Our faithers were Englishmen which came over this
\ngreat ocean, and were ready to perish in this willdernes;[AI] but they
\ncried unto y^e Lord, and he heard their voyce, and looked on their
\nadversitie, &c. Let them therfore praise y^e Lord, because he is good, &
\nhis mercies endure for ever._[AJ] _Yea, let them which have been
\nredeemed of y^e Lord, shew how he hath delivered them from y^e hand of
\ny^e oppressour. When they wandered in y^e deserte willdernes out of y^e
\nway, and found no citie to dwell in, both hungrie, & thirstie, their
\nsowle was overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before y^e Lord his
\nloving kindnes, and his wonderfull works before y^e sons of men._<\/p>\n
The 10. Chap.<\/p>\n
_Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and what befell them
\ntheraboute._<\/p>\n
[48] Being thus arrived at Cap-Cod y^e 11. of November, and necessitie
\ncalling them to looke out a place for habitation, (as well as the
\nmaisters & mariners importunitie,) they having brought a large shalop
\nwith them out of England, stowed in quarters in y^e ship, they now gott
\nher out & sett their carpenters to worke to trime her up; but being much
\nbrused & shatered in y^e shipe w^th foule weather, they saw she would be
\nlonge in mending. Wherupon a few of them tendered them selves to goe by
\nland and discovere those nearest places, whilst y^e shallop was in
\nmending; and y^e rather because as they wente into y^t harbor ther
\nseemed to be an opening some 2. or 3 leagues of, which y^e maister
\njudged to be a river. It was conceived ther might be some danger in y^e
\nattempte, yet seeing them resolute, they were permited to goe, being 16.
\nof them well armed, under y^e conduct of Captain Standish, having shuch
\ninstructions given them as was thought meete. They sett forth y^e 15. of
\nNove^br: and when they had marched aboute the space of a mile by y^e sea
\nside, they espied 5. or 6. persons with a dogg coming towards them, who
\nwere salvages; but they fled from them, & ra[=n]e up into y^e woods, and
\ny^e English followed them, partly to see if they could speake with them,
\nand partly to discover if ther might not be more of them lying in
\nambush. But y^e Indeans seeing them selves thus followed, they againe
\nforsooke the woods, & rane away on y^e sands as hard as they could, so
\nas they could not come near them, but followed them by y^e tracte of
\ntheir feet sundrie miles, and saw that they had come the same way. So,
\nnight coming on, they made their randevous & set out their sentinels,
\nand rested in quiete _y^t night_, and the next morning followed their
\ntracte till they had headed a great creake, & so left the sands, &
\nturned an other way into y^e woods. But they still followed them by
\ngeuss, hopeing to find their dwellings; but they soone lost both them &
\nthem selves, falling into shuch thickets as were ready to tear their
\ncloaths & armore in peeces, but were most distresed for wante of
\ndrinke. But at length they found water & refreshed them selves, being
\ny^e first New-England water they drunke of, and was now in thir great
\nthirste as pleasante unto them as wine or bear had been in for-times.
\nAfterwards they directed their course to come to y^e other [49] shore,
\nfor they knew it was a necke of land they were to crosse over, and so at
\nlength gott to y^e sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, & by
\ny^e way found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly after a good
\nquantitie of clear ground wher y^e Indeans had formerly set corne, and
\nsome of their graves. And proceeding furder they saw new-stuble wher
\ncorne had been set y^e same year, also they found wher latly a house had
\nbeen, wher some planks and a great ketle was remaining, and heaps of
\nsand newly padled with their hands, which they, digging up, found in
\nthem diverce faire Indean baskets filled with corne, and some in eares,
\nfaire and good, of diverce collours, which seemed to them a very goodly
\nsight, (haveing never seen any shuch before). This was near y^e place of
\nthat supposed river they came to seeck; unto which they wente and found
\nit to open it selfe into 2. armes with a high cliffe of sand in y^e
\nenterance, but more like to be crikes of salte water then any fresh, for
\nought they saw; and that ther was good harborige for their shalope;
\nleaving it further to be discovered by their shalop when she was ready.
\nSo their time limeted them being expired, they returned to y^e ship,
\nleast they should be in fear of their saftie; and tooke with them parte
\nof y^e corne, and buried up y^e rest, and so like y^e men from Eshcoll
\ncarried with them of y^e fruits of y^e land, & showed their breethren;
\nof which, & their returne, they were marvelusly glad, and their harts
\nincouraged.<\/p>\n
After this, y^e shalop being got ready, they set out againe for y^e
\nbetter discovery of this place, & y^e m^r. of y^e ship desired to goe
\nhim selfe, so ther went some 30. men, but found it to be no harbor for
\nships but only for boats; ther was allso found 2. of their houses
\ncovered with matts, & sundrie of their implements in them, but y^e
\npeople were rune away & could not be seen; also ther was found more of
\ntheir corne, & of their beans of various collours. The corne & beans
\nthey brought away, purposing to give them full satisfaction when they
\nshould meete with any of them (as about some 6. months afterward they
\ndid, to their good contente). And here is to be noted a spetiall
\nprovidence of God, and a great mercie to this poore people, that hear
\nthey gott seed to plant them corne y^e next year, or els they might have
\nstarved, for they had none, nor any liklyhood to get any [50] till y^e
\nseason had beene past (as y^e sequell did manyfest). Neither is it
\nlickly they had had this, if y^e first viage had not been made, for the
\nground was now all covered with snow, & hard frozen. But the Lord is
\nnever wanting unto his in their greatest needs; let his holy name have
\nall y^e praise.<\/p>\n
The month of November being spente in these affairs, & much foule
\nweather falling in, the 6. _of Desem^r_: they sente out their shallop
\nagaine with 10. of their principall men, & some sea men, upon further
\ndiscovery, intending to circulate that deepe bay of Cap-codd. The
\nweather was very could, & it frose so hard as y^e sprea of y^e sea
\nlighting on their coats, they were as if they had been glased; yet _that
\nnight_ betimes they gott downe into y^e botome of y^e bay, and as they
\ndrue nere y^e shore they saw some 10. or 12. Indeans very busie aboute
\nsome thing. They landed aboute a league or 2. from them, and had much a
\ndoe to put a shore any wher, it lay so full of flats. Being landed, it
\ngrew late, and they made them selves a barricade with loggs & bowes as
\nwell as they could in y^e time, & set out their sentenill & betooke them
\nto rest, and saw y^e smoake of y^e fire y^e savages made y^t night. When
\n_morning_ was come they devided their company, some to coaste along y^e
\nshore in y^e boate, and the rest marched throw y^e woods to see y^e
\nland, if any fit place might be for their dwelling. They came allso to
\ny^e place wher they saw the Indans y^e night before, & found they had
\nbeen cuting up a great fish like a grampus, being some 2. inches thike
\nof fate like a hogg, some peeces wher of they had left by y^e way; and
\ny^e shallop found 2. more of these fishes dead on y^e sands, a thing
\nusuall after storms in y^t place, by reason of y^e great flats of sand
\nthat lye of. So they ranged up and doune all y^t day, but found no
\npeople, nor any place they liked. When y^e sune grue low, they hasted
\nout of y^e woods to meete with their shallop, to whom they made signes
\nto come to them into a _creeke_ hardby, the which they did at highwater;
\nof which they were very glad, for they had not seen each other all y^t
\nday, since y^e morning. So they made them a barricado (as usually they
\ndid every night) with loggs, staks, & thike pine bowes, y^e height of a
\nman, leaving it open to leeward, partly to shelter them from y^e could &
\nwind (making their fire in y^e midle, & lying round aboute it), and
\npartly to defend them from any sudden assaults of y^e savags, if they
\nshould surround them. So being very weary, they betooke them to rest.
\nBut aboute _midnight_, [51] they heard a hideous & great crie, and their
\nsentinell caled, “Arme, arme”; so they bestired them & stood to their
\narmes, & shote of a cupple of moskets, and then the noys seased. They
\nconcluded it was a companie of wolves, or such like willd beasts; for
\none of y^e sea men tould them he had often heard shuch a noyse in
\nNew-found land. So they rested till about 5. of y^e clock in the
\n_morning_; for y^e tide, & ther purposs to goe from thence, made them be
\nstiring betimes. So after praier they prepared for breakfast, and it
\nbeing day dawning, it was thought best to be carring things downe to
\ny^e boate. But some said it was not best to carrie y^e armes downe,
\nothers said they would be the readier, for they had laped them up in
\ntheir coats from y^e dew. But some 3. or 4. would not cary theirs till
\nthey wente them selves, yet as it fell out, y^e water being not high
\nenough, they layed them downe on y^e banke side, & came up to breakfast.
\nBut presently, all on y^e sudain, they heard a great & strange crie,
\nwhich they knew to be the same voyces they heard in y^e night, though
\nthey varied their notes, & one of their company being abroad came runing
\nin, & cried, “Men, Indeans, Indeans”; and w^{th}all, their arowes came
\nflying amongst them. Their men rane with all speed to recover their
\narmes, as by y^e good providence of God they did. In y^e mean time, of
\nthose that were ther ready, tow muskets were discharged at them, & 2.
\nmore stood ready in y^e enterance of ther randevoue, but were comanded
\nnot to shoote till they could take full aime at them; & y^e other 2.
\ncharged againe with all speed, for ther were only 4. had armes ther, &
\ndefended y^e baricado which was first assalted. The crie of y^e Indeans
\nwas dreadfull, espetially when they saw ther men rune out of y^e
\nrandevoue towourds y^e shallop, to recover their armes, the Indeans
\nwheeling aboute upon them. But some ru[=n]ing out with coats of malle
\non, & cutlasses in their hands, they soone got their armes, & let flye
\namongs them, and quickly stopped their violence. Yet ther was a lustie
\nman, and no less valiante, stood behind a tree within halfe a musket
\nshot, and let his arrows flie at them. He was seen shoot 3. arrowes,
\nwhich were all avoyded. He stood 3. shot of a musket, till one taking
\nfull aime at him, and made y^e barke or splinters of y^e tree fly about
\nhis ears, after which he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away they
\nwente all of them. They left some to keep y^e shalop, and followed them
\naboute a quarter of a mille, and shouted once or twise, and shot of 2.
\nor 3. peces, & so returned. This they did, that they might conceive that
\nthey were not [52] affrade of them or any way discouraged. Thus it
\npleased God to vanquish their enimies, and give them deliverance; and by
\nhis spetiall providence so to dispose that not any one of them were
\neither hurte, or hitt, though their arrows came close by them, & on
\nevery side them, and sundry of their coats, which hunge up in y^e
\nbarricado, were shot throw & throw. Aterwards they gave God sollamne
\nthanks & praise for their deliverance, & gathered up a bundle of their
\narrows, & sente them into England afterward by y^e m^r. of y^e ship, and
\ncalled that place y^e first encounter. From hence they departed, &
\ncosted all along, but discerned no place likly for harbor; & therfore
\nhasted to a place that their pillote, (one Mr. Coppin who had bine in
\ny^e cuntrie before) did assure them was a good harbor, which he had
\nbeen in, and they might fetch it before night; of which they were glad,
\nfor it begane to be foule weather. After some houres sailing, it begane
\nto snow & raine, & about y^e midle of y^e afternoone, y^e wind
\nincreased, & y^e sea became very rough, and they broake their rudder, &
\nit was as much as 2. men could doe to steere her with a cupple of oares.
\nBut their pillott bad them be of good cheere, for he saw y^e harbor; but
\ny^e storme increasing, & night drawing on, they bore what saile they
\ncould to gett in, while they could see. But herwith they broake their
\nmast in 3. peeces, & their saill fell over bord, in a very grown sea, so
\nas they had like to have been cast away; yet by Gods mercie they
\nrecovered them selves, & having y^e floud with them, struck into y^e
\nharbore. But when it came too, y^e pillott was deceived in y^e place,
\nand said, y^e Lord be mercifull unto them, for his eys never saw y^t
\nplace before; & he & the m^r. mate would have rune her ashore, in a cove
\nfull of breakers, before y^e winde. But a lusty seaman which steered,
\nbad those which rowed, if they were men, about with her, or ells they
\nwere all cast away; the which they did with speed. So he bid them be of
\ngood cheere & row lustly, for ther was a faire sound before them, & he
\ndoubted not but they should find one place or other wher they might ride
\nin saftie. And though it was _very darke_, and rained sore, yet in y^e
\nend they gott under y^e lee of a smalle iland, and remained ther all
\ny^t night in saftie. But they knew not this to be an iland till morning,
\nbut were devided in their minds; some would keepe y^e boate for fear
\nthey might be amongst y^e Indians; others were so weake and could, they
\ncould not endure, but got a shore, & with much adoe got fire, (all
\nthings being so wett,) and y^e rest were glad to come to them; for after
\nmidnight y^e wind shifted to the [53] north-west, & it frose hard. But
\nthough this had been a day & night of much trouble & danger unto them,
\nyet God gave them a _morning_ of comforte & refreshing (as usually he
\ndoth to his children), for y^e next day was a faire sunshin[=i]g day,
\nand they found them sellvs to be on an iland secure from y^e Indeans,
\nwher they might drie their stufe, fixe their peeces, & rest them selves,
\nand gave God thanks for his mercies, in their manifould deliverances.
\nAnd this being the _last day of y^e weeke_, they prepared ther to keepe
\ny^e _Sabath_. On _Munday_ they sounded y^e harbor, and founde it fitt
\nfor shipping; and marched into y^e land, & found diverse cornfeilds, &
\nlitle runing brooks, a place (as they supposed) fitt for situation; at
\nleast it was y^e best they could find, and y^e season, & their presente
\nnecessitie, made them glad to accepte of it. So they returned to their
\nshipp againe with this news to y^e rest of their people, which did much
\ncomforte their harts.<\/p>\n
On y^e 15. _of Desem^r_: they wayed anchor to goe to y^e place they had
\ndiscovered, & came within 2. leagues of it, but were faine to bear up
\nagaine; but y^e 16. _day_ y^e winde came faire, and they arrived safe in
\nthis harbor. And after wards tooke better view of y^e place, and
\nresolved wher to pitch their dwelling; and y^e 25. _day_ begane to
\nerecte y^e first house for co[=m]one use to receive them and their
\ngoods.<\/p>\n
The 2. Booke.<\/p>\n
The rest of this History (if God give me life, & opportunitie) I shall,
\nfor brevitis sake, handle by way of _annalls_, noteing only the heads of
\nprincipall things, and passages as they fell in order of time, and may
\nseeme to be profitable to know, or to make use of. And this may be as
\ny^e 2. Booke.<\/p>\n
_The remainder of An^o:_ 1620.<\/p>\n
I shall a litle returne backe and begine with a combination made by them
\nbefore they came ashore, being y^e first foundation of their govermente
\nin this place; occasioned partly by y^e discontented & mutinous speeches
\nthat some of the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in y^e
\nship–That when they came a shore they would use their owne libertie;
\nfor none had power to co[=m]and them, the patente they had being for
\nVirginia, and not for New-england, which belonged to an other Goverment,
\nwith which y^e Virginia Company had nothing to doe. And partly that
\nshuch an [54] acte by them done (this their condition considered) might
\nbe as firme as any patent, and in some respects more sure.<\/p>\n
The forme was as followeth.<\/p>\n
In y^e name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwriten, the loyall
\nsubjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by y^e grace of
\nGod, of Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland king, defender of y^e faith,
\n&c., haveing undertaken, for y^e glorie of God, and advancemente of
\ny^e Christian faith, and honour of our king & countrie, a voyage to
\nplant y^e first colonie in y^e Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by
\nthese presents solemnly & mutualy in y^e presence of God, and one of
\nanother, covenant & combine our selves togeather into a civill body
\npolitick, for our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of y^e
\nends aforesaid; and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame
\nsuch just & equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitutions, & offices,
\nfrom time to time, as shall be thought most meete & convenient for y^e
\ngenerall good of y^e Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission
\nand obedience. In witnes wherof we have hereunder subscribed our names
\nat Cap-Codd y^e 11. of November, in y^e year of y^e raigne of our
\nsoveraigne lord, King James, of England, France, & Ireland y^e
\neighteenth, and of Scotland y^e fiftie fourth. An^o: Dom. 1620.<\/p>\n
After this they chose, or rather confirmed, M^r. John Carver (a man
\ngodly & well approved amongst them) their Governour for that year. And
\nafter they had provided a place for their goods, or comone store, (which
\nwere long in unlading for want of boats, foulnes of winter weather, and
\nsicknes of diverce,) and begune some small cottages for their
\nhabitation, as time would admitte, they mette and consulted of lawes &
\norders, both for their civill & military Govermente, as y^e necessitie
\nof their condition did require, still adding therunto as urgent occasion
\nin severall times, and as cases did require.<\/p>\n
In these hard & difficulte beginings they found some discontents &
\nmurmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous speeches & carriags in
\nother; but they were soone quelled & overcome by y^e wisdome, patience,
\nand just & equall carrage of things by y^e Gov^r and better part, w^ch
\nclave faithfully togeather in y^e maine. But that which was most sadd &
\nlamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths time halfe of their company
\ndyed, espetialy in Jan: & February, being y^e depth of winter, and
\nwanting houses & other comforts; being infected with y^e scurvie & [55]
\nother diseases, which this long vioage & their inacomodate condition had
\nbrought upon them; so as ther dyed some times 2. or 3. of a day, in y^e
\nforesaid time; that of 100. & odd persons, scarce 50. remained. And of
\nthese in y^e time of most distres, ther was but 6. or 7. sound persons,
\nwho, to their great comendations be it spoken, spared no pains, night
\nnor day, but with abundance of toyle and hazard of their owne health,
\nfetched them woode, made them fires, drest them meat, made their beads,
\nwashed their lothsome cloaths, cloathed & uncloathed them; in a word,
\ndid all y^e homly & necessarie offices for them w^ch dainty & quesie
\nstomacks cannot endure to hear named; and all this willingly &
\ncherfully, without any grudging in y^e least, shewing herein their true
\nlove unto their freinds & bretheren. A rare example & worthy to be
\nremembred. Tow of these 7. were M^r. William Brewster, ther reverend
\nElder, & Myles Standish, ther Captein & military comander, unto whom my
\nselfe, & many others, were much beholden in our low & sicke condition.
\nAnd yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as in this generall calamity
\nthey were not at all infected either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what I
\nhave said of these, I may say of many others who dyed in this generall
\nvissitation, & others yet living, that whilst they had health, yea, or
\nany strength continuing, they were not wanting to any that had need of
\nthem. And I doute not but their recompence is with y^e Lord.<\/p>\n
But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable passage not to be
\nforgotten. As this calamitie fell among y^e passengers that were to be
\nleft here to plant, and were hasted a shore and made to drinke water,
\nthat y^e sea-men might have y^e more bear, and one[AK] in his sicknes
\ndesiring but a small cann of beere, it was answered, that if he were
\ntheir owne father he should have none; the disease begane to fall
\namongst them also, so as allmost halfe of their company dyed before they
\nwent away, and many of their officers and lustyest men, as y^e boatson,
\ngunner, 3. quarter-maisters, the cooke, & others. At w^ch y^e m^r. was
\nsomething strucken and sent to y^e sick a shore and tould y^e Gov^r he
\nshould send for beer for them that had need of it, though he drunke
\nwater homward bound. But now amongst his company [56] ther was farr
\nanother kind of carriage in this miserie then amongst y^e passengers;
\nfor they that before had been boone companions in drinking & joyllity in
\ny^e time of their health & wellfare, begane now to deserte one another
\nin this calamitie, saing they would not hasard ther lives for them, they
\nshould be infected by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after
\nthey came to dye by it, would doe litle or nothing for them, but if they
\ndyed let them dye. But shuch of y^e passengers as were yet abord shewed
\nthem what mercy they could, w^ch made some of their harts relente, as
\ny^e boatson (& some others), who was a prowd yonge man, and would often
\ncurse & scofe at y^e passengers; but when he grew weak, they had
\ncompassion on him and helped him; then he confessed he did not deserve
\nit at their hands, he had abused them in word & deed. O! saith he, you,
\nI now see, shew your love like Christians indeed one to another, but we
\nlet one another lye & dye like doggs. Another lay cursing his wife,
\nsaing if it had not ben for her he had never come this unlucky viage,
\nand anone cursing his felows, saing he had done this & that, for some of
\nthem, he had spente so much, & so much, amongst them, and they were now
\nweary of him, and did not help him, having need. Another gave his
\ncompanion all he had, if he died, to help him in his weaknes; he went
\nand got a litle spise & made him a mess of meat once or twise, and
\nbecause he dyed not so soone as he expected, he went amongst his
\nfellows, & swore y^e rogue would cousen him, he would see him choaked
\nbefore he made him any more meate; and yet y^e pore fellow dyed before
\nmorning.<\/p>\n
All this while y^e Indians came skulking about them, and would sometimes
\nshow them selves aloofe of, but when any aproached near them, they would
\nrune away. And once they stoale away their tools wher they had been at
\nworke, & were gone to diner. But about y^e 16. _of March_ a certaine
\nIndian came bouldly amongst them, and spoke to them in broken English,
\nwhich they could well understand, but marvelled at it. At length they
\nunderstood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but
\nbelonged to y^e eastrene parts, wher some English-ships came to fhish,
\nwith whom he was aquainted, & could name sundrie of them by their names,
\namongst whom he had gott his language. He became proftable to them [57]
\nin aquainting them with many things concerning y^e state of y^e cuntry
\nin y^e east-parts wher he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto
\nthem; as also of y^e people hear, of their names, number, & strength; of
\ntheir situation & distance from this place, and who was cheefe amongst
\nthem. His name was _Samaset_; he tould them also of another Indian whos
\nname was _Squanto_, a native of this place, who had been in England &
\ncould speake better English then him selfe. Being, after some time of
\nentertainmente & gifts, dismist, a while after he came againe, & 5. more
\nwith him, & they brought againe all y^e tooles that were stolen away
\nbefore, and made way for y^e coming of their great Sachem, called
\n_Massasoyt_; who, about _4. or 5. days after_, came with the cheefe of
\nhis freinds & other attendance, with the aforesaid _Squanto_. With whom,
\nafter frendly entertainment, & some gifts given him, they made a peace
\nwith him (which hath now continued this 24. years) in these terms.<\/p>\n
1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe hurte to any of
\ntheir peopl.<\/p>\n
2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he should send y^e
\noffender, that they might punish him.<\/p>\n
3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause
\nit to be restored; and they should doe y^e like to his.<\/p>\n
4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aide him; if any did
\nwarr against them, he should aide them.<\/p>\n
5. He should send to his neighbours confederats, to certifie them of
\nthis, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in
\ny^e conditions of peace.<\/p>\n
6. That when ther men came to them, they should leave their bows &
\narrows behind them.<\/p>\n
After these things he returned to his place caled _Sowams_, some 40.
\nmile from this place, but _Squanto_ continued with them, and was their
\ninterpreter, and was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good
\nbeyond their expectation. He directed them how to set their corne, wher
\nto take fish, and to procure other comodities, and was also their pilott
\nto bring them to unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them
\ntill he dyed. He was a _native [58] of this place_, & scarce any left
\nalive besids him selfe. He was caried away with diverce others by one
\n_Hunt_, a m^r. of a ship, who thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine;
\nbut he got away for England, and was entertained by a marchante in
\nLondon, & imployed to New-foundland & other parts, & lastly brought
\nhither into these parts by one M^r. _Dermer_, a gentle-man imployed by
\nSr. Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery, & other designes in these
\nparts. Of whom I shall say some thing, because it is mentioned in a
\nbooke set forth An^o: 1622. by the Presidente & Counsell for
\nNew-England,[AL] that he made y^e peace betweene y^e salvages of these
\nparts & y^e English; of which this plantation, as it is intimated, had
\ny^e benefite. But what a peace it was, may apeare by what befell him &
\nhis men.<\/p>\n
This M^r. Dermer was hear the same year that these people came, as
\napears by a relation written by him, & given me by a friend, bearing
\ndate June 30. An^o: 1620. And they came in Novemb^r: following, so ther
\nwas but 4. months differance. In which relation to his honored freind,
\nhe hath these passages of this very place.<\/p>\n
I will first begine (saith he) w^th that place from whence _Squanto_,
\nor _Tisquantem_, was taken away; w^ch in Cap: _Smiths mape_ is called
\n_Plimoth_: and I would that Plimoth had y^e like comodities. I would
\nthat the first plantation might hear be seated, if ther come to the
\nnumber of 50. persons, or upward. Otherwise at Charlton, because ther
\ny^e savages are lese to be feared. The _Pocanawkits_, which live to
\ny^e _west_ of _Plimoth_, bear an inveterate malice to y^e English, and
\nare of more streingth then all y^e savags from thence to Penobscote.
\nTheir desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having
\nmany of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their murderers &
\nsmale shot, when as (they say) they offered no injurie on their parts.
\nWhether they were English or no, it may be douted; yet they beleeve
\nthey were, for y^e Frenche have so possest them; for which cause
\n_Squanto_ ca[=n]ot deney but they would have kiled me when I was at
\n_Namasket_, had he not entreated hard for me. The soyle of y^e borders
\nof [59] this great bay, may be compared to most of y^e plantations
\nwhich I have seene in Virginia. The land is of diverce sorts; for
\n_Patuxite_ is a hardy but strong soyle, _Nawsel & Saughtughtett_ are
\nfor y^e most part a blakish & deep mould, much like that wher groweth
\ny^e best Tobaco in Virginia. In y^e botume of y^t great bay is store
\nof Codd & basse, or mulett, &c.<\/p>\n
But above all he comends _Pacanawkite_ for y^e richest soyle, and much
\nopen ground fitt for English graine, &c.<\/p>\n
_Massachussets_ is about 9. leagues from _Plimoth_, & situate in y^e
\nmids betweene both, is full of ilands & peninsules very fertill for
\ny^e most parte.<\/p>\n
With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to transcribe, being now
\nbetter knowne then they were to him.<\/p>\n
He was taken prisoner by y^e Indeans at _Manamoiak_ (a place not farr
\nfrom hence, now well knowne). He gave them what they demanded for his
\nliberty, but when they had gott what they desired, they kept him still &
\nindevored to kill his men; but he was freed by seasing on some of them,
\nand kept them bound till they gave him a cannows load of corne. Of
\nwhich, see Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778. But this was An^o: 1619.<\/p>\n
After y^e writing of y^e former relation he came to y^e Ile of
\n_Capawack_ (which lyes south of this place in y^e way to Virginia), and
\ny^e foresaid _Squanto_ w^th him, wher he going a shore amongst y^e
\nIndans to trad, as he used to doe, was betrayed & assaulted by them, &
\n_all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat_; but him selfe gott
\nabord very sore wounded, & they had cut of his head upon y^e cudy of his
\nboat, had not y^e man reskued him with a sword. And so they got away, &
\nmade shift to gett into Virginia, wher he dyed; whether of his wounds or
\ny^e diseases of y^e cuntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine. [60] By
\nall which it may appeare how farr these people were from peace, and with
\nwhat danger this plantation was begune, save as y^e powerfull hand of
\nthe Lord did protect them. These things[AM] were partly the reason why
\nthey kept aloofe & were so long before they came to the English. An
\nother reason (as after them selvs made kno[=w]) was how aboute 3. _years
\nbefore_, a French-ship was cast away at _Cap-Codd_, but y^e men gott
\nashore, & saved their lives, and much of their victails, & other goods;
\nbut after y^e Indeans heard of it, they geathered togeather from these
\nparts, and never left watching & dogging them till they got advantage,
\nand _kild them all but 3. or 4._ which they kept, & sent from one Sachem
\nto another, to make sporte with, and used them worse then slaves; (of
\nwhich y^e foresaid M^r. Dermer redeemed 2. of them;) and they conceived
\nthis ship was now come to revenge it.<\/p>\n
Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came to y^e English to
\nmake freindship, they gott all the _Powachs_ of y^e cuntrie, for 3. days
\ntogeather, in a horid and divellish maner to curse & execrate them with
\ntheir cunjurations, which asembly & service they held in a darke &
\ndismale swampe.<\/p>\n
But to returne. The spring now approaching, it pleased God the
\nmortalitie begane to cease amongst them, and y^e sick and lame recovered
\napace, which put as it were new life into them; though they had borne
\ntheir sadd affliction with much patience & contentednes, as I thinke
\nany people could doe. But it was y^e Lord which upheld them, and had
\nbeforehand prepared them; many having long borne y^e yoake, yea from
\ntheir youth. Many other smaler maters I omite, sundrie of them having
\nbeen allready published in a Jurnall made by one of the company; and
\nsome other passages of jurneys and relations allredy published, to which
\nI referr those that are willing to know them more perticulerly. And
\nbeing now come to y^e 25. of March I shall begine y^e year 1621.<\/p>\n
[61] _Anno. 1621._<\/p>\n
They now begane to dispatch y^e ship away which brought them over, which
\nlay tille aboute this time, or y^e begining of Aprill. The reason on
\ntheir parts why she stayed so long, was y^e necessitie and danger that
\nlay upon them, for it was well towards y^e ende of Desember before she
\ncould land any thing hear, or they able to receive any thing ashore.
\nAfterwards, y^e 14. of Jan: the house which they had made for a generall
\nrandevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were faine to retire abord for
\nshilter. Then the sicknes begane to fall sore amongst them, and y^e
\nweather so bad as they could not make much sooner any dispatch. Againe,
\nthe Gov^r & cheefe of them, seeing so many dye, and fall downe sick
\ndayly, thought it no wisdom to send away the ship, their condition
\nconsidered, and y^e danger they stood in from y^e Indeans, till they
\ncould procure some shelter; and therfore thought it better to draw some
\nmore charge upon them selves & freinds, then hazard all. The m^r. and
\nsea-men likewise, though before they hasted y^e passengers a shore to be
\ngoone, now many of their men being dead, & of y^e ablest of them, (as is
\nbefore noted,) and of y^e rest many lay sick & weake, y^e m^r. durst not
\nput to sea, till he saw his men begine to recover, and y^e hart of
\nwinter over.<\/p>\n
Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to plant ther corne, in
\nwhich servise Squanto stood them in great stead, showing them both y^e
\nmaner how to set it, and after how to dress & tend it. Also he tould
\nthem excepte they gott fish & set with it (in these old grounds) it
\nwould come to nothing, and he showed them y^t in y^e midle of Aprill
\nthey should have store enough come up y^e brooke, by which they begane
\nto build, and taught them how to take it, and wher to get other
\nprovissions necessary for them; all which they found true by triall &
\nexperience. Some English seed they sew, as wheat & pease, but it came
\nnot to good, eather by y^e badnes of y^e seed, or latenes of y^e season,
\nor both, or some other defecte.<\/p>\n
[62] In this month of _Aprill_ whilst they were bussie about their seed,
\ntheir Gov^r (M^r. John Carver) came out of y^e feild very sick, it being
\na hott day; he complained greatly of his head, and lay downe, and within
\na few howers his sences failed, so as he never spake more till he dyed,
\nwhich was within a few days after. Whoss death was much lamented, and
\ncaused great heavines amongst them, as ther was cause. He was buried in
\ny^e best maner they could, with some vollies of shott by all that bore
\narmes; and his wife, being a weak woman, dyed within 5. or 6. weeks
\nafter him.<\/p>\n
Shortly after William Bradford was chosen Gove^r in his stead, and being
\nnot yet recoverd of his ilnes, in which he had been near y^e point of
\ndeath, Isaak Allerton was chosen to be an Asistante unto him, who, by
\nrenewed election every year, continued sundry years togeather, which I
\nhear note once for all.<\/p>\n
_May 12._ was y^e first mariage in this place, which, according to y^e
\nlaudable custome of the Low-Cuntries, in which they had lived, was
\nthought most requisite to be performed by the magistrate, as being a
\ncivill thing, upon which many questions aboute inheritances doe depende,
\nwith other things most proper to their cognizans, and most consonante to
\ny^e scripturs, Ruth 4. and no wher found in y^e gospell to be layed on
\ny^e ministers as a part of their office. “This decree or law about
\nmariage was published by y^e Stats of y^e Low-Cuntries An^o: 1590. That
\nthose of any religion, after lawfull and open publication, coming before
\ny^e magistrats, in y^e Town or Stat-house, were to be orderly (by them)
\nmaried one to another.” Petets Hist, fol: 1029. And this practiss hath
\ncontinued amongst, not only them, but hath been followed by all y^e
\nfamous churches of Christ in these parts to this time,–An^o: 1646.<\/p>\n
Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at home, it was thought
\nmeete to send some abroad to see their new friend Massasoyet, and to
\nbestow upon him some gratuitie to bind him y^e faster unto them; as also
\nthat hearby they might veiw y^e countrie, and see in what maner he
\nlived, what strength he had aboute him, and how y^e ways were to his
\nplace, if at any time they should have occasion. So y^e 2. _of July_
\nthey sente M^r. Edward Winslow & M^r. Hopkins, with y^e foresaid Squanto
\nfor ther guid, who gave him a suite of cloaths, and a horsemans coate,
\nwith some other small things, which were kindly accepted; but they found
\nbut short co[=m]ons, and came both weary & hungrie home. For y^e Indeans
\nused then to have nothing [63] so much corne as they have since y^e
\nEnglish have stored them with their hows, and seene their industrie in
\nbreaking up new grounds therwith. _They found his place to be 40. miles
\nfrom hence_, y^e soyle good, & y^e people not many, being dead &
\nabundantly wasted in y^e late great mortalitie which fell in all these
\nparts aboute _three years_ before y^e coming of y^e English, wherin
\nthousands of them dyed, they not being able to burie one another; ther
\nsculs and bones were found in many places lying still above ground,
\nwhere their houses & dwellings had been; a very sad spectackle to
\nbehould. But they brought word that y^e Narighansets lived but on y^e
\nother side of that great bay, & were a strong people, & many in number,
\nliving compacte togeather, & had not been at all touched with this
\nwasting plague.<\/p>\n
Aboute y^e _later end of this month_, one John Billington lost him selfe
\nin y^e woods, & wandered up & downe some 5. days, living on beries &
\nwhat he could find. At length he light on an Indean plantation, 20. mils
\nsouth of this place, called _Manamet_, they conveid him furder of, to
\n_Nawsett_, among those peopl that had before set upon y^e English when
\nthey were costing, whilest y^e ship lay at y^e Cape, as is before noted.
\nBut y^e Gove^r caused him to be enquired for among y^e Indeans, and at
\nlength Massassoyt sent word wher he was, and y^e Gove^r sent a shalop
\nfor him, & had him delivered. Those people also came and made their
\npeace; and they gave full satisfaction to those whose come they had
\nfound & taken when they were at Cap-Codd.<\/p>\n
Thus ther peace & aquaintance was prety well establisht w^th the natives
\naboute them; and ther was an other Indean called _Hobamack_ come to live
\namongst them, a proper lustie man, and a man of accounte for his vallour
\n& parts amongst y^e Indeans, and continued very faithfull and constant
\nto y^e English till he dyed. He & Squanto being gone upon bussines
\namonge y^e Indeans, at their returne (whether it was out of envie to
\nthem or malice to the English) ther was a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed
\nto Massassoyte, but never any good friend to y^e English to this day,
\nmett with them at an Indean towne caled Namassakett 14. miles to y^e
\nwest of this place, and begane to quarell w^th [64] them, and offered to
\nstabe Hobamack; but being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him, and
\ncame ru[=n]ing away all sweating and tould y^e Gov^r what had befalne
\nhim, and he feared they had killed Squanto, for they threatened them
\nboth, and for no other cause but because they were freinds to y^e
\nEnglish, and servisable unto them. Upon this y^e Gove^r taking counsell,
\nit was conceivd not fitt to be borne; for if they should suffer their
\nfreinds & messengers thus to be wronged, they should have none would
\ncleave unto them, or give them any inteligence, or doe them serviss
\nafterwards; but nexte they would fall upon them selves. Whereupon it was
\nresolved to send y^e Captaine & 14. men well armed, and to goe & fall
\nupon them in y^e night; and if they found that Squanto was kild, to cut
\nof Corbitants head, but not to hurt any but those that had a hand in it.
\nHobamack was asked if he would goe & be their guid, & bring them ther
\nbefore day. He said he would, & bring them to y^e house wher the man
\nlay, and show them which was he. So they set forth y^e 14. _of August_,
\nand beset y^e house round; the Captin giving charg to let none pass out,
\nentred y^e house to search for him. But he was goone away that day, so
\nthey mist him; but understood y^t Squanto was alive, & that he had only
\nthreatened to kill him, & made an offer to stabe him but did not. So
\nthey withheld and did no more hurte, & y^e people came trembling, &
\nbrought them the best provissions they had, after they were aquainted by
\nHobamack what was only intended. Ther was 3. sore wounded which broak
\nout of y^e house, and asaid to pass through y^e garde. These they
\nbrought home with them, & they had their wounds drest & cured, and sente
\nhome. After this they had many gratulations from diverce sachims, and
\nmuch firmer peace; yea, those of y^e Iles of Capawack sent to make
\nfrendship; and this Corbitant him selfe used y^e mediation of
\nMassassoyte to make his peace, but was shie to come neare them a longe
\nwhile after.<\/p>\n
After this, y^e 18. of Septemb^r: they sente out ther shalop to the
\nMassachusets, with 10. men, and Squanto for their guid and [65]
\ninterpreter, to discover and veiw that bay, and trade with y^e natives;
\nthe which they performed, and found kind entertainement. The people were
\nmuch affraid of y^e Tarentins, a people to y^e eastward which used to
\ncome in harvest time and take away their corne, & many times kill their
\npersons. They returned in saftie, and brought home a good quanty of
\nbeaver, and made reporte of y^e place, wishing they had been ther
\nseated; (but it seems y^e Lord, who assignes to all men y^e bounds of
\ntheir habitations, had apoynted it for an other use). And thus they
\nfound the Lord to be with them in all their ways, and to blesse their
\noutgoings & inco[=m]ings, for which let his holy name have y^e praise
\nfor ever, to all posteritie.<\/p>\n
They begane now to gather in y^e small harvest they had, and to fitte up
\ntheir houses and dwellings against winter, being all well recovered in
\nhealth & strenght, and had all things in good plenty; for as some were
\nthus imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised in fishing,
\naboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which y^ey tooke good store, of
\nwhich every family had their portion. All y^e so[=m]er ther was no
\nwante. And now begane to come in store of foule, as winter aproached, of
\nwhich this place did abound when they came first (but afterward
\ndecreased by degrees). And besids water foule, ther was great store of
\nwild Turkies, of which they tooke many, besids venison, &c. Besids they
\nhad aboute a peck a meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest,
\nIndean corne to y^t proportion. Which made many afterwards write so
\nlargly of their plenty hear to their freinds in England, which were not
\nfained, but true reports.<\/p>\n
In Novemb^r, about y^e time twelfe month that them selves came, ther
\ncame in a small ship to them unexpected or loked for,[AN] in which came
\nMr. Cushman (so much spoken of before) and with him 35. persons to
\nremaine & live in y^e plantation; which did not a litle rejoyce them.
\nAnd they when they came a shore and found all well, and saw plenty of
\nvitails in every house, were no less glade. For most of them were lusty
\nyonge men, and many of them wild enough, who litle considered whither or
\naboute what they wente, till they came into y^e harbore at Cap-Codd, and
\nther saw nothing but a naked and barren place. They then begane to
\nthinke what should become of them, if the people here were dead or cut
\nof by y^e Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches that some
\nof y^e sea-men had cast out) to take y^e sayls from y^e yeard least y^e
\nship [66] should gett away and leave them ther. But y^e m^r. hereing of
\nit, gave them good words, and tould them if any thing but well should
\nhave befallne y^e people hear, he hoped he had vitails enough to cary
\nthem to Virginia, and whilst he had a bitt they should have their parte;
\nwhich gave them good satisfaction. So they were all landed; but ther was
\nnot so much as bisket-cake or any other victialls[AO] for them, neither
\nhad they any beding, but some sory things they had in their cabins, nor
\npot, nor pan, to drese any meate in; nor overmany cloaths, for many of
\nthem had brusht away their coats & cloaks at Plimoth as they came. But
\nther was sent over some burching-lane suits in y^e ship, out of which
\nthey were supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition of
\nstrenght, but could have wished that many of them had been of beter
\ncondition, and all of them beter furnished with provissions; but y^t
\ncould not now be helpte.<\/p>\n
In this ship M^r. Weston sent a large leter to M^r. Carver, y^e late
\nGove^r, now deseased, full of complaints & expostulations aboute former
\npassagess at Hampton; and y^e keeping y^e shipe so long in y^e country,
\nand returning her without lading, &c., which for brevitie I omite. The
\nrest is as followeth.<\/p>\n
_Part of Mr. Westons letter_.<\/p>\n
I durst never aquainte y^e adventurers with y^e alteration of y^e
\nconditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since been very
\nglad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as much as I doe, they
\nwould not have adventured a halfe-peny of what was necesary for this
\nship. That you sent no lading in the ship is wonderfull, and worthily
\ndistasted. I know you^r weaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve
\nmore weaknes of judgmente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of y^e
\ntime you spente in discoursing, arguing, & consulting, would have done
\nmuch more; but that is past, &c. If you mean, bona fide, to performe
\nthe conditions agreed upon, doe us y^e favore to coppy them out faire,
\nand subscribe them with y^e principall of your names. And likwise give
\nus accounte as perticulerly as you can how our moneys were laid out.
\nAnd then I shall be able to give them some satisfaction, whom I am now
\nforsed with good words to shift of. And consider that y^e life of the
\nbussines depends on y^e lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any
\ngood purpose, that I may be freed from y^e great sums I have disbursed
\nfor y^e former, and must doe for the later, _I promise you I will
\nnever quit y^e bussines, though all the other adventurers should._<\/p>\n
[67] We have procured you a Charter, the best we could, which is beter
\nthen your former, and with less limitation. For any thing y^t is els
\nworth writting, M^r. Cushman can informe you. I pray write instantly
\nfor M^r. Robinson to come to you. And so praying God to blesse you
\nwith all graces nessessary both for this life & that to come, I rest<\/p>\n
Your very loving frend,
\nTHO. WESTON.<\/p>\n
London, July 6. 1621.<\/p>\n
This ship (caled y^e Fortune) was speedily dispatcht away, being laden
\nwith good clapbord as full as she could stowe, and 2. hoggsheads of
\nbeaver and otter skins, which they gott with a few trifling comodities
\nbrought with them at first, being alltogeather unprovided for trade;
\nneither was ther any amongst them that ever saw a beaver skin till they
\ncame hear, and were informed by Squanto. The fraight was estimated to be
\nworth near 500^li. M^r. Cushman returned backe also with this ship, for
\nso Mr. Weston & y^e rest had apoynted him, for their better information.
\nAnd he doubted not, nor them selves neither, but they should have a
\nspeedy supply; considering allso how by M^r. Cushmans perswation, and
\nletters received from Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they
\nyeelded[AP] to y^e afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with their
\nhands. But it proved other wise, for Mr. Weston, who had made y^e large
\npromise in his leter, (as is before noted,) that if all y^e rest should
\nfall of, yet he would never quit y^e bussines, but stick to them, if
\nthey yeelded to y^e conditions, and sente some lading in y^e ship; and
\nof this M^r. Cushman was confident, and confirmed y^e same from his
\nmouth, & serious protestations to him selfe before he came. But all
\nproved but wind, for he was y^e first and only man that forsooke them,
\nand that before he so much as heard of y^e returne of this ship, or knew
\nwhat was done; (so vaine is the confidence in man.) But of this more in
\nits place.<\/p>\n
A leter in answer to his write to M^r. Carver, was sente to him from y^e
\nGov^r, of which so much as is pertenente to y^e thing in hand I shall
\nhear inserte.<\/p>\n
S^r: Your large letter writen to M^r. Carver, and dated y^e 6. of
\nJuly, 1621, I have received y^e 10. of Novemb^r, wherin (after y^e
\napologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie imputations upon him
\nand us all. Touching him, he is departed this life, and now is at rest
\n[68] in y^e Lord from all those troubls and incoumbrances with which
\nwe are yet to strive. He needs not my appologie; for his care and
\npains was so great for y^e commone good, both ours and yours, as that
\ntherwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and shortened his
\ndays; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine. At great charges
\nin this adventure, I confess you have beene, and many losses may
\nsustaine; but y^e loss of his and many other honest and industrious
\nmens lives, cannot be vallewed at any prise. Of y^e one, ther may be
\nhope of recovery, but y^e other no recompence can make good. But I
\nwill not insiste in generalls, but come more perticulerly to y^e
\nthings them selves. You greatly blame us for keping y^e ship so long
\nin y^e countrie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay 5. weks at
\nCap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (after a long journey) and the
\nindurance of many a hard brunte, we sought out in the foule winter a
\nplace of habitation. Then we went in so tedious a time to make
\nprovission to sheelter us and our goods, aboute w^ch labour, many of
\nour armes & leggs can tell us to this day we were not necligent. But
\nit pleased God to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with so
\ngenerall a disease, that the living were scarce able to burie the
\ndead; and y^e well not in any measure sufficiente to tend y^e sick.
\nAnd now to be so greatly blamed, for not fraighting y^e ship, doth
\nindeed goe near us, and much discourage us. But you say you know we
\nwill pretend weaknes; and doe you think we had not cause? Yes, you
\ntell us you beleeve it, but it was more weaknes of judgmente, then of
\nhands. Our weaknes herin is great we confess, therfore we will bear
\nthis check patiently amongst y^e rest, till God send us wiser men. But
\nthey which tould you we spent so much time in discoursing &
\nconsulting, &c., their harts can tell their toungs, they lye. They
\ncared not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they wounded
\nothers. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are (beyound expectation)
\nyoked with some ill conditioned people, who will never doe good, but
\ncorrupte and abuse others, &c.<\/p>\n
The rest of y^e letter declared how they had subscribed those conditions
\naccording to his desire, and sente him y^e former accounts very
\nperticulerly; also how y^e ship was laden, and in what condition their
\naffairs stood; that y^e coming of these [69] people would bring famine
\nupon them unavoydably, if they had not supply in time (as Mr. Cushman
\ncould more fully informe him & y^e rest of y^e adventurers). Also that
\nseeing he was now satisfied in all his demands, that offences would be
\nforgoten, and he remember his promise, &c.<\/p>\n
After y^e departure of this ship, (which stayed not above 14. days,) the
\nGove^r & his assistante haveing disposed these late co[=m]ers into
\nseverall families, as y^ey best could, tooke an exacte accounte of all
\ntheir provissions in store, and proportioned y^e same to y^e number of
\npersons, and found that it would not hould out above 6. months at halfe
\nalowance, and hardly that. And they could not well give less this winter
\ntime till fish came in againe. So they were presently put to half
\nalowance, one as well as an other, which begane to be hard, but they
\nbore it patiently under hope of supply.<\/p>\n
Sone after this ships departure, y^e great people of y^e Narigansets, in
\na braving maner, sente a messenger unto them with a bundl of arrows tyed
\naboute with a great sneak-skine; which their interpretours tould them
\nwas a threatening & a chaleng. Upon which y^e Gov^r, with y^e advice of
\nothers, sente them a round answere, that if they had rather have warre
\nthen peace, they might begine when they would; they had done them no
\nwrong, neither did y^ey fear them, or should they find them unprovided.
\nAnd by another messenger sente y^e sneake-skine back with bulits in it;
\nbut they would not receive it, but sent it back againe. But these
\nthings I doe but mention, because they are more at large allready put
\nforth in printe, by M^r. Winslow, at y^e requeste of some freinds. And
\nit is like y^e reason was their owne ambition, who, (since y^e death of
\nso many of y^e Indeans,) thought to dominire & lord it over y^e rest, &
\nconceived y^e English would be a barr in their way, and saw that
\nMassasoyt took sheilter allready under their wings.<\/p>\n
But this made them y^e more carefully to looke to them selves, so as
\nthey agreed to inclose their dwellings with a good strong pale, and make
\nflankers in convenient places, with gates to shute, which were every
\nnight locked, and a watch kept, and when neede required ther was also
\nwarding in y^e day time. And y^e company was by y^e Captaine and y^e
\nGov^r [70] advise, devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had ther
\nquarter apoynted them, unto which they were to repaire upon any suddane
\nalarme. And if ther should be any crie of fire, a company were appointed
\nfor a gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet y^e same, to prevent
\nIndean treachery. This was accomplished very cherfully, and y^e towne
\nimpayled round by y^e begining of March, in which evry family had a
\nprety garden plote secured. And herewith I shall end this year. Only I
\nshall remember one passage more, rather of mirth then of waight. One y^e
\nday called Chrismasday, y^e Gov^r caled them out to worke, (as was
\nused,) but y^e most of this new-company excused them selves and said it
\nwente against their consciences to work on y^t day. So y^e Gov^r tould
\nthem that if they made it mater of conscience, he would spare them till
\nthey were better informed. So he led-away y^e rest and left them; but
\nwhen they came home at noone from their worke, he found them in y^e
\nstreete at play, openly; some pitching y^e barr, & some at stoole-ball,
\nand shuch like sports. So he went to them, and tooke away their
\nimplements, and tould them that was against his conscience, that they
\nshould play & others worke. If they made y^e keeping of it mater of
\ndevotion, let them kepe their houses, but ther should be no gameing or
\nrevelling in y^e streets. Since which time nothing hath been atempted
\nthat way, at least openly.<\/p>\n
_Anno 1622._<\/p>\n
At y^e spring of y^e year they had apointed y^e Massachusets to come
\nagaine and trade with them, and begane now to prepare for that vioag
\nabout y^e later end of March. But upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, their
\nIndean, tould them upon some jealocies he had, he feared they were
\njoyned w^th y^e Narighansets and might betray them if they were not
\ncarefull. He intimated also some jealocie of Squanto, by what he
\ngathered from some private whisperings betweene him and other Indeans.
\nBut [71] they resolved to proseede, and sente out their shalop with 10.
\nof their cheefe men aboute y^e begining of Aprill, and both Squanto &
\nHobamake with them, in regarde of y^e jelocie betweene them. But they
\nhad not bene gone longe, but an Indean belonging to Squantos family came
\nruning in seeming great fear, and tould them that many of y^e
\nNarihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought also Massasoyte, were
\ncoming against them; and he gott away to tell them, not without danger.
\nAnd being examined by y^e Gov^r, he made as if they were at hand, and
\nwould still be looking back, as if they were at his heels. At which the
\nGovernor caused them to take armes & stand on their garde, and supposing
\ny^e boat to be still within hearing (by reason it was calme) caused a
\nwarning peece or 2. to be shote of, the which y^ey heard and came in.
\nBut no Indeans apeared; watch was kepte all night, but nothing was
\nscene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and thought all was false;
\nyet y^e Gov^r caused him to send his wife privatly, to see what she
\ncould observe (pretening other occasions), but ther was nothing found,
\nbut all was quiet. After this they proseeded on their vioge to y^e
\nMassachusets, and had good trade, and returned in saftie, blessed be
\nGod.<\/p>\n
But by the former passages, and other things of like nature, they begane
\nto see y^t Squanto sought his owne ends, and plaid his owne game, by
\nputting y^e Indeans in fear, and drawing gifts from them to enrich him
\nselfe; making them beleeve he could stur up warr against whom he would,
\n& make peece for whom he would. Yea, he made them beleeve they kept y^e
\nplague buried in y^e ground, and could send it amongs whom they would,
\nwhich did much terrifie the Indeans, and made them depend more on him,
\nand seeke more to him then to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie, and
\nhad like to have cost him his life. For after y^e discovery of his
\npractises, Massasoyt sought it both privatly and openly; which caused
\nhim to stick close to y^e English, & never durst goe from them till he
\ndyed. They also made good use of y^e emulation y^t grue betweene
\nHobamack and him, which made them cary more squarely. And y^e Gov^r
\nseemed to countenance y^e one, and y^e Captaine y^e other, by which they
\nhad better intelligence, and made them both more diligente.<\/p>\n
[72] Now in a maner their provissions were wholy spent, and they looked
\nhard for supply, but none came. But about y^e _later end of May_, they
\nspied _a boat_ at sea, which at first they thought had beene some
\nFrenchman; but it proved a shalop which came from a ship which M^r.
\nWeston & an other had set out a fishing, at a place called
\nDamarins-cove, 40. leagues to y^e eastward of them, wher were y^t year
\nmany more ships come a fishing. This boat brought 7. passengers and some
\nletters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any. Some part of which I shall
\nset downe.<\/p>\n
M^r. Carver, in my last leters by y^e Fortune, in whom M^r Cushman
\nwente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly expecte y^e shipe back
\nagaine. She departed hence, y^e begining of July, with 35. persons,
\nthough not over well provided with necesaries, by reason of y^e
\nparsemonie of y^e adventurers.[AQ] I have solisited them to send you a
\nsupply of men and provissions before shee come. They all answer they
\nwill doe great maters, when they hear good news. Nothing before; so
\nfaithfull, constant, & carefull of your good, are your olde & honest
\nfreinds, that if they hear not from you, they are like to send you no
\nsupplie, &c. I am now to relate y^e occasion of sending _this ship_,
\nhoping if you give credite to my words, you will have a more
\nfavourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof Pickering is one, who
\ntaxed me to mind my owne ends, which is in part true, &c. _M^r.
\nBeachamp and my selfe_ bought _this litle ship_, and have set her out,
\npartly, if it may be, to uphold[AR] y^e plantation, as well to doe
\nothers good as our selves; and partly to gett up what we are formerly
\nout; though we are otherwise censured, &c. This is y^e occasion we
\nhave sent _this ship_ and these passengers, on our owne accounte; whom
\nwe desire you will frendly entertaine & supply with shuch necesaries
\nas you cane spare, and they wante, &c. And among other things we pray
\nyou lend or sell them some seed corne, and if you have y^e salt
\nremaining of y^e last year, that y^u will let them have it for their
\npresente use, and we will either pay you for it, or give you more when
\nwe have set our salt-pan to worke, which we desire may be set up in
\none of y^e litle ilands in your bay, &c. And because we intende, if
\nGod plase, [73] (and y^e generallitie doe it not,) _to send within a
\nmonth another shipe_, who, having discharged her passengers, _shal goe
\nto Virginia_, &c. And it may be we shall send a _small ship to abide
\nwith you_ on y^e coast, which I conceive may be a great help to y^e
\nplantation. To y^e end our desire may be effected, which, I assure my
\nselfe, will be also for your good, we pray you give them
\nentertainmente in your houses y^e time they shall be with you, that
\nthey may lose no time, but may presently goe in hand to fell trees &
\ncleave them, to y^e end lading may be ready and our ship stay not.<\/p>\n
Some of y^e adventurers have sent you hearwith all some directions for
\nyour furtherance in y^e co[=m]one bussines, who are like those S^t.
\nJames speaks of, y^t bid their brother eat, and warme him, but give
\nhim nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold y^e plantation, but
\nsend you no means wherwithall to doe it, &c. By _y^e next_ we purpose
\n_to send more people on our owne accounte_, and _to take a patente_;
\nthat if your peopl should be as unhumane as some of y^e adventurers,
\nnot to admite us to dwell with them, which were extreme barbarisme,
\nand which will never enter into my head to thinke you have any shuch
\nPickerings amongst you. Yet to satisfie our passengers I must of force
\ndoe it; and for some other reasons not necessary to be writen, &c. I
\nfind y^e generall so backward, and your freinds at Leyden so could,
\nthat I fear you must stand on your leggs, and trust (as they say) to
\nGod and your selves.<\/p>\n
Subscribed,
\nyour loving freind,
\nTHO: WESTON.<\/p>\n
Jan: 12. 1621.<\/p>\n
Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious & impertinent.<\/p>\n
All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie bellies, and a
\nslender performance of his former late promiss; and as litle did it
\neither fill or warme them, as those y^e Apostle James spake of, by him
\nbefore mentioned. And well might it make them remember what y^e psalmist
\nsaith, Psa. 118. 8. _It is better to trust in the Lord, then to have
\nconfidence in man._ And Psa. 146. _Put not you trust in princes_ (much
\nless in y^e marchants) _nor in y^e sone of man, for ther is no help in
\nthem._ v. 5. _Blesed is he that hath y^e God of Jacob for his help,
\nwhose hope is in y^e Lord his God._ And as they were now fayled of suply
\nby him and others in this their greatest neede and wants, which was
\ncaused by him and y^e rest, who put so great a company of men upon them,
\nas y^e former company were, without any food, and came at shuch a time
\nas they must live almost a whole year before any could [74] be raised,
\nexcepte they had sente some; so, upon y^e pointe they never had any
\nsupply of vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord gave them
\notherwise); for all y^e company sent at any time was allways too short
\nfor those people y^t came with it.<\/p>\n
Ther came allso _by y^e same ship_ other leters, but of later date, one
\nfrom M^r. Weston, an other from a parte of y^e adventurers, as foloweth.<\/p>\n
M^r. Carver, since my last, to y^e end we might y^e more readily
\nproceed to help y^e generall, at a meeting of some of y^e principall
\nadventurers, a proposition was put forth, & alowed by all presente
\n(save Pickering), to adventure each man y^e third parte of what he
\nformerly had done. And ther are some other y^t folow his example, and
\nwill adventure no furder. In regard wherof y^e greater part of y^e
\nadventurers being willing to uphold y^e bussines, finding it no reason
\nthat those y^t are willing should uphold y^e bussines of those that
\nare unwilling, whose backwardnes doth discourage those that are
\nforward, and hinder other new-adventurers from coming in, we having
\nwell considered therof, have resolved, according to an article in y^e
\nagreemente, (_that it may be lawfull by a generall consente of y^e
\nadventurers & planters, upon just occasion, to breake of their joynte
\nstock_,) to breake it of; and doe pray you to ratifie, and confirme
\ny^e same on your parts. Which being done, we shall y^e more willingly
\ngoe forward for y^e upholding of you with all things necesarie. But in
\nany case you must agree to y^e artickls, and send it by y^e first
\nunder your hands & seals. So I end<\/p>\n
Your loving freind,
\nTHO: WESTON.<\/p>\n
Jan: 17. 1621.<\/p>\n
Another leter was write from part of y^e company of y^e adventurers to
\nthe same purpose, and subscribed with 9. of their names, wherof M^r.
\nWestons & M^r. Beachamphs were tow. Thes things seemed strang unto them,
\nseeing this unconstancie & shufling; it made them to thinke ther was
\nsome misterie in y^e matter. And therfore y^e Gov^r concealed these
\nletters from y^e publick, only imparted them to some trustie freinds for
\nadvice, who concluded with him, that this tended to disband & scater
\nthem (in regard of their straits); and if M^r. Weston & others, who
\nseemed to rune in a perticuler way, should come over with shiping so
\nprovided as his letters did intimate, they most would fall to him, to
\ny^e prejudice of them selves & y^e rest of the adventurers,[AS] their
\nfreinds, from whom as yet they heard nothing. And it was doubted whether
\nhe had not sente [75] over shuch a company in y^e former ship, for
\nshuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion of those 7. men which _this
\nship, which fished to y^e eastward, had kept till planting time was
\nover_, and so could set no corne; and allso wanting vitals, (for y^ey
\nturned them off w^{th}out any, and indeed wanted for them selves,)
\nneither was their salt-pan come, so as y^ey could not performe any of
\nthose things which M^r. Weston had apointed, and might have starved if
\ny^e plantation had not succoured them; who, in their wants, gave them as
\ngood as any of their owne. _The ship wente to Virginia_, wher they sould
\nboth ship & fish, of which (it was conceived) M^r. Weston had a very
\nslender accounte.<\/p>\n
_After this came another of his ships_, and brought letters dated y^e
\n10. of Aprill, from M^r. Weston, as followeth.<\/p>\n
M^r. Bradford, these, &c. _The Fortune_ is arived, of whose good news
\ntouching your estate & proce[=e]ings, I am very glad to hear. And how
\nsoever he was robed on y^e way by y^e Frenchmen, yet I hope your loss
\nwill not be great, for y^e conceite of so great a returne doth much
\nanimate y^e adventurers, so y^t I hope some matter of importance will
\nbe done by them, &c. As for my selfe, I have sould my adventure &
\ndebts unto them, so as I am quit[AT] of you, & you of me, for that
\nmatter, &c. Now though I have nothing to pretend as an adventurer
\namongst you, yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if you can
\napprehend it. I perceive & know as well as another, y^e dispositions
\nof _your adventurers_, whom y^e hope of gaine hath drawne on to this
\nthey have done; and yet I fear y^t hope will not draw them much
\nfurder. Besids, _most of them are against the sending of them of
\nLeyden, for whose cause this bussines was first begune_, and some of
\ny^e most religious (as M^r. Greene by name) excepts against them. So
\ny^t my advice is (you may follow it if you please) that you forthwith
\nbreak of your joynte stock, which you have warente to doe, both in law
\n& conscience, for y^e most parte of y^e adventurers have given way
\nunto it by a former letter. And y^e means you have ther, which I hope
\nwill be to some purpose by y^e trade of this spring, may, with y^e
\nhelp of some freinds hear, bear y^e charge of tr[=a]sporting those of
\nLeyden; and when they are with you I make no question but by Gods help
\nyou will be able to subsist of your selves. But I shall leave you to
\nyour discretion.<\/p>\n
I desired diverce of y^e adventurers, as M^r. Peirce, M^r. Greene, &
\nothers, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or leters,
\nto send them _by these ships_; and marvelling they sent not so much as
\na letter, I asked our passengers what leters they had, and with some
\ndificultie one of them tould me he had one, which was delivered him
\nwith [76] great charge of secrecie; and for more securitie, to buy a
\npaire of new-shoes, & sow it betweene y^e soles for fear of
\nintercepting. I, taking y^e leter, wondering what mistrie might be in
\nit, broke it open, and found this treacherous letter subscribed by y^e
\nhands of M^r. Pickering & M^r. Greene. Wich leter had it come to you^r
\nhands without answer, might have caused y^e hurt, if not y^e ruine, of
\nus all. For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, and
\nshewed us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to hold us in
\ndistruste as enimise, &c., it might have been an occasion to have set
\nus togeather by y^e eares, to y^e distruction of us all. For I doe
\nbeleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing what bussines hath been
\nbetweene us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been
\nviolent, and heady against you, &c. I mente to have setled y^e people
\nI before and now send, with or near you, as well for their as your
\nmore securitie and defence, as help on all occasions. But I find y^e
\nadventurers so jealous & suspitious, that I have altered my
\nresolution, & given order to my brother & those with him, to doe as
\nthey and him selfe shall find fitte. Thus, &c.<\/p>\n
Your loving friend,
\nTHO: WESTON.<\/p>\n
Aprill 10. 1621.<\/p>\n
_Some part of Mr. Pickerings letter before mentioned._<\/p>\n
To M^r. Bradford & M^r. Brewster, &c.<\/p>\n
My dear love remembred unto you all, &c. The company hath bought out
\nM^r. Weston, and are very glad they are freed of him, he being judged
\na man y^t thought him selfe above y^e generall, and not expresing so
\nmuch y^e fear of God as was meete in a man to whom shuch trust should
\nhave been reposed in a matter of so great importance. I am sparing to
\nbe so plaine as indeed is clear against him; but a few words to y^e
\nwise.<\/p>\n
M^r. Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in _his ships_, nor
\nany thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some reason in
\nrespecte of him selfe, &c. His brother Andrew, whom he doth send as
\nprincipall _in one of these ships_, is a heady yong man, & violente,
\nand set against you ther, & y^e company hear; ploting with M^r. Weston
\ntheir owne ends, which tend to your & our undooing in respecte of our
\nestates ther, and prevention of our good ends. For by credible
\ntestimoney we are informed his purpose is to come to your colonie,
\npretending he comes for and from y^e adventurers, and will seeke to
\ngett what you have in readynes [77] into _his ships_, as if they came
\nfrom y^e company, & possessing all, will be so much profite to him
\nselfe. And further to informe them selves what spetiall places or
\nthings you have discovered, to y^e end that they may supres & deprive
\nyou, &c.<\/p>\n
The Lord, who is y^e watchman of Israll & slepeth not, preserve you &
\ndeliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie that ther is cause to
\nadmonish you of these things concerning this man; so I leave you to
\nGod, who bless and multiply you into thousands, to the advancemente of
\ny^e glorious gospell of our Lord Jesus. Amen. Fare well.<\/p>\n
Your loving freinds,
\nEDWARD PICKERING.
\nWILLIAM GREENE.<\/p>\n
I pray conceale both y^e writing & deliverie of this leter, but make
\nthe best use of it. _We hope to sete forth a ship our selves with in
\nthis month._<\/p>\n
_The heads of his answer._<\/p>\n
M^r. Bradford, this is y^e leter y^t I wrote unto you of, which to
\nanswer in every perticuler is needles & tedious. My owne conscience &
\nall our people can and I thinke will testifie, y^t my end in sending
\n_y^e ship Sparrow_ was your good, &c. Now I will not deney but ther
\nare many of our people rude fellows, as these men terme them; yet I
\npresume they will be governed by such as I set over them. And I hope
\nnot only to be able to reclaime them from y^t profanenes that may
\nscandalise y^e vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, &c. I am so
\nfarr from sending rude fellows to deprive you either by fraude or
\nviolence of what is yours, as I have charged y^e m^r. of y^e _ship
\nSparrow_, not only to leave with you 2000. of bread, but also a good
\nquantitie of fish,[AU] &c. But I will leave it to you to consider what
\nevill this leter would or might have done, had it come to your hands &
\ntaken y^e effecte y^e other desired.<\/p>\n
Now if you be of y^e mind y^t these men are, deale plainly with us, &
\nwe will seeke our residence els-wher. If you are as freindly as we
\nhave thought you to be, give us y^e entertainment of freinds, and we
\nwill take nothing from you, neither meat, drinke, nor lodging, but
\nwhat we will, in one kind or other, pay you for, &c. I shall leave in
\ny^e countrie _a litle ship_ (if God send her safe thither) with
\nmariners & fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, & trad with y^e
\nsavages, & y^e old plantation. It may be we shall be as helpfull to
\nyou, as you will be to us. I thinke I shall see you y^e next spring;
\nand so I comend you to y^e protection of God, who ever keep you.<\/p>\n
Your loving friend,
\nTHO: WESTON.<\/p>\n
[78] Thus all ther hops in regard of M^r. Weston were layed in y^e dust,
\nand all his promised helpe turned into an empttie advice, which they
\napprehended was nether lawfull nor profitable for them to follow. And
\nthey were not only thus left destitute of help in their extreme wants,
\nhaveing neither vitails, nor any thing to trade with, but others
\nprepared & ready to glean up what y^e cuntrie might have afforded for
\ntheir releefe. As for those harsh censures & susspitions intimated in
\ny^e former and following leters, they desired to judg as charitably and
\nwisly of them as they could, waighing them in y^e ballance of love and
\nreason; and though they (in parte) came from godly & loveing freinds,
\nyet they conceived many things might arise from over deepe jealocie and
\nfear, togeather with unmeete provocations, though they well saw M^r.
\nWeston pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite. For after
\nthe receit of y^e former leters, the Gov^r received one from M^r.
\nCushman, who went home in y^e ship, and was allway intimate with M^r.
\nWeston, (as former passages declare), and it was much marveled that
\nnothing was heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it was
\ny^e difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as y^e leter of a
\nwife to her husband, who was here, and brought by him to y^e Gov^r. It
\nwas as followeth.<\/p>\n
Beloved S^r: I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, and many
\nthanks for your love. By Gods providence we got well home y^e 17. _of
\nFeb_. Being robbed by y^e French-men by y^e way, and carried by them
\ninto France, and were kepte ther 15. days, and lost all y^t we had
\nthat was worth taking; but thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives
\n& ship. I see not y^t it worketh any discouragment hear. I purpose by
\nGods grace _to see you_ shortly, _I hope in June nexte, or before_. In
\ny^e mean space know these things, and I pray you be advertised a
\nlitle. M^r. Weston hath quite broken of from our company, through some
\ndiscontents y^t arose betwext him and some of our adventurers, & hath
\nsould all his adventurs, & _hath now sent 3. smale ships for his
\nperticuler plantation_. The _greatest_ wherof, _being 100. tune_, M^r.
\nReynolds goeth m^r. and he with y^e rest purposeth to come him selfe;
\nfor what end I know not.<\/p>\n
The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore I pray you
\nentertaine them not, neither exchainge man for man with them, excepte
\nit be some of your worst. He hath taken a patente for him selfe. If
\nthey offerr to buy any thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare,
\nand let them give y^e worth of it. If they borrow any thing of you,
\nlet them leave a good pawne, &c. It is like he [78[AV]] will plant to
\ny^e southward of y^e Cape, for William Trevore hath lavishly tould but
\nwhat he knew or imagined of Capewack, Mohiggen, & y^e Narigansets. I
\nfear these people will hardly deale so well with y^e savages as they
\nshould. I pray you therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a
\ndistincte body from us, and we have nothing to doe with them, neither
\nmust be blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their
\nfidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses in France. Our freinds
\nat Leyden are well, and will come to you as many as can _this time_. I
\nhope all will turne to y^e best, wherfore I pray you be not
\ndiscouraged, but gather up your selfe to goe thorow these dificulties
\ncherfully & with courage in y^t place wherin God hath sett you, untill
\ny^e day of refreshing come. And y^e Lord God of sea & land bring us
\ncomfortably togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie.<\/p>\n
Yours,
\nROBART CUSHMAN.<\/p>\n
On y^e other sid of y^e leafe, in y^e same leter, came these few lines
\nfrom M^r. John Peirce, in whose name the patente was taken, and of whom
\nmore will follow, to be spoken in its place.<\/p>\n
Worthy S^r: I desire you to take into consideration that which is
\nwriten on y^e other side, and not any way to damnifie your owne
\ncollony, whos strength is but weaknes, and may therby be more
\ninfeebled. And for y^e leters of association, by y^e next ship we
\nsend, I hope you shall receive satisfaction; in y^e mean time whom you
\nadmite I will approve. But as for M^r. Weston’s company, I thinke them
\nso base in condition (for y^e most parte) as in all apearance not
\nfitt for an honest mans company. I wish they prove other wise. My
\npurpose is not to enlarge my selfe, but cease in these few lins, and
\nso rest<\/p>\n
Your loving freind,
\nJOHN PEIRCE.<\/p>\n
All these things they pondred and well considered, yet concluded to give
\nhis men frendly entertainmente; partly in regard of M^r. Weston him
\nselfe, considering what he had been unto them, & done for them, & to
\nsome, more espetially; and partly in compassion to y^e people, who were
\nnow come into a willdernes, (as them selves were,) and were by _y^e
\nship_ to be presently put a shore, (for she was _to cary other
\npassengers to Virginia_, who lay at great charge,) and they were
\nalltogeather unacquainted & knew not what to doe. So as they had
\nreceived his former company of 7. men, and vitailed them as their owne
\nhitherto, so they also received _these_ (being aboute 60. lusty men),
\nand gave [79] housing for them selves and their goods; and many being
\nsicke, they had y^e best means y^e place could aford them. They stayed
\nhear y^e most parte of y^e so[=m]er till _y^e ship came back againe from
\nVirginia_. Then, by his direction, or those whom he set over them, they
\nremoved into y^e Massachusset Bay, he having got a patente for some part
\nther, (by light of ther former discovery in leters sent home). Yet they
\nleft all ther sicke folke hear till they were setled and housed. But of
\nther victails they had not any, though they were in great wante, nor
\nany thing els in recompence of any courtecie done them; neither did they
\ndesire it, for they saw they were an unruly company, and had no good
\ngovermente over them, and by disorder would soone fall into wants if
\nM^r. Weston came not y^e sooner amongst them; and therfore, to prevente
\nall after occasion, would have nothing of them.<\/p>\n
Amids these streigths, and y^e desertion of those from whom they had
\nhoped for supply, and when famine begane now to pinch them sore, they
\nnot knowing what to doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) presents them
\nwith an occasion, beyond all expectation. This boat which came from y^e
\neastward brought them a letter from a stranger, of whose name they had
\nnever heard before, being a captaine of a ship come ther a fishing. This
\nleter was as followeth. Being thus inscribed.<\/p>\n
To all his good freinds at Plimoth, these, &c.<\/p>\n
Freinds, cuntrimen, & neighbours: I salute you, and wish you all
\nhealth and hapines in y^e Lord. I make bould with these few lines to
\ntrouble you, because unless I were unhumane, I can doe no less. Bad
\nnews doth spread it selfe too farr; yet I will so farr informe you
\nthat my selfe, with many good freinds in y^e south-collonie of
\nVirginia, have received shuch a blow, that 400. persons large will not
\nmake good our losses. Therfore I doe intreat you (allthough not
\nknowing you) that y^e old rule which I learned when I went to schoole,
\nmay be sufficente. That is, Hapie is he whom other mens harmes doth
\nmake to beware. And now againe and againe, wishing all those y^t
\nwillingly would serve y^e Lord, all health and happines in this world,
\nand everlasting peace in y^e world to come. And so I rest,<\/p>\n
Yours,
\nJOHN HUDLSTON.<\/p>\n
By this boat y^e Gov^r returned a thankfull answer, as was meete, and
\nsent a boate of their owne with them, which was piloted by them, in
\nwhich M^r. Winslow was sente to procure what provissions he could of y^e
\nships, who was kindly received by y^e foresaid gentill-man, who not only
\nspared what he [90[AW]] could, but writ to others to doe y^e like. By
\nwhich means he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by which
\ny^e plantation had a duble benefite, first, a present refreshing by y^e
\nfood brought, and secondly, they knew y^e way to those parts for their
\nbenifite hearafter. But what was gott, & this small boat brought, being
\ndevided among so many, came but to a litle, yet by Gods blesing it
\nupheld them till harvest. It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread
\na day to each person; and y^e Gov^r caused it to be dayly given them,
\notherwise, had it been in their owne custody, they would have eate it up
\n& then starved. But thus, with what els they could get, they made pretie
\nshift till corne was ripe.<\/p>\n
This so[=m]er they builte a fort with good timber, both strong & comly,
\nwhich was of good defence, made with a flate rofe & batllments, on which
\ntheir ordnance were mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch,
\nespetially in time of danger. It served them allso for a meeting house,
\nand was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a great worke for them
\nin this weaknes and time of wants; but y^e deanger of y^e time required
\nit, and both y^e continuall rumors of y^e fears from y^e Indeans hear,
\nespetially y^e Narigansets, and also y^e hearing of that great massacre
\nin Virginia, made all hands willing to despatch y^e same.<\/p>\n
Now y^e wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which all had their
\nhungrie bellies filled. But it arose but to a litle, in comparison of a
\nfull years supplie; partly by reason they were not yet well aquainted
\nwith y^e ma[=n]er of Indean corne, (and they had no other,) allso their
\nmany other imployments, but cheefly their weaknes for wante of food, to
\ntend it as they should have done. Also much was stolne both by night &
\nday, before it became scarce eatable, & much more afterward. And though
\nmany were well whipt (when they were taken) for a few ears of corne, yet
\nhunger made others (whom conscience did not restraine) to venture. So as
\nit well appeared y^e famine must still insue y^e next year allso, if not
\nsome way prevented, or supplie should faile, to which they durst not
\ntrust. Markets there was none to goe too, but only y^e Indeans, and
\nthey had no trading comodities. Behold now another providence of God; a
\nship comes into y^e [91] harbor, one Captain Jons being cheefe therin.
\nThey were set out by some marchants to discovere all y^e harbors
\nbetweene this & Virginia, and y^e shoulds of Cap-Cod, and to trade along
\ny^e coast wher they could. This ship had store of English-beads (which
\nwere then good trade) and some knives, but would sell none but at dear
\nrates, and also a good quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad of y^e
\noccasion, and faine to buy at any rate; they were faine to give after
\ny^e rate of cento per cento, if not more, and yet pay away coat-beaver
\nat 3^s. per^li, which in a few years after yeelded 20^s. By this means
\nthey were fitted againe to trade for beaver & other things, and intended
\nto buy what corne they could.<\/p>\n
But I will hear take liberty to make a litle digression. Ther was in
\n_this ship_ a gentle-man by name M^r. John Poory; he had been secretarie
\nin Virginia, and was now going home passenger _in this ship_. After his
\ndeparture he write a leter to y^e Gov^r in the postscrite wherof he hath
\nthese lines.<\/p>\n
To your selfe and M^r. Brewster, I must acknowledg my selfe many ways
\nindebted, whose books I would have you thinke very well bestowed on
\nhim, who esteemeth them shuch juells. My hast would not suffer me to
\nremember (much less to begg) M^r. Ainsworths elaborate worke upon y^e
\n5. books of Moyses. Both his & M^r. Robinsons doe highly commend the
\nauthors, as being most conversante in y^e scripturs of all others. And
\nwhat good (who knows) it may please God to worke by them, through my
\nhands, (though most unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente in them.
\nGod have you all in his keeping.<\/p>\n
Your unfained and firme friend,
\nJOHN PORY.<\/p>\n
Aug. 28. 1622.<\/p>\n
These things I hear inserte for honour sake of y^e authors memorie,
\nwhich this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly acknowledg; and him selfe
\nafter his returne did this poore-plantation much credite amongst those
\nof no mean ranck. But to returne.<\/p>\n
[92] _Shortly after harvest_ M^r. Westons people who were now seated at
\ny^e Massachusets, and by disorder (as it seems) had made havock of their
\nprovissions, begane now to perceive that want would come upon them. And
\nhearing that they hear had bought trading comodities & intended to trade
\nfor corne, they write to y^e Gov^r and desired they might joyne with
\nthem, and they would imploy their small ship in y^e servise; and furder
\nrequested either to lend or sell them so much of their trading
\ncomodities as their part might come to, and they would undertake to make
\npaymente when M^r. Weston, or their supply, should come. The Gov^r
\ncondesended upon equall terms of agreemente, thinkeing to goe aboute y^e
\nCap to y^e southward with y^e ship, wher some store of corne might be
\ngot. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was apointed to goe
\nwith them, and Squanto for a guid & interpreter, about y^e _latter end
\nof September_; but y^e winds put them in againe, & putting out y^e 2.
\ntime, he fell sick of a feavor, so y^e Gov^r wente him selfe. But they
\ncould not get aboute y^e should of Cap-Cod, for flats & breakers,
\nneither could Squanto directe them better, nor y^e m^r. durst venture
\nany further, so they put into Manamoyack Bay and got w^t[AX] they could
\nther. In this place Squanto fell sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much
\nat y^e nose (which y^e Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within
\na few days dyed ther; desiring y^e Gov^r to pray for him, that he might
\ngoe to y^e Englishmens God in heaven, and bequeathed sundrie of his
\nthings to sundry of his English freinds, as remembrances of his love; of
\nwhom they had a great loss. They got in this vioage, in one place &
\nother, about 26. or 28. hogsheads of corne & beans, which was more then
\nthe Indeans could well spare in these parts, for y^e set but a litle
\ntill they got English hows. And so were faine to returne, being sory
\nthey could not gett about the Cap, to have been better laden. After ward
\ny^e Gov^r tooke a few men & wente to y^e inland places, to get what he
\ncould, and to fetch it home at y^e spring, which did help them
\nsomething.<\/p>\n
[93] After these things, in _Feb_: a messenger came from John Sanders,
\nwho was left cheefe over M^r. Weston’s men in y^e bay of Massachusets,
\nwho brought a letter shewing the great wants they were falen into; and
\nhe would have borrowed a hh of corne of y^e Indeans, but they would lend
\nhim none. He desired advice whether he might not take it from them by
\nforce to succore his men till he came from y^e eastward, whither he was
\ngoing. The Gov^r & rest deswaded him by all means from it, for it might
\nso exasperate the Indeans as might endanger their saftie, and all of us
\nmight smart for it; for they had already heard how they had so wronged
\ny^e Indeans by stealing their corne, &c. as they were much incensed
\nagainst them. Yea, so base were some of their own company, as they wente
\n& tould y^e Indeans y^t their Gov^r was purposed to come and take their
\ncorne by force. The which with other things made them enter into a
\nconspiracie against y^e English, of which more in y^e nexte. Hear with I
\nend this year.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1623._<\/p>\n
It may be thought strang that these people should fall to these
\nextremities in so short a time, being left competently provided when y^e
\nship left them, and had an addition by that moyetie of corn that was got
\nby trade, besids much they gott of y^e Indans wher they lived, by one
\nmeans & other. It must needs be their great disorder, for they spent
\nexcesseivly whilst they had, or could get it; and, it may be, wasted
\nparte away among y^e Indeans (for he y^t was their cheef was taxed by
\nsome amongst them for keeping Indean women, how truly I know not). And
\nafter they begane to come into wants, many sould away their cloathes and
\nbed coverings; others (so base were they) became servants to y^e
\nIndeans, and would cutt them woode & fetch them water, for a cap full of
\ncorne; others fell to plaine stealing, both night & day, from y^e
\nIndeans, of which they greevosly complained. In y^e end, they came to
\nthat misery, that some starved & dyed with could & hunger. One in
\ngeathering shell-fish was so weake as he stuck fast in y^e mudd, and was
\nfound dead in y^e place. At last most of them left their dwellings &
\nscatered up & downe in y^e [94] woods, & by y^e water sids, wher they
\ncould find ground nuts & clames, hear 6. and ther ten. By which their
\ncariages they became contemned & scorned of y^e Indeans, and they begane
\ngreatly to insulte over them in a most insolente maner; insomuch, many
\ntimes as they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot with ground
\nnuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the Indeans would come and eate it
\nup; and when night came, wheras some of them had a sorie blanket, or
\nsuch like, to lappe them selves in, the Indeans would take it and let
\ny^e other lye all nighte in the could; so as their condition was very
\nlamentable. Yea, in y^e end they were faine to hange one of their men,
\nwhom they could not reclaime from stealing, to give y^e Indeans
\ncontente.<\/p>\n
Whilst things wente in this maner with them, y^e Gov^r & people hear
\nhad notice y^t Massasoyte ther freind was sick & near unto death. They
\nsent to vissete him, and withall sente him such comfortable things as
\ngave him great contente, and was a means of his recovery; upon which
\noccasion he discovers y^e conspiracie of these Indeans, how they were
\nresolved to cutt of M^r. Westons people, for the continuall injuries
\nthey did them, & would now take opportunitie of their weaknes to doe it;
\nand for that end had conspired with other Indeans their neighbours their
\naboute. And thinking the people hear would revenge their death, they
\ntherfore thought to doe y^e like by them, & had solisited him to joyne
\nwith them. He advised them therfore to prevent it, and that speedly by
\ntaking of some of y^e cheefe of them, before it was to late, for he
\nasured them of y^e truth hereof.<\/p>\n
This did much trouble them, and they tooke it into serious delibration,
\nand found upon examenation other evidence to give light hear unto, to
\nlonge hear to relate. In y^e mean time, came one of them from y^e
\nMassachucets, with a small pack at his back; and though he knew not a
\nfoote of y^e way, yet he got safe hither, but lost his way, which was
\nwell for him, for he was pursued, and so was mist. He tould them hear
\nhow all things stood amongst them, and that he durst stay no longer, he
\napprehended they (by what he observed) would be all knokt in y^e head
\nshortly. This made them make y^e more hast, & dispatched a boate away
\nw^th Capten Standish & some men, who found them in a miserable
\ncondition, out of which he rescued them, and helped them to some releef,
\ncut of some few of y^e cheefe conspirators, and, according to his order,
\noffered to bring them all hither if they thought good; and they should
\nfare no worse then them selves, till M^r. Weston or some supplie came to
\nthem. Or, if any other course liked them better, he was to doe them any
\nhelpfullnes he could. They thanked him & y^e rest. But most of them
\ndesired he would help them with some corne, and they would goe with
\ntheir smale ship to y^e eastward, wher hapily they might here of M^r.
\nWeston, or some supply from him, seing y^e time of y^e year was for
\nfishing ships to [95] be in y^e land. If not, they would worke among y^e
\nfishermen for their liveing, and get ther passage into England, if they
\nheard nothing from M^r. Weston in time. So they shipped what they had of
\nany worth, and he got them all y^e corne he could (scarce leaving to
\nbring him home), and saw them well out of the bay, under saile at sea,
\nand so came home, not takeing y^e worth of a peny of any thing that was
\ntheirs. I have but touched these things breefly, because they have
\nallready been published in printe more at large.<\/p>\n
This was y^e end of these that some time bosted of their strength,
\n(being all able lustie men,) and what they would doe & bring to pass,
\nin comparison of y^e people hear, who had many women & children and weak
\nons amongst them; and said at their first arivall, when they saw the
\nwants hear, that they would take an other course, and not to fall into
\nshuch a condition, as this simple people were come too. But a mans way
\nis not in his owne power; God can make y^e weake to stand; let him also
\nthat standeth take heed least he fall.<\/p>\n
Shortly after, M^r. Weston came over with some of y^e fishermen, under
\nanother name, and y^e disguise of a blacke-smith, were he heard of y^e
\nruine and disolution of his colony. He got a boat and with a man or 2.
\ncame to see how things were. But by y^e way, for wante of skill, in a
\nstorme, he cast away his shalop in y^e botome of y^e bay between Meremek
\nriver & Pascataquack, & hardly escaped with life, and afterwards fell
\ninto the hands of y^e Indeans, who pillaged him of all he saved from the
\nsea, & striped him out of all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got
\nto Pascataquack, & borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got means to come to
\nPlimoth. A strang alteration ther was in him to such as had seen & known
\nhim in his former florishing condition; so uncertaine are y^e mutable
\nthings of this unstable world. And yet men set their harts upon them,
\nthough they dayly see y^e vanity therof.<\/p>\n
After many passages, and much discourse, (former things boyling in his
\nmind, but bit in as was discernd,) he desired to borrow some beaver of
\nthem; and tould them he had hope of a ship & good supply to come to him,
\nand then they should have any thing for it they stood in neede of. They
\ngave litle credite to his supplie, but pitied his case, and remembered
\nformer curtesies. They tould him he saw their wants, and they knew not
\nwhen they should have any supply; also how y^e case stood betweene them
\n& their adventurers, he well knew; they had not much bever, & if they
\nshould let him have it, it were enoughe to make a mutinie among y^e
\npeople, seeing ther was no other means to procure them foode which they
\nso much wanted, & cloaths allso. Yet they tould him they would help him,
\nconsidering his necessitie, but must doe it secretly for y^e former
\nreasons. So they let him have 100. beaver-skins, which waighed 170^li.
\nodd pounds. Thus they helpt him when all y^e world faild him, and with
\nthis means he went againe to y^e ships, and stayed his small ship & some
\nof his men, & bought provissions and fited him selfe; and it was y^e
\nonly foundation [96] of his after course. But he requited them ill, for
\nhe proved after a bitter enimie unto them upon all occasions, and never
\nrepayed them any thing for it, to this day, but reproches and evill
\nwords. Yea, he divolged it to some that were none of their best freinds,
\nwhilst he yet had y^e beaver in his boat; that he could now set them all
\ntogeather by y^e ears, because they had done more then they could
\nanswer, in letting him have this beaver, and he did not spare to doe
\nwhat he could. But his malice could not prevaile.<\/p>\n
All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew they when they
\nmight expecte any. So they begane to thinke how they might raise as much
\ncorne as they could, and obtaine a beter crope then they had done, that
\nthey might not still thus languish in miserie. At length, after much
\ndebate of things, the Gov^r (with y^e advise of y^e cheefest amongest
\nthem) gave way that they should set corne every man for his owne
\nperticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves; in all other things
\nto goe on in y^e generall way as before. And so assigned to every family
\na parcell of land, according to the proportion of their number for that
\nend, only for present use (but made no devission for inheritance), and
\nranged all boys & youth under some familie. This had very good success;
\nfor it made all hands very industrious, so as much more corne was
\nplanted then other waise would have bene by any means y^e Gov^r or any
\nother could use, and saved him a great deall of trouble, and gave farr
\nbetter contente. The women now wente willingly into y^e feild, and tooke
\ntheir litle-ons with them to set corne, which before would aledg
\nweaknes, and inabilitie; whom to have compelled would have bene thought
\ngreat tiranie and oppression.<\/p>\n
The experience that was had in this co[=m]one course and condition,
\ntried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and sober men, may well
\nevince the vanitie of that conceite of Platos & other ancients,
\napplauded by some of later times;–that y^e taking away of propertie,
\nand bringing in co[=m]unitie into a comone wealth, would make them happy
\nand florishing; as if they were wiser then God. For this comunitie (so
\nfarr as it was) was found to breed much confusion & discontent, and
\nretard much imploym[=e]t that would have been to their benefite and
\ncomforte. For y^e yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour &
\nservice did repine that they should spend their time & streingth to
\nworke for other mens wives and children, with out any recompence. The
\nstrong, or man of parts, had no more in devission of victails & cloaths,
\nthen he that was weake and not able to doe a quarter y^e other could;
\nthis was thought injuestice. The aged and graver men to be ranked and
\n[97] equalised in labours, and victails, cloaths, &c., with y^e meaner &
\nyonger sorte, thought it some indignite & disrespect unto them. And for
\nmens wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, as dresing
\ntheir meate, washing their cloaths, &c., they deemd it a kind of
\nslaverie, neither could many husbands well brooke it. Upon y^e poynte
\nall being to have alike, and all to doe alike, they thought them selves
\nin y^e like condition, and one as good as another; and so, if it did not
\ncut of those relations that God hath set amongest men, yet it did at
\nleast much diminish and take of y^e mutuall respects that should be
\npreserved amongst them. And would have bene worse if they had been men
\nof another condition. Let none objecte this is men’s corruption, and
\nnothing to y^e course it selfe. I answer, seeing all men have this
\ncorruption in them, God in his wisdome saw another course fiter for
\nthem.<\/p>\n
But to returne. After this course setled, and by that their co[=r]e was
\nplanted, all ther victails were spente, and they were only to rest on
\nGods providence; at night not many times knowing wher to have a bitt of
\nany thing y^e next day. And so, as one well observed, had need to pray
\nthat God would give them their dayly brade, above all people in y^e
\nworld. Yet they bore these wants with great patience & allacritie of
\nspirite, and that for so long a time as for y^e most parte of 2. years;
\nwhich makes me remember what Peter Martire writs, (in magnifying y^e
\nSpaniards) in his 5. Decade, pag. 208. _They_ (saith he) _led a
\nmiserable life for 5. days togeather, with y^e parched graine of maize
\nonly, and that not to saturitie_; and then concluds, _that shuch pains,
\nshuch labours, and shuch hunger, he thought none living which is not a
\nSpaniard could have endured_. But alass! these, when they had maize (y^t
\nis, Indean corne) they thought it as good as a feast, and wanted not
\nonly for 5. days togeather, but some time 2. or 3. months togeather, and
\nneither had bread nor any kind of corne. Indeed, in an other place, in
\nhis 2. Decade, page 94. he mentions how others of them were worse put to
\nit, wher they were faine to eate doggs, toads, and dead men, and so dyed
\nalmost all. From these extremities the[AY] Lord in his goodnes kept
\nthese his people, and in their great wants preserved both their lives
\nand healthes; let his name have y^e praise. Yet let me hear make use of
\nhis conclusion, which in some sorte may be applied to this people: _That
\nwith their miseries they opened a way to these new-lands; and after
\nthese stormes, with what ease other men came to inhabite in them, in
\nrespecte of y^e calamities these men suffered; so as they seeme to goe
\nto a bride feaste wher all things are provided for them._<\/p>\n
They haveing but one boat left and she not over well fitted, they were
\ndevided into severall companies, 6. or 7. to a gangg or company, and so
\nwente out with a nett they had bought, to take bass & such like fish, by
\ncourse, every company knowing their turne. No sooner was y^e boate
\ndischarged [98] of what she brought, but y^e next company tooke her and
\nwente out with her. Neither did they returne till they had cauight
\nsomething, though it were 5. or 6. days before, for they knew ther was
\nnothing at home, and to goe home emptie would be a great discouragemente
\nto y^e rest. Yea, they strive who should doe best. If she stayed longe
\nor got litle, then all went to seeking of shel-fish, which at low-water
\nthey digged out of y^e sands. And this was their living in y^e so[=m]er
\ntime, till God sente y^m beter; & in winter they were helped with
\nground-nuts and foule. Also in y^e so[=m]er they gott now & then a dear;
\nfor one or 2. of y^e fitest was apoynted to range y^e woods for y^t end,
\n& what was gott that way was devided amongst them.<\/p>\n
At length they received some leters from y^e adventurers, too long and
\ntedious hear to record, by which they heard of their furder crosses and
\nfrustrations; begining in this maner.<\/p>\n
Loving freinds, as your sorrows & afflictions have bin great, so our
\ncroses & interceptions in our proceedings hear, have not been small.
\nFor after we had with much trouble & charge sente y^e _Parragon_ away
\nto sea, and thought all y^e paine past, within 14. days after she came
\nagaine hither, being dangerously leaked, and brused with tempestious
\nstormes, so as shee was faine to be had into y^e docke, and an 100^li.
\nbestowed upon her. All y^e passengers lying upon our charg for 6. or
\n7. weeks, and much discontent and distemper was occasioned hereby, so
\nas some dangerous evente had like to insewed. But we trust all shall
\nbe well and worke for y^e best and your benefite, if yet with patience
\nyou can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. Whilst these
\nthings were doing, M^r. Westons ship came and brought diverce leters
\nfrom you, &c. It rejoyseth us much to hear of those good reports y^t
\ndiverce have brought home from you, &c.<\/p>\n
These letters were dated Des. 21: 1622.<\/p>\n
So farr of this leter.<\/p>\n
This ship was brought by M^r. John Peirce, and set out at his owne
\ncharge, upon hope of great maters. These passengers, & y^e goods the
\ncompany sent in her, he tooke in for fraught, for which they agreed with
\nhim to be delivered hear. This was he in whose name their _first
\npatente_ was taken, by reason of aquaintance, and some aliance that some
\nof their freinds had with him. But his name was only used in trust. But
\nwhen he saw they were hear hopfully thus seated, and by y^e success God
\ngave them had obtained y^e favour of y^e Counsell of New-England, he
\ngoes and sues to them for _another patent_ of much larger extente (in
\ntheir names), which was easily obtained. But he mente to keep it to him
\nselfe and alow them what he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, and sue
\nto his courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which follows. But
\ny^e Lord marvelously crost him; for after this first returne, and y^e
\ncharge above mentioned, when shee was againe fitted, he pesters him
\nselfe and taks in more passengers, and those not very good to help to
\nbear his losses, and sets out y^e 2. time. But [99] what y^e event was
\nwill appear from another leter from one of y^e cheefe of y^e company,
\ndated y^e 9. of Aprill, 1623. writ to y^e Gov^r hear, as followeth.<\/p>\n
Loving freind, when I write my last leter, I hope to have received one
\nfrom you well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des: I litle
\nthought to have seen M^r. John Peirce till he had brought some good
\ntidings from you. But it pleased God, he brought us y^e wofull tidings
\nof his returne when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, werin
\ny^e goodnes & mercie of God appeared in sparing their lives, being
\n109. souls. The loss is so great to M^r. Peirce, &c., and y^e companie
\nput upon so great charge, as veryly, &c.<\/p>\n
Now with great trouble & loss, we have got M^r. John Peirce to assigne
\nover y^e grand patente to y^e companie, which he had taken in his owne
\nname, and made quite voyd our former grante. I am sorie to writ how
\nmany hear thinke y^t the hand of God was justly against him, both y^e
\nfirst and 2. time of his returne; in regard he, whom you and we so
\nconfidently trusted, but only to use his name for y^e company, should
\naspire to be lord over us all, and so make you & us tenants at his
\nwill and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite voyd &
\ndisanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But his
\nunwillingnes to part with his royall Lordship, and y^e high-rate he
\nset it at, which was 500^li. which cost him but 50^li., maks many
\nspeake and judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his
\nship, with charge aboute y^e passengers, 640^li., &c.<\/p>\n
We have agreed with 2. marchants for a ship of 140. tunes, caled y^e
\n_Anne_, which is to be ready y^e last of this month, to bring 60.
\npassengers & 60. tune of goods, &c.<\/p>\n
This was dated Aprill 9. 1623.<\/p>\n
These were ther owne words and judgmente of this mans dealing &
\nproceedings; for I thought it more meete to render them in theirs then
\nmy owne words. And yet though ther was never got other recompence then
\nthe resignation of this patente, and y^e shares he had in adventure, for
\nall y^e former great sumes, he was never quiet, but sued them in most of
\ny^e cheefe courts in England, and when he was still cast, brought it to
\ny^e Parlemente. But he is now dead, and I will leave him to y^e Lord.<\/p>\n
This ship suffered y^e greatest extreemitie at sea at her 2. returne,
\nthat one shall lightly hear of, to be saved; as I have been informed by
\nM^r. William Peirce who was then m^r. of her, and many others that were
\npassengers in her. It was aboute y^e _midle of Feb_: The storme was for
\ny^e most parte of 14. days, but for 2. or 3. days & nights togeather in
\nmost violent extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, y^e storme
\nbeat of their round house and all their uper works; 3. men had worke
\nenough at y^e helme, and he that cund y^e ship before y^e sea, was faine
\n[100] to be bound fast for washing away; the seas did so over-rake them,
\nas many times those upon y^e decke knew not whether they were within
\nbord or withoute; and once she was so foundered in y^e sea as they all
\nthought she would never rise againe. But yet y^e Lord preserved them,
\nand brought them at last safe to _Ports-mouth_, to y^e wonder of all men
\ny^t saw in what a case she was in, and heard what they had endured.<\/p>\n
About y^e later end of _June_ came in a ship, with Captaine Francis
\nWest, who had a comission to be admirall of New-England, to restraine
\ninterlopers, and shuch fishing ships as came to fish & trade without a
\nlicence from y^e Counsell of New-England, for which they should pay a
\nround sume of money. But he could doe no good of them, for they were to
\nstronge for him, and he found y^e fisher men to be stuberne fellows. And
\ntheir owners, upon complainte made to y^e Parlemente, procured an order
\ny^t fishing should be free. He tould y^e Gov^r they spooke with a ship
\nat sea, and were abord her, y^t was coming for this plantation, in which
\nwere sundrie passengers, and they marvelled she was not arrived, fearing
\nsome miscariage; for they lost her in a storme that fell shortly after
\nthey had been abord. Which relation filled them full of fear, yet mixed
\nwith hope. The m^r. of this ship had some 2. [=h][=h] of pease to sell,
\nbut seeing their wants, held them at 9^li. sterling a hoggshead, & under
\n8^li. he would not take, and yet would have beaver at an under rate. But
\nthey tould him they had lived so long with out, and would doe still,
\nrather then give so unreasonably. So they went from hence to
\nVirginia.[AZ]<\/p>\n
About 14. days after came in this ship, caled y^e _Anne_, wherof M^r.
\nWilliam Peirce was m^r., and aboute a weeke or 10. days after came in
\ny^e pinass which in foule weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell
\nof about 44. tune, which y^e company had builte to stay in the cuntrie.
\nThey brought about 60. persons for y^e generall, some of them being very
\nusefull persons, and became good members to y^e body, and some were y^e
\nwives and children of shuch as were hear allready. And some were so bad,
\nas they were faine to be at charge to send them home againe y^e next
\nyear. Also, besids these ther came a company, that did not belong to y^e
\ngenerall body, but came one[BA] their perticuler, and were to have lands
\nassigned them, and be for them selves, yet to be subjecte to y^e
\ngenerall Goverment; which caused some diferance and disturbance [101]
\namongst them, as will after appeare. I shall hear againe take libertie
\nto inserte a few things out of shuch leters as came in this shipe,
\ndesiring rather to manefest things in ther words and apprehentions, then
\nin my owne, as much as may be, without tediousness.<\/p>\n
Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all, with trust of your healths &
\nwellfare, being right sorie y^t no supplie hath been made to you all
\nthis while; for defence wher of, I must referr you to our generall
\nleters. Naitheir indeed have we now sent you many things, which we
\nshould & would, for want of money. But persons, more then inough,
\n(though not all we should,) for people come flying in upon us, but
\nmonys come creeping in to us. Some few of your old freinds are come,
\nas, &c. So they come droping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long
\nyou shall enjoye them all. And because people press so hard upon us to
\ngoe, and often shuch as are none of y^e fitest, I pray you write
\nernestly to y^e Treasurer and directe what persons should be sente. It
\ngreeveth me to see so weake a company sent you, and yet had I not been
\nhear they had been weaker. You must still call upon the company hear
\nto see y^t honest men be sente you, and threaten to send them back if
\nany other come, &c. We are not any way so much in danger, as by
\ncorrupte an noughty persons. Shuch, and shuch, came without my
\nconsente; but y^e importunitie of their freinds got promise of our
\nTreasurer in my absence. Neither is ther need we should take any lewd
\nmen, for we may have honest men enew, &c.<\/p>\n
Your assured freind,
\nR. C.<\/p>\n
The following was from y^e genrall.<\/p>\n
Loving freinds, we most hartily salute you in all love and harty
\naffection; being yet in hope y^t the same God which hath hithertoo
\npreserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet continue your lives and
\nhealth, to his owne praise and all our comforts. Being right sory that
\nyou have not been sent unto all this time, &c. We have in this ship
\nsent shuch women, as were willing and ready to goe to their husbands
\nand freinds, with their children, &c. We would not have you
\ndiscontente, because we have not sent you more of your old freinds,
\nand in speciall, him[BB] on whom you most depend. Farr be it from us
\nto neclecte you, or contemne him. But as y^e intente was at first, so
\ny^e evente at last shall shew it, that we will deal fairly, and
\nsquarly answer your expectations to the full. Ther are also come unto
\nyou, some honest men to plant upon their particulers besids you. A
\nthing which if we should not give way unto, we should wrong both them
\nand you. Them, by puting them on things more inconveniente, and you,
\nfor that being honest men, they will be a strengthening to y^e place,
\nand good neighbours [102] unto you. Tow things we would advise you of,
\nwhich we have likwise signified them hear. First, y^e trade for skins
\nto be retained for the generall till y^e devidente; 2^ly. y^t their
\nsetling by you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither
\ninconvenient for y^e lying of your lands, nor hurtfull to your speedy
\n& easie assembling togeather.<\/p>\n
We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte, &c. Diverse other
\nprovissions we have sente you, as will appear in your bill of lading,
\nand though we have not sent all we would (because our cash is small),
\nyet it is y^t we could, &c.<\/p>\n
And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more rivers and
\nfertill grounds then y^t wher you are, yet seeing by Gods providence
\ny^t place fell to you^r lote, let it be accounted as your portion; and
\nrather fixe your eyes upon that which may be done ther, then languish
\nin hops after things els-wher. If your place be not y^e best, it is
\nbetter, you shall be y^e less envied and encroached upon; and shuch as
\nare earthly minded, will not setle too near your border.[BC] If y^e
\nland afford you bread, and y^e sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while
\ncontented, God will one day afford you better fare. And all men shall
\nknow you are neither fugetives nor discontents. But can, if God so
\norder it, take y^e worst to your selves, with content,[BD] & leave y^e
\nbest to your neighbours, with cherfullnes.<\/p>\n
Let it not be greeveous unto you y^t you have been instruments to
\nbreake y^e ise for others who come after with less dificulty, the
\nhonour shall be yours to y^e worlds end, &c.<\/p>\n
We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection is towards
\nyou all, as are y^e harts of hundreds more which never saw your faces,
\nwho doubtles pray for your saftie as their owne, as we our selves both
\ndoe & ever shall, that y^e same God which hath so marvelously
\npreserved you from seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you
\nfrom all future dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and
\nglorious in blise at y^e last day. And so y^e Lord be with you all &
\nsend us joyfull news from you, and inable us with one shoulder so to
\naccomplish & perfecte this worke, as much glorie may come to Him y^t
\nconfoundeth y^e mighty by the weak, and maketh small thinges great. To
\nwhose greatnes, be all glorie for ever & ever.<\/p>\n
This leter was subscribed with 13. of their names.<\/p>\n
These passengers, when they saw their low & poore condition a shore,
\nwere much danted and dismayed, and according to their diverse humores
\nwere diversly affected; some wished them selves in England againe;
\nothers fell a weeping, fancying their own miserie in what y^ey saw now
\nin others; other some pitying the distress they saw their freinds had
\nbeen long in, and still were under; in a word, all were full of sadnes.
\nOnly some of their old freinds rejoysed to see them, and y^t it was no
\nworse with them, for they could not expecte it should be better, and now
\nhoped they should injoye better days togeather. And truly it was [103]
\nno marvell they should be thus affected, for they were in a very low
\ncondition, many were ragged in aparell, & some litle beter then halfe
\nnaked; though some y^t were well stord before, were well enough in this
\nregard. But for food they were all alike, save some y^t had got a few
\npease of y^e ship y^t was last hear. The best dish they could presente
\ntheir freinds with was a lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or
\nany thing els but a cupp of fair spring water. And y^e long continuance
\nof this diate, and their labours abroad, had something abated y^e
\nfreshnes of their former complexion. But God gave them health and
\nstrength in a good measure; and shewed them by experience y^e truth of
\ny^t word, Deut. 8. 3. _Y^t man liveth not by bread only, but by every
\nword y^t proceedeth out of y^e mouth of y^e Lord doth a man live._<\/p>\n
When I think how sadly y^e scripture speaks of the famine in Jaakobs
\ntime, when he said to his sonns, Goe buy us food, that we may live and
\nnot dye. Gen. 42. 2. and 43. 1, that the famine was great, or heavie in
\nthe land; and yet they had such great herds, and store of catle of
\nsundrie kinds, which, besids flesh, must needs produse other food, as
\nmilke, butter & cheese, &c., and yet it was counted a sore affliction;
\ntheirs hear must needs be very great, therfore, who not only wanted the
\nstaffe of bread, but all these things, and had no Egipte to goe too. But
\nGod fedd them out of y^e sea for y^e most parte, so wonderfull is his
\nprovidence over his in all ages; for his mercie endureth for ever.<\/p>\n
On y^e other hand the old planters were affraid that their corne, when
\nit was ripe, should be imparted to y^e new-co[=m]ers, whose provissions
\nw^ch they brought with them they feared would fall short before y^e year
\nwente aboute (as indeed it did). They came to y^e Gov^r and besought him
\nthat as it was before agreed that they should set corne for their
\nperticuler, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary pains ther
\naboute, that they might freely injoye the same, and they would not have
\na bitte of y^e victails now come, but waite till harvest for their owne,
\nand let y^e new-co[=m]ers injoye what they had brought; they would have
\nnone of it, excepte they could purchase any of it of them by bargaine or
\nexchainge. Their requeste was granted them, for it gave both sides good
\ncontente; for y^e new-co[=m]ers were as much afraid that y^e hungrie
\nplanters would have eat up y^e provissions brought, and they should
\nhave fallen into y^e like condition.<\/p>\n
This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, by y^e help of many
\nhands. Also they sente in her all y^e beaver and other furrs they had, &
\nM^r. Winslow was sent over with her, to informe of all things, and
\nprocure such things as were thought needfull for their presente
\ncondition. By this time harvest was come, and in stead of famine, now
\nGod gave them plentie, and y^e face of things was changed, to y^e
\nrejoysing of y^e harts of many, for which they blessed God. And y^e
\neffect of their particuler planting was well seene, for all had, one way
\n& other, pretty well to bring y^e year aboute, and some of y^e abler
\nsorte and more [104] industrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as
\nany generall wante or famine hath not been amongst them since to this
\nday.<\/p>\n
Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater matters then they
\nfound or could attaine unto, aboute building great houses, and such
\npleasant situations for them, as them selves had fancied; as if they
\nwould be great men & rich, all of a sudaine; but they proved castls in
\ny^e aire. These were y^e conditions agreed on betweene y^e colony and
\nthem.<\/p>\n
First, that y^e Gov^r, in y^e name and with y^e consente of y^e company,
\ndoth in all love and frendship receive and imbrace them; and is to
\nallote them competente places for habitations within y^e towne. And
\npromiseth to shew them all such other curtesies as shall be reasonable
\nfor them to desire, or us to performe.<\/p>\n
2. That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such laws & orders as
\nare already made, or hear after shall be, for y^e publick good.<\/p>\n
3. That they be freed and exempte from y^e generall imployments of the
\nsaid company, (which their presente condition of comunitie requireth,)
\nexcepte commune defence, & such other imployments as tend to y^e
\nperpetuall good of y^e collony.<\/p>\n
4^ly. Towards y^e maintenance of Go[~v]^rt, & publick officers of y^e
\nsaid collony, every male above y^e age of 16. years shall pay a bushell
\nof Indean wheat, or y^e worth of it, into y^e commone store.<\/p>\n
5^ly. That (according to y^e agreemente y^e marchants made with y^m
\nbefore they came) they are to be wholy debared from all trade with the
\nIndeans for all sorts of furrs, and such like commodities, till y^e time
\nof y^e comunallitie be ended.<\/p>\n
About y^e midle of September arrived Captaine Robart Gorges in y^e Bay
\nof y^e Massachusets, with sundrie passengers and families, intending
\nther to begine a plantation; and pitched upon y^e place M^r. Weston’s
\npeople had forsaken. He had a co[=m]ission from y^e Counsell of
\nNew-England, to be generall Gove^r of y^e cuntrie, and they appoynted
\nfor his counsell & assistance, Captaine Francis West, y^e aforesaid
\nadmirall, Christopher Levite, Esquire, and y^e Gov^r of Plimoth for y^e
\ntime beeing, etc. Allso, they gave him authoritie to chuse such other as
\nhe should find fit. Allso, they gave (by their co[=m]ission) full power
\nto him and his assistants, or any 3. of them, wherof him selfe was
\nallway to be one, to doe and execute what to them should seeme good, in
\nall cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, etc., with diverce other
\ninstructions. Of which, and his comission, it pleased him to suffer y^e
\nGov^r hear to take a coppy.<\/p>\n
He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but before they could
\nvisite him he went to y^e eastward with y^e ship he came in; but a
\nstorme arising, (and they wanting a good pilot to harbor them in those
\nparts,) they bore up for this harbor. He and his men were hear kindly
\nentertained; he stayed hear 14. days. In y^e mean time came in M^r.
\nWeston with his small ship, which he had now recovered. [105[BE]]
\nCaptaine Gorges tooke hold of y^e opportunitie, and acquainted y^e Gov^r
\nhear, that one occasion of his going to y^e eastward was to meete with
\nM^r. Weston, and call him to accounte for some abuses he had to lay to
\nhis charge. Wherupon he called him before him, and some other of his
\nassistants, with y^e Gov^r of this place; and charged him, first, with
\ny^e ille carriage of his men at y^e Massachusets; by which means the
\npeace of y^e cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe and the people which
\nhe had brought over to plante in that bay were therby much prejudised.
\nTo this M^r. Weston easily answered, that what was that way done, was in
\nhis absence, and might have befalen any man; he left them sufficently
\nprovided, and conceived they would have been well governed; and for any
\nerrour co[=m]itted he had sufficiently smarted. This particuler was
\npassed by. A 2^d. was, for an abuse done to his father, S^r. Ferdenando
\nGorges, and to y^e State. The thing was this; he used him & others of
\ny^e Counsell of New-England, to procure him a licence for y^e
\ntransporting of many peeces of great ordnance for New-England,
\npretending great fortification hear in y^e countrie, & I know not what
\nshipping. The which when he had obtained, he went and sould them beyond
\nseas for his private profite; for which (he said) y^e State was much
\noffended, and his father suffered a shrowd check, and he had order to
\napprehend him for it. M^r. Weston excused it as well as he could, but
\ncould not deney it; it being one maine thing (as was said) for which he
\nwith-drew himself. But after many passages, by y^e mediation of y^e
\nGov^r and some other freinds hear, he was inclined to gentlnes (though
\nhe aprehended y^e abuse of his father deeply); which, when M^r. Weston
\nsaw, he grew more presumptuous, and gave such provocking & cutting
\nspeches, as made him rise up in great indignation & distemper, and vowed
\ny^t he would either curb him, or send him home for England. At which
\nM^r. Weston was something danted, and came privatly to y^e Gov^r hear,
\nto know whether they would suffer Captaine Gorges to apprehend him. He
\nwas tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed him, y^t after they
\nhad pacified things, he should thus breake out, by his owne folly &
\nrashnes, to bring trouble upon him selfe & them too. He confest it was
\nhis passion, and prayd y^e Gov^r to entreat for him, and pacifie him if
\nhe could. The which at last he did, with much adoe; so he was called
\nagaine, and y^e Gov^r was contente to take his owne bond to be ready to
\nmake further answer, when either he or y^e lords should send for him.
\nAnd at last he tooke only his word, and ther was a fre[=i]dly parting on
\nall hands.<\/p>\n
But after he was gone, M^r. Weston in lue of thanks to y^e Gov^r and his
\nfreinds hear, gave them this quib (behind their baks) for all their
\npains. That though they were but yonge justices, yet they wear good
\nbeggers. Thus they parted at this time, and shortly after y^e Gov^r
\ntooke his leave and went to y^e Massachusets by land, being very
\nthankfull for his kind entertainemente. The ship stayed hear, and fitted
\nher selfe to goe for Virginia, having some passengers ther to deliver;
\nand with her returned sundrie of those from hence which came over on
\ntheir perticuler, some out of discontente and dislike of y^e cuntrie;
\nothers by reason of a fire that broke out, and burnt y^e houses they
\nlived in, and all their provisions [106[BF]] so as they were
\nnecessitated therunto. This fire was occasioned by some of y^e sea-men
\nthat were roystering in a house wher it first begane, makeing a great
\nfire in very could weather, which broke out of y^e chimney into y^e
\nthatch, and burnte downe 3. or 4. houses, and consumed all y^e goods &
\nprovissions in y^m. The house in which it begane was right against their
\nstore-house, which they had much adoe to save, in which were their
\nco[=m]one store & all their provissions; y^e which if it had been lost,
\ny^e plantation had been over-throwne. But through Gods mercie it was
\nsaved by y^e great dilligence of y^e people, & care of the Gov^r & some
\naboute him. Some would have had y^e goods throwne out; but if they had,
\nther would much have been stolne by the rude company y^t belonged to
\nthese 2. ships, which were allmost all ashore. But a trusty company was
\nplased within, as well as those that with wet-cloaths & other means kept
\nof y^e fire without, that if necessitie required they might have them
\nout with all speed. For y^ey suspected some malicious dealling, if not
\nplaine treacherie, and whether it was only suspition or no, God knows;
\nbut this is certaine, that when y^e tumulte was greatest, ther was a
\nvoyce heard (but from whom it was not knowne) that bid them looke well
\naboute them, for all were not freinds y^t were near them. And shortly
\nafter, when the vemencie of y^e fire was over, smoke was seen to arise
\nwithin a shed y^t was joynd to y^e end of y^e storehouse, which was
\nwatled up with bowes, in y^e withered leaves wherof y^e fire was
\nkindled, which some, ru[=n]ing to quench, found a longe firebrand of an
\nell longe, lying under y^e wale on y^e inside, which could not possibly
\ncome their by cassualtie, but must be laid ther by some hand, in y^e
\njudgmente of all that saw it. But God kept them from this deanger, what
\never was intended.<\/p>\n
Shortly after Captaine Gorges, y^e generall Gov^r, was come home to y^e
\nMassachusets, he sends a warrante to arrest M^r. Weston & his ship, and
\nsends a m^r. to bring her away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that
\nbelonged to him) to conducte him along. The Gov^r & others hear were
\nvery sory to see him take this course, and tooke exception at y^e
\nwarrante, as not legall nor sufficiente; and withall write to him to
\ndisswade him from this course, shewing him y^t he would but entangle and
\nburthen him selfe in doing this; for he could not doe M^r. Weston a
\nbetter turne, (as things stood with him); for he had a great many men
\nthat belonged to him in this barke, and was deeply ingaged to them for
\nwages, and was in a ma[=n]er out of victails (_and now winter_); all
\nwhich would light upon him, if he did arrest his barke. In y^e mean time
\nM^r. Weston had notice to shift for him selfe; but it was conceived he
\neither knew not whither to goe, or how to mend him selfe, but was rather
\nglad of y^e occasion, and so stirred not. But y^e Gov^r would not be
\nperswaded, but [107] sent a very formall warrente under his hand &
\nseall, with strict charge as they would answere it to y^e state; he also
\nwrite that he had better considered of things since he was hear, and he
\ncould not answer it to let him goe so; besids other things that were
\ncome to his knowledg since, which he must answer too. So he was suffered
\nto proceede, but he found in the end that to be true that was tould him;
\nfor when an inventorie was taken of what was in y^e ship, ther was not
\nvitailes found for above 14. days, at a pare allowance, and not much
\nelse of any great worth, & the men did so crie out of him for wages and
\ndiate, in y^e mean time, as made him soone weary. So as in conclusion it
\nturned to his loss, and y^e expence of his owne provissions; and
\n_towards the spring_ they came to agreement, (after they had bene to y^e
\neastward,) and y^e Gov^r restord him his vessell againe, and made him
\nsatisfaction, in bisket, meal, and such like provissions, for what he
\nhad made use of that was his, or what his men had any way wasted or
\nconsumed. So M^r. Weston came hither againe, and afterward shaped his
\ncourse for Virginie, & so for present I shall leave him.[BG]<\/p>\n
The Gov^r and some y^t depended upon him returned for England, haveing
\nscarcly saluted y^e cuntrie in his Govermente, not finding the state of
\nthings hear to answer his quallitie & condition. The peopl dispersed
\nthem selves, some went for England, others for Virginia, some few
\nremained, and were helped with supplies from hence. The Gov^r brought
\nover a minister with him, one M^r. Morell, who, about a year after y^e
\nGov^r returned, tooke shipping from hence. He had I know not what power
\nand authority of superintendancie over other churches granted him, and
\nsundrie instructions for that end; but he never shewed it, or made any
\nuse of it; (it should seeme he saw it was in vaine;) he only speake of
\nit to some hear at his going away. This was in effect y^e end of a 2.
\nplantation in that place. Ther were allso this year some scatering
\nbeginings made in other places, as at Paskataway, by M^r. David Thomson,
\nat Monhigen, and some other places by sundrie others.<\/p>\n
It rests now y^t I speake a word aboute y^e pi[=n]ass spoken of before,
\nwhich was sent by y^e adventurers to be imployed in y^e cuntrie. She was
\na fine vessell, and bravely set out,[BH] and I fear y^e adventurers did
\nover pride them selves in her, for she had ill success. How ever, they
\nerred grosly in tow things aboute her; first, though she had a
\nsufficiente maister, yet she was rudly ma[=n]ed, and all her men were
\nupon shars, and none was to have any wages but y^e m^r. 2^ly, wheras
\nthey mainly lookt at trade, they had sent nothing of any value to trade
\nwith. When the men came hear, and mette with ill counsell from M^r.
\nWeston & his crue, with others of y^e same stampe, neither m^r. nor
\nGov^r could scarce rule [108] them, for they exclaimed that they were
\nabused & deceived, for they were tould they should goe for a man of
\nwarr, and take I know not whom, French & Spaniards, &c. They would
\nneither trade nor fish, excepte they had wages; in fine, they would obey
\nno co[=m]and of y^e maisters; so it was apprehended they would either
\nrune away with y^e vessell, or get away w^th y^e ships, and leave her;
\nso as M^r. Peirce & others of their freinds perswaded the Gov^r to
\nchaing their condition, and give them wages; which was accordingly done.
\nAnd she was sente about y^e Cape to y^e Narigansets to trade, but they
\nmade but a poore vioage of it. Some corne and beaver they got, but y^e
\nDutch used to furnish them with cloath & better co[=m]odities, they
\nhaveing only a few beads & knives, which were not ther much esteemed.
\nAllso, in her returne home, at y^e very entrance into ther owne harbore,
\nshe had like to have been cast away in a storme, and was forced to cut
\nher maine mast by y^e bord, to save herselfe from driving on y^e flats
\nthat lye without, caled Browns Ilands, the force of y^e wind being so
\ngreat as made her anchors give way and she drive right upon them; but
\nher mast & takling being gone, they held her till y^e wind shifted.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1624._<\/p>\n
The time of new election of ther officers for this year being come,
\nand[BI] y^e number of their people increased, and their troubls and
\noccasions therwith, the Gov^r desired them to chainge y^e persons, as
\nwell as renew y^e election; and also to adde more Assistans to y^e Gov^r
\nfor help & counsell, and y^e better carrying on of affairs. Showing that
\nit was necessarie it should be so. If it was any honour or benefite, it
\nwas fitte others should be made pertakers of it; if it was a burthen,
\n(as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others should help to bear it;
\nand y^t this was y^e end of A[=n]uall Elections. The issue was, that as
\nbefore ther was but one Assistante, they now chose 5. giving the Gov^r a
\nduble voyce; and aftwards they increased them to 7. which course hath
\ncontinued to this day.<\/p>\n
They having with some truble & charge new-masted and rigged their
\npinass, in y^e begining of March they sent her well vitaled to the
\neastward on fishing. She arrived safly at a place near Damarins cove,
\nand was there well harbored in a place wher ships used to ride, ther
\nbeing also some ships allready arived out of England. But shortly after
\nther [109] arose such a violent & extraordinarie storme, as y^e seas
\nbroak over such places in y^e harbor as was never seene before, and
\ndrive her against great roks, which beat such a hole in her bulke, as a
\nhorse and carte might have gone in, and after drive her into deep-water,
\nwher she lay sunke. The m^r. was drowned, the rest of y^e men, all save
\none, saved their lives, with much a doe; all her provision, salt, and
\nwhat els was in her, was lost. And here I must leave her to lye till
\nafterward.<\/p>\n
Some of those that still remained hear on their perticuler, begane
\nprivatly to nurish a faction, and being privie to a strong faction that
\nwas among y^e adventurers in England, on whom sundry of them did depend,
\nby their private whispering they drew some of the weaker sorte of y^e
\ncompany to their side, and so filld them with discontente, as nothing
\nwould satisfie them excepte they might be suffered to be in their
\nperticuler allso; and made great offers, so they might be freed from y^e
\ngenerall. The Gov^r consulting with y^e ablest of y^e generall body what
\nwas best to be done hear in, it was resolved to permitte them so to doe,
\nupon equall conditions. The conditions were the same in effect with y^e
\nformer before related. Only some more added, as that they should be
\nbound here to remaine till y^e generall partnership was ended. And also
\nthat they should pay into y^e store, y^e on halfe of all such goods and
\ncomodities as they should any waise raise above their food, in
\nconsideration of what charg had been layed out for them, with some such
\nlike things. This liberty granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther was
\nbut a few that undertooke this course when it came too; and they were
\nas sone weary of it. For the other had perswaded them, & M^r. Weston
\ntogeather, that ther would never come more supply to y^e generall body;
\nbut y^e perticulers had such freinds as would carry all, and doe for
\nthem I know not what.<\/p>\n
Shortly after, M^r. Winslow came over, and brought a prety good supply,
\nand the ship came on fishing, a thing fatall to this plantation. He
\nbrought 3. heifers & a bull, the first begining of any catle of that
\nkind in y^e land, with some cloathing & other necessaries, as will
\nfurther appear; but withall y^e reporte of a strong faction amongst y^e
\nadventurers[BJ] against them, and espetially against y^e coming of y^e
\nrest from Leyden, and with what difficulty this supply was procured, and
\nhow, by their strong & long opposision, bussines was so retarded as not
\nonly they were now falne too late for y^e fishing season, but the best
\nmen were taken up of y^e fishermen in the west countrie, and he was
\nforct to take such a m^r. & company for that imployment as he could
\nprocure upon y^e present. Some letters from them shall beter declare
\nthese things, being as followeth.<\/p>\n
[110] Most worthy & loving freinds, your kind & loving leters I have
\nreceived, and render you many thanks, &c. It hath plased God to stirre
\nup y^e harts of our adventurers[BJ] to raise a new stock for the
\nseting forth of this shipe, caled the Charitie, with men &
\nnecessaries, both for the plantation and the fishing, though
\naccomplished with very great difficulty; in regard we have some
\namongst us which undoubtedly aime more at their owne private ends, and
\nthe thwarting & opposing of some hear, and other worthy
\ninstruments,[BK] of Gods glory elswher, then at the generall good and
\nfurtherance of this noble & laudable action. Yet againe we have many
\nother, and I hope the greatest parte, very honest Christian men, which
\nI am perswaded their ends and intents are wholy for the glory of our
\nLord Jesus Christ, in the propagation of his gospell, and hope of
\ngaining those poore salvages to the knowledg of God. But, as we have a
\nproverbe, One scabed sheep may marr a whole flock, so these
\nmalecontented persons, & turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to
\nwithdraw mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even from the
\ngenerall bussines; and yet under show and pretence of godlynes and
\nfurtherance of the plantation. Wheras the quite contrary doth plainly
\nappeare; as some of the honester harted men (though of late of their
\nfaction) did make manifest at our late meeting. But what should I
\ntrouble you or my selfe with these restles opposers of all goodnes,
\nand I doubte will be continuall disturbers of our frendly meetings &
\nlove. On Thurs-day the 8. of Jan: we had a meeting aboute the artickls
\nbetweene you & us; wher they would rejecte that, which we in our late
\nleters prest you to grante, (an addition to the time of our joynt
\nstock). And their reason which they would make known to us was, it
\ntrobled their conscience to exacte longer time of you then was agreed
\nupon at the first. But that night they were so followed and crost of
\ntheir perverse courses, as they were even wearied, and offered to sell
\ntheir adventurs; and some were willing to buy. But I, doubting they
\nwould raise more scandale and false reports, and so diverse waise doe
\nus more hurt, by going of in such a furie, then they could or can by
\ncontinuing adventurers amongst us, would not suffer them. But on y^e
\n12. of Jan: we had another meting, but in the interime diverse of us
\nhad talked with most of them privatly, and had great combats &
\nreasoning, pro & con. But at night when we mete to read y^e generall
\nletter, we had y^e loveingest and frendlyest meeting that ever I
\nknew[BL] and our greatest enemise offered to lend us 50_{li}. So I
\nsent for a potle of wine, (I would you could[BM] doe y^e like,) which
\nwe dranke freindly together. Thus God can turne y^e harts of men when
\nit pleaseth him, &c. Thus loving freinds, I hartily salute you all in
\ny^e Lord, hoping ever to rest,<\/p>\n
Yours to my power,
\nJAMES SHERLEY.<\/p>\n
Jan: 25. 1623.<\/p>\n
[111] _Another leter._<\/p>\n
Beloved S^r., &c. We have now sent you, we hope, men & means, to setle
\nthese 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making, and boat making; if you
\ncan bring them to pass to some perfection, your wants may be supplyed.
\nI pray you bend you selfe what you can to setle these bussinesses. Let
\ny^e ship be fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to Bilbow. You
\nmust send some discreete man for factore, whom, once more, you must
\nalso authorise to confirme y^e conditions. If M^r. Winslow could be
\nspared, I could wish he came againe. This ship carpenter is thought
\nto be the fittest man for you in the land, and will no doubte doe you
\nmuch good. Let him have an absolute comand over his servants & such as
\nyou put to him. Let him build you 2. catches, a lighter, and some 6.
\nor 7. shalops, as soone as you can. The salt-man is a skillfull &
\nindustrious man, put some to him, that may quickly apprehende y^e
\nmisterie of it. The preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest
\nplaine man, though none of y^e most eminente and rare. Aboute chusing
\nhim into office use your owne liberty & discretion; he knows he is no
\nofficer amongst you, though perhaps custome & universalitie may make
\nhim forget him selfe. M^r. Winslow & my selfe gave way to his going,
\nto give contente to some hear, and we see no hurt in it, but only his
\ngreat charge of children.<\/p>\n
We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, &c. I am sory ther is no more
\ndiscretion used by some in their leters hither.[BN] Some say you are
\nstarved in body & soule; others, y^t you eate piggs & doggs, that dye
\nalone; others, that y^e things hear spoaken of, y^e goodnes of y^e
\ncuntry, are gross and palpable lyes; that ther is scarce a foule to be
\nseene, or a fish to be taken, and many such like. I would such
\ndiscontented men were hear againe, for it is a miserie when y^e whole
\nstate of a plantation shall be thus exposed to y^e passionate humors
\nof some discontented men. And for my selfe I shall hinder for
\nhearafter some y^t would goe, and have not better composed their
\naffections; mean space it is all our crosses, and we must bear them.<\/p>\n
I am sorie we have not sent you more and other things, but in truth we
\nhave rune into so much charge, to victaile y^e ship, provide salte &
\nother fishing implements, &c. as we could not provid other comfortable
\nthings, as buter, suger, &c. I hope the returne of this ship, and the
\nJames, will put us in cash againe. The Lord make you full of courage
\nin this troublesome bussines, which now must be stuck unto, till God
\ngive us rest from our labours. Fare well in all harty affection.<\/p>\n
Your assured friend,
\nR. C.<\/p>\n
Jan: 24. 1623.<\/p>\n
With y^e former letter write by M^r. Sherley, there were sente sundrie
\nobjections concerning which he thus writeth. “These are the cheefe
\nobjections which they [112] that are now returned make against you and
\nthe countrie. I pray you consider them, and answer them by the first
\nconveniencie.” These objections were made by some of those that came
\nover on their perticuler and were returned home, as is before mentioned,
\nand were of y^e same suite with those y^t this other letter mentions.<\/p>\n
I shall here set them downe, with y^e answers then made unto them, and
\nsent over at y^e returne of this ship; which did so confound y^e
\nobjecters, as some confessed their falte, and others deneyed what they
\nhad said, and eate their words, & some others of them have since come
\nover againe and heere lived to convince them selves sufficiently, both
\nin their owne & other mens judgments.<\/p>\n
1. obj. was diversitie aboute Religion. Ans: We know no such matter, for
\nhere was never any controversie or opposition, either publicke or
\nprivate, (to our knowledg,) since we came.<\/p>\n
2. ob: Neglecte of familie duties, one y^e Lords day.<\/p>\n
Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our selves & others; and
\nthey that thus reporte it, should have shewed their Christian love the
\nmore if they had in love tould y^e offenders of it, rather then thus to
\nreproach them behind their baks. But (to say no more) we wish them
\nselves had given better example.<\/p>\n
3. ob: Wante of both the sacrements.<\/p>\n
Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is kept from us, by whom we
\nmight injoye them; for we used to have the Lords Supper every Saboth,
\nand baptisme as often as ther was occasion of children to baptise.<\/p>\n
4. ob: Children not catechised nor taught to read.<\/p>\n
Ans: Neither is true; for diverse take pains with their owne as they
\ncan; indeede, we have no co[=m]one schoole for want of a fitt person, or
\nhithertoo means to maintaine one; though we desire now to begine.<\/p>\n
5. ob: Many of y^e perticuler members of y^e plantation will not work
\nfor y^e generall.<\/p>\n
Ans: This allso is not wholy true; for though some doe it not willingly,
\n& other not honestly, yet all doe it; and he that doth worst gets his
\nowne foode & something besids. But we will not excuse them, but labour
\nto reforme them y^e best we cane, or else to quitte y^e plantation of
\nthem.<\/p>\n
6. ob: The water is not wholsome.<\/p>\n
Ans: If they mean, not so wholsome as y^e good beere and wine in
\nLondon, (which they so dearly love,) we will not dispute with them; but
\nels, for water, it is as good as any in the world, (for ought we knowe,)
\nand it is wholsome enough to us that can be contente therwith.<\/p>\n
7. ob: The ground is barren and doth bear no grasse.<\/p>\n
[113] Ans: It is hear (as in all places) some better & some worse; and
\nif they well consider their words, in England they shall not find such
\ngrasse in them, as in their feelds & meadows. The catle find grasse, for
\nthey are as fatt as need be; we wish we had but one for every hundred
\nthat hear is grase to keep. Indeed, this objection, as some other, are
\nridiculous to all here which see and know y^e contrary.<\/p>\n
8. ob: The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete.<\/p>\n
Ans: This is as true as that which was written, that ther is scarce a
\nfoule to be seene or a fish to be taken. Things likly to be true in a
\ncuntrie wher so many sayle of ships come yearly a fishing; they might as
\nwell say, there can no aile or beere in London be kept from sowering.<\/p>\n
9. ob: Many of them are theevish and steale on from an other.<\/p>\n
Ans: Would London had been free from that crime, then we should not have
\nbeen trobled with these here; it is well knowne sundrie have smarted
\nwell for it, and so are y^e rest like to doe, if they be taken.<\/p>\n
10. ob: The countrie is anoyed with foxes and woules.<\/p>\n
Ans: So are many other good cuntries too; but poyson, traps, and other
\nsuch means will help to destroy them.<\/p>\n
11. ob: The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay, and are likely to
\noverthrow the trade.<\/p>\n
Ans: They will come and plante in these parts, also, if we and others
\ndoe not, but goe home and leave it to them. We rather commend them, then
\ncondemne them for it.<\/p>\n
12. ob: The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes.<\/p>\n
Ans: They are too delicate and unfitte to begine new-plantations and
\ncollonies, that cannot enduer the biting of a muskeeto; we would wish
\nsuch to keepe at home till at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet this
\nplace is as free as any, and experience teacheth that y^e more y^e land
\nis tild, and y^e woods cut downe, the fewer ther will be, and in the end
\nscarse any at all.<\/p>\n
Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may handle things togeather,
\nI shall here inserte 2. other letters from M^r. Robinson their pastor;
\nthe one to y^e Gov^r, y^e other to M^r. Brewster their Elder, which will
\ngive much light to y^e former things, and express the tender love & care
\nof a true pastor over them.<\/p>\n
_His leter to y^e Gov^r._<\/p>\n
My loving & much beloved friend, whom God hath hithertoo preserved,
\npreserve and keepe you still to his glorie, and y^e good of many; that
\nhis blessing may make your godly and wise endeavours answerable to y^e
\nvaluation which they ther have, & set upon y^e same. Of your love too
\nand care for us here, we never doubted; so are we glad to take
\nknowledg of it in that fullnes we doe. Our love & care to and for you,
\nis mutuall, though our hopes of coming [114] unto you be small, and
\nweaker then ever. But of this at large in Mr. Brewsters letter, with
\nwhom you, and he with you, mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters,
\nas I desire you may doe these, &c.<\/p>\n
Concerning y^e killing of those poor Indeans, of which we heard at
\nfirst by reporte, and since by more certaine relation, oh! how happy a
\nthing had it been, if you had converted some, before you had killed
\nany; besids, wher bloud is one begune to be shed, it is seldome
\nstanched of a long time after. You will say they deserved it. I grant
\nit; but upon what provocations and invitments by those heathenish
\nChristians?[BO] Besids, you, being no magistrats over them, were to
\nconsider, not what they deserved, but what you were by necessitie
\nconstrained to inflicte. Necessitie of this, espetially of killing so
\nmany, (and many more, it seems, they would, if they could,) I see not.
\nMethinks on or tow principals should have been full enough, according
\nto that approved rule, The punishmente to a few, and y^e fear to many.
\nUpon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte you seriouly to consider
\nof y^e dispossition of your Captaine, whom I love, and am perswaded
\ny^e Lord in great mercie and for much good hath sent you him, if you
\nuse him aright. He is a man humble and meek amongst you, and towards
\nall in ordinarie course. But now if this be meerly from an humane
\nspirite, ther is cause to fear that by occasion, espetially of
\nprovocation, ther may be wanting y^t tendernes of y^e life of man
\n(made after Gods image) which is meete. It is also a thing more
\nglorious in mens eyes, then pleasing in Gods, or conveniente for
\nChristians, to be a terrour to poore barbarous people; and indeed I am
\nafraid least, by these occasions, others should be drawne to affecte a
\nkind of rufling course in the world. I doubt not but you will take in
\ngood part these things which I write, and as ther is cause make use of
\nthem. It were to us more comfortable and convenient, that we
\ncomunicated our mutuall helps in presence, but seeing that canot be
\ndone, we shall always long after you, and love you, and waite Gods
\napoynted time. The adventurers it seems have neither money nor any
\ngreat mind of us, for y^e most parte. They deney it to be any part of
\ny^e covenants betwixte us, that they should tr[=a]sporte us, neither
\ndoe I looke for any further help from them, till means come from you.
\nWe hear are strangers in effecte to y^e whole course, and so both we
\nand you (save as your owne wisdoms and worths have intressed you
\nfurther) of principals intended in this bussines, are scarce
\naccessaries, &c. My wife, with me, resalute you & yours. Unto him who
\nis y^e same to his in all places, and nere to them which are farr from
\none an other, I comend you and all with you, resting,<\/p>\n
Yours truly loving,
\nJOHN ROBINSON.<\/p>\n
Leyden, Des: 19. 1623.<\/p>\n
_His to M^r. Brewster._<\/p>\n
Loving and dear friend and brother: That which I most desired of God
\nin regard of you, namly, y^e continuance of your life and health, and
\nthe safe coming of these sent unto you, that I most gladly hear of,
\nand praise God for the same. And I hope M^rs. Brewsters weake and
\ndecayed state of body will have some reparing by the coming of her
\ndaughters, and the provissions in this and former ships, I hear is
\nmade for you; which maks us with more patience bear our languishing
\nstate, and y^e deferring of our desired tr[=a]sportation; w^ch I call
\ndesired, rather than hoped for, whatsoever you are borne in hand by
\nany others. For first, ther is no hope at all, that I know, or can
\nconceive of, of any new stock to be raised for that end; so that all
\nmust depend [115] upon returns from you, in which are so many
\nuncertainties, as that nothing with any certaintie can thence be
\nconcluded. Besids, howsoever for y^e presente the adventurers aledg
\nnothing but want of money, which is an invincible difculty, yet if
\nthat be taken away by you, others without doubte will be found. For
\nthe beter clearing of this, we must dispose y^e adventurers into 3.
\nparts; and of them some 5. or 6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent
\nfor us, above any others. Other 5. or 6. are our bitter professed
\nadversaries. The rest, being the body, I conceive to be honestly
\nminded, & loveingly also towards us; yet such as have others (namly
\ny^e forward preachers) nerer unto them, then us, and whose course so
\nfarr as ther is any differance, they would rather advance then ours.
\nNow what a hanck these men have over y^e professors, you know. And I
\nperswade my selfe, that for me, they of all others are unwilling I
\nshould be transported, espetially such of them as have an eye that way
\nthem selves; as thinking if I come ther, ther market will be mard in
\nmany regards. And for these adversaries, if they have but halfe y^e
\nwitte to their malice, they will stope my course when they see it
\nintended, for which this delaying serveth them very opportunly. And as
\none restie jade can hinder, by hanging back, more then two or 3. can
\n(or will at least, if they be not very free) draw forward, so will it
\nbe in this case. A notable[BP] experimente of this, they gave in your
\nmessengers presence, constraining y^e company to promise that none of
\nthe money now gathered should be expended or imployed to y^e help of
\nany of us towards you. Now touching y^e question propounded by you, I
\njudg it not lawfull for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom. 12. 7. 8. &
\n1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach & exhorte and labore
\nin y^e word and doctrine, to which y^e sacrements are a[=n]exed, to
\nadminister them, nor convenient if it were lawfull. Whether any larned
\nman will come unto you or not, I know not; if any doe, you must
\n_Consili[=u] capere in arena_. Be you most hartily saluted, & you^r
\nwife with you, both from me & mine. Your God & ours, and y^e God of
\nall his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep us in the mean
\nwhile, and allways to his glory, and make us servisable to his
\nmajestic, and faithfull to the end. Amen.<\/p>\n
Your very loving brother,
\nJOHN ROBINSON.<\/p>\n
Leyden, Des: 20. 1623.<\/p>\n
These things premised, I shall now prosecute y^e procedings and afairs
\nhere. And before I come to other things I must speak a word of their
\nplanting this year; they having found y^e benifite of their last years
\nharvest, and setting corne for their particuler, having therby with a
\ngreat deale of patience overcome hunger & famine. Which maks me remember
\na saing of Senecas, _Epis: 123_. _That a great parte of libertie is a
\nwell governed belly, and to be patiente in all wants._ They begane now
\nhighly to prise corne as more pretious then silver, and those that had
\nsome to spare begane to trade one with another for smale things, by y^e
\nquarte, potle, & peck, &c.; for money they had none, and if any had,
\ncorne was prefered before it. That they might therfore encrease their
\ntillage to better advantage, they made suite [116] to the Gov^r to have
\nsome portion of land given them for continuance, and not by yearly
\nlotte, for by that means, that which y^e more industrious had brought
\ninto good culture (by much pains) one year, came to leave it y^e nexte,
\nand often another might injoye it; so as the dressing of their lands
\nwere the more sleighted over, & to lese profite. Which being well
\nconsidered, their request was granted. And to every person was given
\nonly one acrre of land, to them & theirs, as nere y^e towne as might be,
\nand they had no more till y^e 7. years were expired. The reason was,
\nthat they might be kept close together both for more saftie and defence,
\nand y^e better improvement of y^e generall imployments. Which condition
\nof theirs did make me often thinke, of what I had read in Plinie[BQ] of
\ny^e Romans first beginings in Romulus time. _How every man contented him
\nselfe with 2. Acres of land, and had no more assigned them. And chap. 3.
\nIt was thought a great reward, to receive at y^e hands of y^e people of
\nRome a pinte of corne. And long after, the greatest presente given to a
\nCaptaine y^t had gotte a victory over their enemise, was as much ground
\nas they could till in one day. And he was not counted a good, but a
\ndangerous man, that would not contente him selfe with 7. Acres of land.
\nAs also how they did pound their corne in morters_, as these people were
\nforcte to doe many years before they could get a mille.<\/p>\n
The ship which brought this supply, was speedily discharged, and with
\nher m^r & company sente to Cap-Anne (of which place they had gott a
\npatente, as before is shewed) on fishing, and because the season was so
\nfarr spente some of y^e planters were sent to help to build their stage,
\nto their owne hinderance. But partly by y^e latenes of y^e year, and
\nmore espetialy by y^e basnes of y^e m^r, one Baker, they made a poore
\nviage of it. He proved a very drunken beast, and did nothing (in a
\nmaner) but drink, & gusle, and consume away y^e time & his victails; and
\nmost of his company followed his example; and though M^r. William Peirce
\nwas to over see the busines, & to be m^r. of y^e ship home, yet he could
\ndoe no good amongst them, so as y^e loss was great, and would have bene
\nmore to them, but that they kept one a trading ther, which in those
\ntimes got some store of skins, which was some help unto them.<\/p>\n
The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an honest and very
\nindustrious man, and followed his labour very dilligently, and made all
\nthat were imployed with him doe y^e like; he quickly builte them 2.
\nvery good & strong shalops (which after did them greate service), and a
\ngreat and strong lighter, and had hewne timber for 2. catches; but that
\nwas lost, for he fell into a feaver in y^e hote season of the year, and
\nthough he had the best means y^e place could aforde, yet he dyed; of
\nwhom they had a very [117] great loss, and were very sorie for his
\ndeath. But he whom they sent to make salte was an ignorante, foolish,
\nself-willd fellow; he bore them in hand he could doe great matters in
\nmaking salt-works, so he was sente to seeke out fitte ground for his
\npurpose; and after some serch he tould y^e Gov^r that he had found a
\nsufficente place, with a good botome to hold water, and otherwise very
\nconveniente, which he doubted not but in a short time to bring to good
\nperfection, and to yeeld them great profite; but he must have 8. or ten
\nmen to be constantly imployed. He was wisht to be sure that y^e ground
\nwas good, and other things answerable, and y^t he could bring it to
\nperfection; otherwise he would bring upon them a great charge by
\nimploying him selfe and so many men. But he was, after some triall, so
\nconfidente, as he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame
\nfor a large house, to receive y^e salte & such other uses. But in y^e
\nend all proved vaine. Then he layed fault of y^e ground, in which he was
\ndeceived; but if he might have the lighter to cary clay, he was sure
\nthen he could doe it. Now though y^e Gov^r & some other foresaw that
\nthis would come to litle, yet they had so many malignant spirits amongst
\nthem, that would have laid it upon them, in their letters of complainte
\nto the adventurers, as to be their falte y^t would not suffer him to goe
\non to bring his work to perfection; for as he by his bould confidence &
\nlarge promises deceived them in England that sente him, so he had wound
\nhim selfe in to these mens high esteeme hear, so as they were faine to
\nlet him goe on till all men saw his vanity. For he could not doe any
\nthing but boyle salt in pans, & yet would make them y^t were joynd with
\nhim beleeve ther was so grat a misterie in it as was not easie to be
\nattained, and made them doe many unnecessary things to blind their eys,
\ntill they discerned his sutltie. The next yere he was sente to Cap-Anne,
\nand y^e pans were set up ther wher the fishing was; but before so[=m]er
\nwas out, he bu[=r]te the house, and the fire was so vehemente as it
\nspoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this was the end of that
\nchargable bussines.<\/p>\n
The 3^d. eminente person (which y^e letters before mention) was y^e
\nminister which they sent over, by name M^r. John Lyford, of whom & whose
\ndoing I must be more large, though I shall abridg things as much as I
\ncan. When this man first came a shore, he saluted them with that
\nreverence & humilitie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed made them
\nashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them, and would have kissed their
\nhands if they would have [118] suffered him;[BR] yea, he wept & shed
\nmany tears, blessing God that had brought him to see their faces; and
\nadmiring y^e things they had done in their wants, &c. as if he had been
\nmade all of love, and y^e humblest person in the world. And all the
\nwhile (if we may judg by his after cariags) he was but like him
\nmentioned in Psa: 10. 10. That croucheth & boweth, that heaps of poore
\nmay fall by his might. Or like to that dissembling Ishmaell,[BS] who,
\nwhen he had slaine Gedelia, went out weeping and mette them y^t were
\ncoming to offer incence in y^e house of y^e Lord; saing, Come to
\nGedelia, when he ment to slay them. They gave him y^e best entertainment
\ny^ey could, (in all simplisitie,) and a larger alowans of food out of
\ny^e store then any other had, and as the Gov^r had used in all waightie
\naffairs to consulte with their Elder, M^r. Brewster, (togeither with his
\nassistants,) so now he caled M^r. Liford also to counsell with them in
\ntheir waightiest bussineses. Ater some short time he desired to joyne
\nhimselfe a member to y^e church hear, and was accordingly received. He
\nmade a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgemente of his
\nformer disorderly walking, and his being intangled with many
\ncorruptions, which had been a burthen to his conscience, and blessed God
\nfor this opportunitie of freedom & libertie to injoye y^e ordinances of
\nGod in puritie among his people, with many more such like expressions.
\nI must hear speake a word also of M^r. John Oldom, who was a copartner
\nwith him in his after courses. He had bene a cheefe sticler in y^e
\nformer faction among y^e perticulers, and an intelligencer to those in
\nEngland. But now, since the coming of this ship and he saw the supply
\nthat came, he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of y^e cheefe
\namongst them heere, and confessed he had done them wrong both by word &
\ndeed, & writing into England; but he now saw the eminente hand of God to
\nbe with them, and his blesing upon them, which made his hart smite him,
\nneither should those in England ever use him as an instrumente any
\nlonger against them in any thing; he also desired former things might be
\nforgotten, and that they would looke upon him as one that desired to
\nclose with them in all things, with such like expressions. Now whether
\nthis was in hipocrisie, or out of some sudden pange of conviction (which
\nI rather thinke), God only knows. Upon it they shew all readynes to
\nimbrace his love, and carry towards him in all frendlynes, and called
\nhim to counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as y^e other, without
\nany distrust at all.<\/p>\n
Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and smothly on amongst
\nthem, at which they did much rejoyce; but this lasted not [119] long,
\nfor both Oldom and he grew very perverse, and shewed a spirite of great
\nmalignancie, drawing as many into faction as they could; were they
\nnever so vile or profane, they did nourish & back them in all their
\ndoings; so they would but cleave to them and speak against y^e church
\nhear; so as ther was nothing but private meetings and whisperings
\namongst them; they feeding themselves & others with what they should
\nbring to pass in England by the faction of their freinds their, which
\nbrought others as well as them selves into a fools paradise. Yet they
\ncould not cary so closly but much of both their doings & sayings were
\ndiscovered, yet outwardly they still set a faire face of things.<\/p>\n
At lenght when y^e ship was ready to goe, it was observed Liford was
\nlong in writing, & sente many letters, and could not forbear to
\ncomunicate to his intimats such things as made them laugh in their
\nsleeves, and thought he had done ther errand sufficiently. The Gov^r and
\nsome other of his freinds knowing how things stood in England, and what
\nhurt these things might doe, tooke a shalop and wente out with the ship
\na league or 2. to sea, and caled for all Lifords & Oldums letters. Mr.
\nWilliam Peirce being m^r. of y^e ship, (and knew well their evill
\ndealing both in England & here,) afforded him all y^e assistance he
\ncould. He found above 20. of Lyfords letters, many of them larg, and
\nfull of slanders, & false accusations, tending not only to their
\nprejudice, but to their ruine & utter subversion. Most of the letters
\nthey let pas, only tooke copys of them, but some of y^e most materiall
\nthey sent true copyes of them, and kept y^e originalls, least he should
\ndeney them, and that they might produce his owne hand against him.
\nAmongst his letters they found y^e coppyes of tow letters which he sent
\ninclosed in a leter of his to M^r. John Pemberton, a minster, and a
\ngreat opposite of theirs. These 2. letters of which he tooke the coppyes
\nwere one of them write by a gentle-man in England to M^r. Brewster here,
\nthe other by M^r. Winslow to M^r. Robinson, in Holand, at his coming
\naway, as y^e ship lay at Gravsend. They lying sealed in y^e great cabin,
\n(whilst M^r. Winslow was bussie aboute the affairs of y^e ship,) this
\nslye marchante taks & opens them, taks these coppys, & seals them up
\nagaine; and not only sends the coppyes of them thus to his friend and
\ntheir adversarie, but adds thertoo in y^e margente many scurrilous and
\nflouting a[=n]otations. This ship went out _towards e[=v]ing_, and _in
\nthe night_ y^e Gov^r retu[=r]ed. They were somwaht blanke at it, but
\nafter some weeks, when they heard nothing, they then were as briske as
\never, thinking nothing had been knowne, but all was gone currente, and
\nthat the Gov^r went but to dispatch his owne letters. The reason why the
\nGov^r & rest concealed these things the longer, was to let things ripen,
\nthat they [120] might y^e better discover their intents and see who were
\ntheir adherents. And y^e rather because amongst y^e rest they found a
\nletter of one of their confederats, in w^ch was writen that M^r. Oldame
\n& M^r. Lyford intended a reformation in church and commone wealth; and,
\nas soone as the ship was gone, they intended to joyne togeather, and
\nhave the sacrements, &c.<\/p>\n
For Oldame, few of his leters were found, (for he was so bad a scribe as
\nhis hand was scarce legible,) yet he was as deepe in y^e mischeefe as
\nthe other. And thinking they were now strong enough, they begane to pick
\nquarells at every thing. Oldame being called to watch (according to
\norder) refused to come, fell out with y^e Capten, caled him raskell, and
\nbeggerly raskell, and resisted him, drew his knife at him; though he
\noffered him no wrong, nor gave him no ille termes, but with all fairnes
\nrequired him to doe his duty. The Gov^r, hearing y^e tumulte, sent to
\nquiet it, but he ramped more like a furious beast then a man, and cald
\nthem all treatours, and rebells, and other such foule language as I am
\nashamed to remember; but after he was clapt up a while, he came to him
\nselfe, and with some slight punishmente was let goe upon his behaviour
\nfor further censure.<\/p>\n
But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this esseue, that Lyford
\nwith his complicies, without ever speaking one word either to y^e Gov^r,
\nChurch, or Elder, withdrewe them selves & set up a publick meeting
\naparte, on y^e Lord’s day; with sundry such insolente cariages, too long
\nhere to relate, begining now publikly to acte what privatly they had
\nbeen long plotting.<\/p>\n
It was now thought high time (to prevent further mischeefe) to calle
\nthem to accounte; so y^e Gov^r called a courte and su[=m]oned the whol
\ncompany to appeare. And then charged Lyford & Oldom with such things as
\nthey were guilty of. But they were stiffe, & stood resolutly upon y^e
\ndeneyall of most things, and required proofe. They first alledged what
\nwas write to them out of England, compared with their doings & pactises
\nhear; that it was evident they joyned in plotting against them, and
\ndisturbing their peace, both in respecte of their civill & church state,
\nwhich was most injurious; for both they and all y^e world knew they came
\nhither to injoye y^e libertie of their conscience and y^e free use of
\nGods ordinances; and for y^t end had ventured their lives and passed
\nthrowgh so much hardshipe hithertoo, and they and their freinds had
\nborne the charg of these beginings, which was not small. And that Lyford
\nfor his parte was sent over on this charge, and that both he and his
\ngreat family was maintained on y^e same, and also was joyned to y^e
\nchurch, & a member of them; and for him to plote against them & seek
\ntheir ruine, was most unjust & perfidious. And for [121] Oldam or any
\nother that came over at their owne charge, and were on ther perticuler,
\nseeing they were received in curtesie by the plantation, when they came
\nonly to seeke shelter & protection under their wings, not being able to
\nstand alone, that they, (according to y^e fable,) like the Hedghogg
\nwhom y^e conny in a stormy day in pittie received into her borrow, would
\nnot be content to take part with her, but in the end with her sharp
\npricks forst the poore conny to forsake her owne borrow; so these men
\nwith the like injustice indevored to doe y^e same to thos that
\nentertained them.<\/p>\n
Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe with them in England, or knew
\nof their courses, and made other things as strange that he was charged
\nwith. Then his letters were prodused & some of them read, at which he
\nwas struck mute. But Oldam begane to rage furiously, because they had
\nintercepted and opened his letters, threatening them in very high
\nlanguage, and in a most audacious and mutinous maner stood up & caled
\nupon y^e people, saying, My maisters, wher is your harts? now shew your
\ncourage, you have oft complained to me so & so; now is y^e time, if you
\nwill doe any thing, I will stand by you, &c. Thinking y^t every one
\n(knowing his humor) that had soothed and flattered him, or other wise in
\ntheir discontente uttered any thing unto him, would now side w^th him in
\nopen rebellion. But he was deceived, for not a man opened his mouth, but
\nall were silent, being strucken with the injustice of y^e thing. Then
\ny^e Gov^r turned his speech to M^r. Lyford, and asked him if he thought
\nthey had done evill to open his letters; but he was silente, & would not
\nsay a word, well knowing what they might reply. Then y^e Gov^r shewed
\nthe people he did it as a magistrate, and was bound to it by his place,
\nto prevent y^e mischeefe & ruine that this conspiracie and plots of
\ntheirs would bring on this poor colony. But he, besids his evill dealing
\nhear, had delte trecherusly with his freinds y^t trusted him, & stole
\ntheir letters & opened them, and sent coppies of them, with disgracefull
\na[=n]otations, to his freinds in England. And then y^e Gov^r produced
\nthem and his other letters under his owne hand, (which he could not
\ndeney,) and caused them to be read before all y^e people; at which all
\nhis freinds were blanke, and had not a word to say.<\/p>\n
It would be too long & tedious here to inserte his letters (which would
\nalmost fill a volume), though I have them by me. I shall only note a few
\nof y^e cheefe things collected out of them, with y^e answers to them as
\nthey were then given; and but a few of those many, only for instance, by
\nwhich the rest may be judged of.<\/p>\n
[121[BT]] 1. First, he saith, the church would have none to live hear
\nbut them selves. 2^ly. Neither are any willing so to doe if they had
\ncompany to live elswher.<\/p>\n
Ans: Their answer was, that this was false, in both y^e parts of it; for
\nthey were willing & desirous y^t any honest men may live with them, that
\nwill cary them selves peacably, and seek y^e co[=m]one good, or at least
\ndoe them no hurte. And againe, ther are many that will not live els
\nwher so long as they may live with them.<\/p>\n
2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not of y^e seperation,
\nthey will quickly distast them, &c.<\/p>\n
A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false callumniation, for
\nthey had many amongst them that they liked well of, and were glad of
\ntheir company; and should be of any such like that should come amongst
\nthem.<\/p>\n
3. That they excepted against him for these 2. doctrins raised from 2.
\nSam: 12. 7. First, that ministers must sume times perticulerly apply
\ntheir doctrine to spetiall persons; 2^ly, that great men may be reproved
\nas well as meaner.<\/p>\n
A. Their answer was, that both these were without either truth or colour
\nof y^e same (as was proved to his face), and that they had taught and
\nbeleeved these things long before they knew M^r. Liford.<\/p>\n
4. That they utterly sought y^e ruine of y^e perticulers; as appeareth
\nby this, that they would not suffer any of y^e generall either to buy or
\nsell with them, or to exchaing one co[=m]oditie for another.<\/p>\n
Ans: This was a most malicious slander and voyd of all truth, as was
\nevidently proved to him before all men; for any of them did both buy,
\nsell, or exchaing with them as often as they had any occation. Yea, and
\nallso both lend & give to them when they wanted; and this the perticuler
\npersons them selves could not deney, but freely confest in open court.
\nBut y^e ground from whence this arose made it much worse, for he was in
\ncounsell with them. When one was called before them, and questioned for
\nreceiving powder and bisket from y^e gu[=n]er of the small ship, which
\nwas y^e companys, and had it put in at his window in the night, and
\nallso for buying salt of one, that had no right to it, he not only stood
\nto back him (being one of these perticulers) by excusing & extenuating
\nhis falte, as long as he could, but upon this builds this mische[=c]ous
\n& most false slander: That because they would not suffer them to buy
\nstolne goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruine. Bad logick for a
\ndevine.<\/p>\n
5. Next he writs, that he chocked them with this; that they turned [122]
\nmen into their perticuler, and then sought to starve them, and deprive
\nthem of all means of subsistance.<\/p>\n
A. To this was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for they turned
\nnone into their perticuler; it was their owne importunitie and ernest
\ndesire that moved them, yea, constrained them to doe it. And they
\napealed to y^e persons them selves for y^e truth hereof. And they
\ntestified the same against him before all present, as allso that they
\nhad no cause to complaine of any either hard or unkind usage.<\/p>\n
6. He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and writeth, that it was a
\nstrang difference, that some have bene alowed 16^li. of meale by y^e
\nweeke, and others but 4^li. And then (floutingly) saith, it seems some
\nmens mouths and bellies are very litle & slender over others.<\/p>\n
Ans: This might seeme strange indeed to those to whom he write his
\nleters in England, which knew not y^e reason of it; but to him and
\nothers hear, it could not be strange, who knew how things stood. For the
\nfirst co[=m]ers had none at all, but lived on their corne. Those w^ch
\n_came in y^e Anne, y^e August before_, & were to live 13. months of the
\nprovissions they brought, had as good alowance in meal & pease as it
\nwould extend too, y^e most part of y^e year; but a litle before harvest,
\nwhen they had not only fish, but other fruits began to come in, they had
\nbut 4^li. having their libertie to make their owne provisions. But some
\nof these which came last, as y^e ship carpenter, and samiers, the
\nsalte-men & others that were to follow constante imployments, and had
\nnot an howers time, from their hard labours, to looke for any thing
\nabove their alowance; they had at first, 16^li. alowed them, and
\nafterwards as fish, & other food coued be gott, they had as balemente,
\nto 14. &. 12. yea some of them to 8. as the times & occasions did vary.
\nAnd yet those which followed planting and their owne occasions, and had
\nbut 4^li. of meall a week, lived better then y^e other, as was well
\nknowne to all. And yet it must be remembered that Lyford & his had
\nallwais the highest alowance.<\/p>\n
Many other things (in his letters) he accused them of, with many
\naggravations; as that he saw exseeding great wast of tools & vesseles; &
\nthis, when it came to be examened, all y^e instance he could give was,
\nthat he had seen an old hogshed or too fallen to peeces, and a broken
\nhow or tow lefte carlesly in y^e feilds by some. Though he also knew
\nthat a godly, honest man was appointed to looke to these things. But
\nthese things & such like was write of by him, to cast disgrace &
\nprejudice upon them; as thinking what came from a [123] minister would
\npass for currente. Then he tells them that Winslow should say, that ther
\nwas not above 7. of y^e adventurers y^t souight y^e good of y^e collony.
\nThat M^r. Oldam & him selfe had had much to doe with them, and that y^e
\nfaction here might match y^e Jesuits for politie. With many y^e like
\ngreevious complaints & accusations.<\/p>\n
1. Then, in the next place, he comes to give his freinds counsell and
\ndirecttion. And first, that y^e Leyden company (M^r. Robinson & y^e
\nrest) must still be kepte back, or els all will be spoyled. And least
\nany of them should be taken in privatly somewher on y^e coast of
\nEngland, (as it was feared might be done,) they must chaing the m^r. of
\ny^e ship (M^r. William Peirce), and put another allso in Winslows stead,
\nfor marchante, or els it would not be prevented.<\/p>\n
2. Then he would have such a number provided as might oversway them
\nhear. And that y^e perticulers should have voyces in all courts &
\nelections, and be free to bear any office. And that every perticuler
\nshould come over as an adventurer, if he be but a servante; some other
\nventuring 10^li., y^e bill may be taken out in y^e servants name, and
\nthen assigned to y^e party whose money it was, and good covenants drawn
\nbetweene them for y^e clearing of y^e matter; and this (saith he) would
\nbe a means to strengthen this side y^e more.<\/p>\n
3. Then he tells them that if that Capten they spoake of should come
\nover hither as a generall, he was perswaded he would be chosen Capten;
\nfor this Captaine Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter
\ncontempte.<\/p>\n
4. Then he shows that if by y^e forementioned means they cannot be
\nstrengthened to cary & overbear things, it will be best for them to
\nplant els wher by them selves; and would have it artickled by them that
\nthey might make choyse of any place that they liked best within 3. or 4.
\nmyls distance, shewing ther were farr better places for plantation then
\nthis.<\/p>\n
5. And lastly he concluds, that if some number came not over to bear
\nthem up here, then ther would be no abiding for them, but by joyning
\nwith these hear. Then he adds: Since I begane to write, ther are letters
\ncome from your company, wherin they would give sole authoritie in
\ndiverce things unto the Gov^r here; which, if it take place, then, _Ve
\nnobis_. But I hope you will be more vigilante hereafter, that nothing
\nmay pass in such a ma[=n]er. I suppose (saith he) M^r. Oldame will write
\nto you further of these things. I pray you conceall me in the discovery
\nof these things, &c.<\/p>\n
Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe things in his leters, and shall
\nnow returne to their procceeding with him. After the reading of his
\nleters before the whole company, he was demanded what he could say to
\nthese things. [124] But all y^e answer he made was, that Billington and
\nsome others had informed him of many things, and made sundrie
\ncomplaints, which they now deneyed. He was againe asked if that was a
\nsufficiente ground for him thus to accuse & traduse them by his letters,
\nand never say word to them, considering the many bonds betweene them.
\nAnd so they went on from poynte to poynte; and wisht him, or any of his
\nfreinds & confederats, not to spare them in any thing; if he or they had
\nany proofe or witnes of any corrupte or evill dealing of theirs, his or
\ntheir evidence must needs be ther presente, for ther was the whole
\ncompany and sundery strangers. He said he had been abused by others in
\ntheir informations, (as he now well saw,) and so had abused them. And
\nthis was all the answer they could have, for none would take his parte
\nin any thing; but Billington, & any whom he named, deneyed the things,
\nand protested he wronged them, and would have drawne them to such &
\nsuch things which they could not consente too, though they were
\nsometimes drawne to his meetings. Then they delte with him aboute his
\ndissembling with them aboute y^e church, and that he professed to concur
\nwith them in all things, and what a large confession he made at his
\nadmittance, and that he held not him selfe a minister till he had a new
\ncalling, &c. And yet now he contested against them, and drew a company
\naparte, & sequestred him selfe; and would goe minister the sacrements
\n(by his Episcopall caling) without ever speaking a word unto them,
\neither as magistrats or bretheren. In conclusion, he was fully
\nconvicted, and burst out into tears, and “confest he feared he was a
\nreprobate, his sinns were so great that he doubted God would not pardon
\nthem, he was unsavorie salte, &c.; and that he had so wronged them as he
\ncould never make them amends, confessing all he had write against them
\nwas false & nought, both for matter & ma[=n]er.” And all this he did
\nwith as much fullnes as words & tears could express.<\/p>\n
After their triall & conviction, the court censured them to be expeld
\nthe place; Oldame presently, though his wife & family had liberty to
\nstay all winter, or longer, till he could make provission to remove them
\ncomfortably. Lyford had liberty to stay 6. months. It was, indeede, with
\nsome eye to his release, if he caried him selfe well in the meane time,
\nand that his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged his censure
\nwas farr less then he deserved.<\/p>\n
Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in y^e church, with tears more
\nlargly then before. I shall here put it downe as I find it recorded by
\nsome who tooke it from his owne words, as him selfe utered them.
\nAcknowledging [125] “That he had don very evill, and slanderously abused
\nthem; and thinking most of y^e people would take parte with him, he
\nthought to cary all by violence and strong hand against them. And that
\nGod might justly lay i[=n]ocente blood to his charge, for he knew not
\nwhat hurt might have come of these his writings, and blest God they were
\nstayed. And that he spared not to take knowledg from any, of any evill
\nthat was spoaken, but shut his eyes & ears against all the good; and if
\nGod should make him a vacabund in y^e earth, as was Caine, it was but
\njust, for he had sined in envie & malice against his brethren as he did.
\nAnd he confessed 3. things to be y^e ground & causes of these his
\ndoings: pride, vaine-glorie, & selfe love.” Amplifying these heads with
\nmany other sade expressions, in the perticulers of them.<\/p>\n
So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts of him upon this his
\nrepentance, and admited him to teach amongst them as before; and Samuell
\nFuller (a deacon amongst them), and some other tender harted men
\namongst them, were so taken with his signes of sorrow & repentance, as
\nthey professed they would fall upon their knees to have his censure
\nreleased.<\/p>\n
But that which made them all stand amased in the end, and may doe all
\nothers that shall come to hear y^e same, (for a rarer president can
\nscarse be showne,) was, that after a month or 2. notwithstand all his
\nformer conffessions, convictions, and publick acknowledgments, both in
\ny^e face of y^e church and whole company, with so many tears & sadde
\ncensures of him selfe before God & men, he should goe againe to justifie
\nwhat he had done.<\/p>\n
For secretly he write a 2^d. leter to y^e adventurers in England, in
\nw^ch he justified all his former writings, (save in some things which
\ntended to their damage,) the which, because it is brefer then y^e
\nformer, I shall here inserte.<\/p>\n
Worthy S^rs: Though the filth of mine owne doings may justly be cast
\nin my face, and with blushing cause my perpetuall silence, yet that
\ny^e truth may not herby be injuried, your selves any longer deluded,
\nnor injurious[BU] dealing caried out still, with bould out facings, I
\nhave adventured once more to write unto you. Firest, I doe freely
\nconfess I delte very indiscreetly in some of my perticuler leters w^ch
\nI wrote to private freinds, for y^e courses in coming hither & the
\nlike; which I doe in no sorte seeke to justifie, though stired up ther
\nunto in the beholding y^e indirecte courses held by others, both
\nhear, & ther with you, for effecting their designes. But am hartily
\nsory for it, and doe to y^e glory of God & mine owne shame acknowledg
\nit. Which leters being intercepted by the Gov^r, I have for y^e same
\nundergone y^e censure [126] of banishmente. And had it not been for
\ny^e respecte I have unto you, and some other matters of private
\nregard, I had returned againe at this time by y^e pinass for England;
\nfor hear I purpose not to abide, unless I receive better incouragmente
\nfrom you, then from y^e church (as they call them selves) here I doe
\nreceive. I purposed before I came, to undergoe hardnes, therfore I
\nshall I hope cherfully bear y^e conditions of y^e place, though very
\nmean; and they have chainged my wages ten times allready. I suppose my
\nletters, or at least y^e coppies of them, are come to your hands, for
\nso they hear reporte; which, if it be so, I pray you take notice of
\nthis, that I have writen nothing but what is certainly true, and I
\ncould make so apeare planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever
\ncolours be cast to darken y^e truth, and some ther are very audatious
\nthis way; besids many other matters which are farre out of order hear.
\nMy mind was not to enlarge my selfe any further, but in respecte of
\ndiverse poore souls here, y^e care of whom in parte belongs to you,
\nbeing here destitute of the me[=a]s of salvation. For how so ever y^e
\nchurch are provided for, to their contente, who are y^e smalest number
\nin y^e collony, and doe so appropriate y^e ministrie to them selves,
\nhoulding this principle, that y^e Lord hath not appointed any ordinary
\nministrie for y^e conversion of those y^t are without, so y^t some of
\ny^e poor souls have w^th tears complained of this to me, and I was
\ntaxed for preaching to all in generall. Though in truth they have had
\nno ministrie here since they came, but such as may be performed by any
\nof you, by their owne possition, what soever great pretences they
\nmake; but herin they equivocate, as in many other things they doe.
\nBut I exceede y^e bounds I set my selfe, therfore resting thus,
\nuntill I hear further from you, so it be within y^e time limited me. I
\nrest, &c.,<\/p>\n
Remaining yours ever,
\nJOHN LYFORD, Exille.<\/p>\n
Dated Aug: 22. An^o: 1624.<\/p>\n
They made a breefe answer to some things in this leter, but referred
\ncheefly to their former. The effecte was to this purpose: That if God in
\nhis providence had not brought these things to their hands (both y^e
\nformer & later), they might have been thus abused, tradused, and
\ncalumniated, overthrowne, & undone; and never have knowne by whom, nor
\nfor what. They desired but this equall favoure, that they would be
\npleased to hear their just defence, as well as his accusations, and
\nwaigh them in y^e balance of justice & reason, and then censure as they
\npleased. They had write breefly to y^e heads of things before, and
\nshould be ready to give further [127] answer as any occasion should
\nrequire; craving leave to adde a word or tow to this last.<\/p>\n
1. And first, they desire to examene what filth that was y^t he
\nacknowledgeth might justly be throwne in his face, and might cause
\nblushing & perpetuall silence; some great mater sure! But if it be
\nlooked into, it amounts to no more then a poynte of indiscretion, and
\nthats all; and yet he licks of y^t too with this excuse, that he was
\nstired up therunto by beholding y^e indirecte course here. But this
\npoint never troubled him here, it was counted a light matter both by him
\n& his freinds, and put of with this,–that any man might doe so, to
\nadvise his private freinds to come over for their best advantage. All
\nhis sorrow & tears here was for y^e wrong & hurt he had done us, and not
\nat all for this he pretends to be done to you: it was not counted so
\nmuch as indiscretion.<\/p>\n
2. Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he thinks he may lay load of
\nus here. And first complains that we have changed his wages ten times.
\nWe never agreed with him for any wages, nor made any bargen at all with
\nhim, neither know of any that you have made. You sent him over to teach
\namongst us, and desired he might be kindly used; and more then this we
\nknow not. That he hath beene kindly used, (and farr beter then he
\ndeserves from us,) he shall be judged first of his owne mouth. If you
\nplease to looke upon that writing of his, that was sent you amongst his
\nleters, which he cals a generall relation, in which, though he doth
\notherwise traduse us, yet in this he him selfe clears us. In y^e latter
\nend therof he hath these words. _I speak not this_ (saith he) _out of
\nany ill affection to the men, for I have found them very kind & loving
\nto me._ You may ther see these to be his owne words under his owne hand.
\n2^ly. It will appere by this that he hath ever had a larger alowance of
\nfood out of y^e store for him and his then any, and clothing as his
\nneede hath required; a dwelling in one of our best houses, and a man
\nwholy at his owne co[=m]and to tend his private affairs. What cause he
\nhath therfore to complaine, judge ye; and what he means in his speech we
\nknow not, except he aluds to y^t of Jaacob & Laban. If you have promised
\nhim more or other wise, you may doe it when you please.<\/p>\n
3. Then with an impudente face he would have you take notice, that (in
\nhis leters) he hath write nothing but what is certainly true, yea, and
\nhe could make it so appeare plainly to any indifferente men. This indeed
\ndoth astonish us and causeth us to tremble at y^e deceitfullnes [128]
\nand desperate wickednes of mans harte. This is to devoure holy things,
\nand after voues to enquire. It is admirable that after such publick
\nconfession, and acknowledgmente in court, in church, before God, & men,
\nwith such sadd expressions as he used, and with such melting into
\nteares, that after all this he shoud now justifie all againe. If things
\nhad bene done in a corner, it had been some thinge to deney them; but
\nbeing done in y^e open view of y^e cuntrie & before all men, it is more
\nthen strange now to avow to make them plainly appear to any indifferente
\nmen; and here wher things were done, and all y^e evidence that could be
\nwere presente, and yet could make nothing appear, but even his freinds
\ncondemnd him & gave their voyce to his censure, so grose were they; we
\nleave your selves to judge herein. Yet least this man should triumph in
\nhis wikednes, we shall be ready to answer him, when, or wher you will,
\nto any thing he shall lay to our charg, though we have done it
\nsufficiently allready.<\/p>\n
4. Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for some poore souls here who
\nare destiute of y^e means of salvation, &c. But all his soothing is but
\nthat you would use means, that his censure might be released that he
\nmight here continue; and under you (at least) be sheltered, till he sees
\nwhat his freinds (on whom he depends) can bring about & effecte. For
\nsuch men pretend much for poor souls, but they will looke to their wages
\n& conditions; if that be not to their content, let poor souls doe what
\nthey will, they will shift for them selves, and seek poore souls some
\nwher els among richer bodys.<\/p>\n
Next he fals upon y^e church, that indeed is y^e burthensome stone that
\ntroubls him. First, he saith they hold this principle, that the Lord
\nhath not apointed any ordinarie ministrie for y^e converssion of those
\nwithout. The church needs not be ashamed of what she houlds in this,
\nhaveing Gods word for her warrente; that ordinarie officers are bound
\ncheefly to their flocks, Acts 20. 28. and are not to be extravagants, to
\ngoe, come, and leave them at their pleasurs to shift for them selves, or
\nto be devoured of wolves. But he perverts y^e truth in this as in other
\nthings, for y^e Lord hath as well appoynted them to converte, as to
\nfeede in their severall charges; and he wrongs y^e church to say other
\nwise. Againe, he saith he was taxed for preaching to all in generall.
\nThis is a meere untruth, for this dissembler knows that every Lords day
\nsome are appointed to visite suspected places, & if any be found idling
\nand neglecte y^e hearing of y^e word, (through idlnes or profanes,) they
\nare punished for y^e same. Now to procure all to come to hear, and then
\nto blame him for preaching to all, were to play y^e mad men.<\/p>\n
[129] 6. Next (he saith) they have had no ministrie since they came,
\nwhat soever pretences they make, &c. We answer, the more is our wrong,
\nthat our pastor is kept from us by these mens means, and then reproach
\nus for it when they have done. Yet have we not been wholy distitute of
\ny^e means of salvation, as this man would make y^e world beleeve; for
\nour reve^d Elder hath laboured diligently in dispencing the word of God
\nunto us, before he came; and since hath taken equalle pains with him
\nselfe in preaching the same; and, be it spoaken without ostentation, he
\nis not inferriour to M^r. Lyford (& some of his betters) either in gifts
\nor larning, though he would never be perswaded to take higher office
\nupon him. Nor ever was more pretended in this matter. For equivocating,
\nhe may take it to him selfe; what y^e church houlds, they have
\nmanifested to y^e world, in all plaines, both in open confession,
\ndoctrine, & writing.<\/p>\n
This was y^e sume of ther answer, and hear I will let them rest for y^e
\npresente. I have bene longer in these things then I desired, and yet not
\nso long as the things might require, for I pass many things in silence,
\nand many more deserve to have been more largly handled. But I will
\nreturne to other things, and leave y^e rest to its place.<\/p>\n
The pinass that was left sunck & cast away near Damarins-cove, as is
\nbefore showed, some of y^e fishing maisters said it was a pity so fine a
\nvessell should be lost, and sent them word that, if they would be at y^e
\ncost, they would both directe them how to waygh her, and let them have
\ntheir carpenters to mend her. They thanked them, & sente men aboute it,
\nand beaver to defray y^e charge, (without which all had been in vaine).
\nSo they gott coopers to trime, I know not how many tune of cask, and
\nbeing made tight and fastened to her at low-water, they boyed her up;
\nand then with many hands hald her on shore in a conveniente place wher
\nshe might be wrought upon; and then hired sundrie carpenters to work
\nupon her, and other to saw planks, and at last fitted her & got her
\nhome. But she cost a great deale of money, in thus recovering her, and
\nbuying riging & seails for her, both now and when before she lost her
\nmast; so as she proved a chargable vessell to y^e poor plantation. So
\nthey sent her home, and with her Lyford sent his last letter, in great
\nsecrecie; but y^e party intrusted with it gave it y^e Gov^r.<\/p>\n
The winter was passed over in ther ordinarie affairs, without any
\nspetiall mater worth noteing; saveing that many who before stood
\nsomething of from y^e church, now seeing Lyfords unrighteous dealing,
\nand malignitie against y^e church, now tendered them selves to y^e
\nchurch, and were joyned to y^e same; proffessing that it was not out of
\ny^e dislike of any thing that they had stood of so long, but a desire to
\nfitte them selves beter for such a state, and they saw now y^e Lord cald
\nfor their help. [130] And so these troubls prodused a quite contrary
\neffecte in sundrie hear, then these adversaries hoped for. Which was
\nlooked at as a great worke of God, to draw on men by unlickly means; and
\nthat in reason which might rather have set them further of. And thus I
\nshall end this year.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1625._<\/p>\n
At y^e spring of y^e year, about y^e time of their Election Court, Oldam
\ncame againe amongst them; and though it was a part of his censure for
\nhis former mutinye and miscariage, not to returne without leave first
\nobtained, yet in his dareing spirite, he presumed without any leave at
\nall, being also set on & hardened by y^e ill counsell of others. And not
\nonly so, but suffered his unruly passion to rune beyond y^e limits of
\nall reason and modestie; in so much that some strangers which came with
\nhim were ashamed of his outrage, and rebuked him; but all reprofes were
\nbut as oyle to y^e fire, and made y^e flame of his coller greater. He
\ncaled them all to nought, in this his mad furie, and a hundred rebells
\nand traytors, and I know not what. But in conclusion they co[=m]ited him
\ntill he was tamer, and then apointed a gard of musketers w^ch he was to
\npass throw, and ever one was ordered to give him a thump on y^e brich,
\nwith y^e but end of his musket, and then was conveied to y^e water side,
\nwher a boat was ready to cary him away. Then they bid him goe & mende
\nhis maners.<\/p>\n
Whilst this was a doing, M^r. William Peirce and M^r. Winslow came up
\nfrom y^e water side, being come from England; but they were so busie
\nwith Oldam, as they never saw them till they came thus upon them. They
\nbid them not spare either him or Liford, for they had played y^e vilans
\nwith them. But that I may hear make an end with him, I shall hear once
\nfor all relate what befell concerning him in y^e future, & y^t breefly.
\nAfter y^e removall of his familie from hence, he fell into some straits,
\n(as some others did,) and aboute a year or more afterwards, towards
\nwinter, he intended a vioage for Virginia; but it so pleased God that
\ny^e barke that caried him, and many other passengers, was in that
\ndanger, as they dispaired of life; so as many of them, as they fell to
\nprayer, so also did they begine to examine their consciences [131] and
\nconfess such sins as did most burthen them. And M^r. Ouldame did make a
\nfree and large confession of y^e wrongs and hurt he had done to y^e
\npeople and church here, in many perticulers, that as he had sought their
\nruine, so God had now mette with him and might destroy him; yea, he
\nfeared they all fared y^e worce for his sake; he prayed God to forgive
\nhim, and made vowes that, if y^e Lord spard his life, he would become
\notherwise, and y^e like. This I had from some of good credite, yet
\nliving in y^e Bay, and were them selves partners in the same dangers on
\ny^e shoulds of Cap-Codd, and heard it from his owne mouth. It pleased
\nGod to spare their lives, though they lost their viage; and in time
\nafter wards, Ouldam caried him selfe fairly towards them, and
\nacknowledged y^e hand of God to be with them, and seemed to have an
\nhonourable respecte of them; and so farr made his peace with them, as he
\nin after time had libertie to goe and come, and converse with them, at
\nhis pleasure. He went after this to Virginia, and had ther a great
\nsicknes, but recovered and came back againe to his familie in y^e Bay,
\nand ther lived till some store of people came over. At lenght going a
\ntrading in a smale vessell among y^e Indians, and being weakly mand,
\nupon some quarell they knockt him on y^e head with a hatched, so as he
\nfell downe dead, & never spake word more. 2. litle boys that were his
\nkinsmen were saved, but had some hurte, and y^e vessell was strangly
\nrecovered from y^e Indeans by another that belonged to y^e Bay of
\nMassachusets; and this his death was one ground of the Pequente warr
\nwhich followed.<\/p>\n
I am now come to M^r. Lyford. His time being now expired, his censure
\nwas to take place. He was so farre from answering their hopes by
\namendmente in y^e time, as he had dubled his evill, as is before noted.
\nBut first behold y^e hand of God concei[=r]ing him, wherin that of y^e
\nPsalmist is verified. Psa: 7. 15. He hath made a pitte, & digged it, and
\nis fallen into the pitte he made. He thought to bring shame and disgrace
\nupon them, but in stead therof opens his owne to all y^e world. For when
\nhe was delte with all aboute his second letter, his wife was so affected
\nwith his doings, as she could no longer conceaill her greefe and sorrow
\nof minde, but opens y^e same to one of their deacons & some other of her
\nfreinds, & after uttered y^e same to M^r. Peirce upon his arrivall.
\nWhich was to this purpose, that she feared some great judgment of God
\nwould fall upon them, and upon her, for her husbands cause; now that
\nthey were to remove, she feared to fall into y^e Indeans hands, and to
\nbe defiled by them, as he had defiled other women; or some shuch like
\n[132] judgmente, as God had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12. 11. I will
\nraise up evill against y^e, and will take thy wives & give them, &c. And
\nupon it showed how he had wronged her, as first he had a bastard by
\nanother before they were maried, & she having some inkling of some ill
\ncariage that way, when he was a suitor to her, she tould him what she
\nheard, & deneyd him; but she not certainly knowing y^e thing, other wise
\nthen by some darke & secrete muterings, he not only stifly denied it,
\nbut to satisfie her tooke a solemne oath ther was no shuch matter. Upon
\nwhich she gave consente, and maried with him; but afterwards it was
\nfound true, and y^e bastard brought home to them. She then charged him
\nwith his oath, but he prayed pardon, and said he should els not have had
\nher. And yet afterwards she could keep no maids but he would be medling
\nwith them, and some time she hath taken him in y^e maner, as they lay at
\ntheir beds feete, with shuch other circumstances as I am ashamed to
\nrelate. The woman being a grave matron, & of good cariage all y^e while
\nshe was hear, and spoake these things out of y^e sorrow of her harte,
\nsparingly, and yet w^th some further intimations. And that which did
\nmost seeme to affecte her (as they conceived) was, to see his former
\ncariage in his repentance, not only hear with y^e church, but formerly
\nabout these things; sheding tears, and using great & sade expressions,
\nand yet eftsone fall into the like things.<\/p>\n
Another thing of y^e same nature did strangly concurr herewith. When
\nM^r. Winslow & M^r. Peirce were come over, M^r. Winslow informed them
\nthat they had had y^e like bickering with Lyfords freinds in England, as
\nthey had with him selfe and his freinds hear, aboute his letters &
\naccusations in them. And many meetings and much clamour was made by his
\nfreinds theraboute, crying out, a minister, a man so godly, to be so
\nesteemed & taxed they held a great skandale, and threated to prosecute
\nlaw against them for it. But things being referred to a further meeting
\nof most of y^e adventurers, to heare y^e case and decide y^e matters,
\nthey agreed to chose 2. eminente men for moderators in the bussines.
\nLyfords faction chose M^r. White, a counselor at law, the other parte
\nchose Re[~v]e^d. M^r. Hooker, the minister, and many freinds on both
\nsids were brought in, so as ther was a great assemblie. In y^e mean
\ntime, God in his providence had detected Lyford’s evill cariage in
\nIreland to some freinds amongst y^e company, who made it knowne to M^r.
\nWinslow, and directed him to 2. godly and grave witnesses, who would
\ntestifie y^e same (if caled therunto) upon their oath. The thing was
\nthis; he being gott into Ireland, had wound him selfe into y^e esteeme
\nof sundry godly & zelous professours in those parts, who, having been
\nburthened with y^e ceremonies in England, found ther some more liberty
\nto their consciences; amongst whom were these 2. men, which gave [133]
\nthis evidence. Amongst y^e rest of his hearers, ther was a godly yonge
\nman that intended to marie, and cast his affection on a maide which
\nlived their aboute; but desiring to chose in y^e Lord, and preferred y^e
\nfear of God before all other things, before he suffered his affection to
\nrune too farr, he resolved to take M^r. Lyfords advise and judgmente of
\nthis maide, (being y^e minister of y^e place,) and so broak y^e matter
\nunto him; & he promised faithfully to informe him, but would first take
\nbetter knowledg of her, and have private conferance with her; and so had
\nsundry times; and in conclusion co[=m]ended her highly to y^e yong man
\nas a very fitte wife for him. So they were maried togeather; but some
\ntime after mariage the woman was much troubled in mind, and afflicted in
\nconscience, and did nothing but weepe and mourne, and long it was before
\nher husband could get of her what was y^e cause. But at length she
\ndiscovered y^e thing, and prayed him to forgive her, for Lyford had
\novercome her, and defiled her body before marriage, after he had
\ncomended him unto her for a husband, and she resolved to have him, when
\nhe came to her in that private way. The circumstances I forbear, for
\nthey would offend chast ears to hear them related, (for though he
\nsatisfied his lust on her, yet he indeaoured to hinder conception.)
\nThese things being thus discovered, y^e wom[=a]s husband tooke some
\ngodly freinds with him, to deale with Liford for this evill. At length
\nhe confest it, with a great deale of seeming sorrow & repentance, but
\nwas forct to leave Irland upon it, partly for shame, and partly for fear
\nof further punishmente, for y^e godly withdrew them selves from him upon
\nit; and so co[=m]ing into England unhapily he was light upon & sente
\nhither.<\/p>\n
But in this great assembly, and before y^e moderators, in handling y^e
\nformer matters aboute y^e letters, upon provocation, in some heate of
\nreplie to some of Lyfords defenders, M^r. Winslow let fall these words,
\nThat he had delte knavishly; upon which on of his freinds tooke hold, &
\ncaled for witneses, that he cald a minister of y^e gospell knave, and
\nwould prosecute law upon it, which made a great tumulte, upon which (to
\nbe shorte) this matter broke out, and the witnes were prodused, whose
\npersons were so grave, and evidence so plaine, and y^e facte so foule,
\nyet delivered in such modest & chast terms, and with such circumstances,
\nas strucke all his freinds mute, and made them all ashamed; insomuch as
\ny^e moderators with great gravitie declared that y^e former matters gave
\nthem cause enough to refuse him & to deal with him as they had done, but
\nthese made him unmeete for ever to bear ministrie any more, what
\nrepentance soever he should pretend; with much more to like effecte, and
\nso wisht his freinds to rest quiete. Thus was this matter ended.<\/p>\n
From hence Lyford wente to Natasco, in y^e Bay of y^e Massachusets,
\nwith some other of his freinds with him, wher Oldom allso lived. From
\nthence he removed to Namkeke, since called Salem; but after ther came
\nsome people over, wheather for hope of greater profite, or what ends els
\nI know not, he left his freinds that followed him, and went from thence
\nto Virginia, wher he shortly after dyed, and so I leave him to y^e Lord.
\nHis wife afterwards returned againe to this cuntry, and thus much of
\nthis matter.<\/p>\n
[134] This storme being thus blowne over, yet sundrie sad effects
\nfollowed y^e same; for the Company of Adventurers broake in peeces here
\nupon, and y^e greatest parte wholy deserted y^e colony in regarde of any
\nfurther supply, or care of their subsistance. And not only so, but some
\nof Lyfords & Oldoms freinds, and their adherents, set out a shipe on
\nfishing, on their owne accounte, and getting y^e starte of y^e ships
\nthat came to the plantation, they tooke away their stage, & other
\nnecessary provisions that they had made for fishing at Cap-Anne y^e year
\nbefore, at their great charge, and would not restore y^e same, excepte
\nthey would fight for it. But y^e Gov^r sent some of y^e planters to help
\ny^e fisher men to build a new one, and so let them keepe it. This shipe
\nalso brought them some small supply, of little value; but they made so
\npore a bussines of their fishing, (neither could these men make them any
\nreturne for y^e supply sente,) so as, after this year, they never looked
\nmore after them.<\/p>\n
Also by this ship, they, some of them, sent (in y^e name of y^e rest)
\ncertaine reasons of their breaking of from y^e plantation, and some
\ntenders, upon certaine conditions, of reuniting againe. The which
\nbecause they are longe & tedious, and most of them aboute the former
\nthings already touched, I shall omite them; only giveing an instance in
\none, or tow. 1. reason, they charged them for dissembling with his
\nmajestie in their petition, and with y^e adventurers about y^e French
\ndiscipline, &c. 2^ly, for receiving[BV] a man[BW] into their church,
\nthat in his conffession renownced all, universall, nationall, and
\ndiocessan churches, &c., by which (say they) it appears, that though
\nthey deney the name of Bro[=w]ists, yet they practiss y^e same, &c. And
\ntherfore they should si[=n]e against God in building up such a people.<\/p>\n
Then they adde: Our dislikes thus laid downe, that we may goe on in
\ntrade w^th better contente & credite, our desires are as followeth.
\nFirst, that as we are partners in trade, so we may be in Go[~v]^rt ther,
\nas the patente doth give us power, &c.<\/p>\n
2. That the French discipline may be practised in the plantation, as
\nwell in the circumstances theirof, as in y^e substance; wherby y^e
\nscandallous name of y^e Brownists, and other church differences, may be
\ntaken away.<\/p>\n
3. Lastly, that M^r. Robinson and his company may not goe over to our
\nplantation, unless he and they will reconcile themselves to our church
\nby a recantation under their hands, &c.<\/p>\n
Their answer in part to these things was then as foloweth.<\/p>\n
Wheras you taxe us for dissembling with his majestie & y^e adventurers
\naboute y^e French discipline, you doe us wrong, for we both hold &
\npractice y^e discipline of y^e French & other reformed churches, (as
\nthey have published y^e same in y^e Harmony of Confessions,) according
\nto our means, in effecte & substance. But wheras you would tye us to
\nthe French discipline in every circumstance, you derogate from y^e
\nlibertie we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paule would have none to
\nfollow him in any thing but wherin he follows Christ, much less ought
\nany Christian or church in y^e world to doe it. The French may erre,
\nwe may erre, and other churches may erre, and doubtless doe in many
\ncircumstances. That honour therfore belongs only to y^e infallible
\nword of God, and pure Testamente of Christ, to be propounded and
\nfollowed as y^e only rule and pattern for direction herin to all
\nchurches & Christians. And it is too great arrogancie for any man, or
\nchurch [135] to thinke y^t he or they have so sounded y^e word of God
\nto y^e bottome, as precislie to sett downe y^e churches discipline,
\nwithout error in substance or circumstance, as y^t no other without
\nblame may digress or differ in any thing from y^e same. And it is not
\ndifficulte to shew, y^t the reformed churches differ in many
\ncircumstances amongest them selves.<\/p>\n
The rest I omitte, for brevities sake, and so leave to prosecute these
\nmen or their doings any further, but shall returne to y^e rest of their
\nfreinds of y^e company, w^ch stuck to them. And I shall first inserte
\nsome part of their letters as followeth; for I thinke it best to render
\ntheir minds in ther owne words.<\/p>\n
To our loving freinds, &c.<\/p>\n
Though the thing we feared be come upon us, and y^e evill we strove
\nagainst have overtaken us, yet we cannot forgett you, nor our
\nfreindship and fellowship which togeather we have had some years;
\nwherin though our expressions have been small, yet our harty
\naffections towards you (unknown by face) have been no less then to our
\nnearest freinds, yea, to our owne selves. And though this your friend
\nM^r. Winslow can tell you y^e state of things hear, yet least we
\nshould seeme to neglecte you, to whom, by a wonderfull providence of
\nGod, we are so nearly united, we have thought good once more to write
\nunto you, to let you know what is here befallen, and y^e resons of it;
\nas also our purposes & desirs toward you for hereafter.<\/p>\n
The former course for the generalitie here is wholy dissolved from
\nwhat it was; and wheras you & we were formerly sharers and partners,
\nin all viages & deallings, this way is now no more, but you and we are
\nleft to bethinke our sellves what course to take in y^e future, that
\nyour lives & our monies be not lost.<\/p>\n
The reasons and causes of this allteration have been these. First and
\nmainly, y^e many losses and crosses at sea, and abuses of sea-men,
\nw^ch have caused us to rune into so much charge, debts, & ingagements,
\nas our estats & means were not able to goe on without impoverishing
\nour selves, except our estats had been greater, and our associats
\ncloven beter unto us. 2^ly, as here hath been a faction and siding
\namongst us now more then 2. years, so now there is an uter breach and
\nsequestration amongst us, and in too parts of us a full dissertion and
\nforsaking of you, without any intente or purpose of medling more with
\nyou. And though we are perswaded the maine cause of this their doing
\nis wante of money, (for neede wherof men use to make many excuses,)
\nyet other things are pretended, as that you are Brownists, &c. Now
\nwhat use you or we ought to make of these things, it remaineth to be
\nconsidered, for we know y^e hand of God to be in all these things, and
\nno doubt he would admonish some thing therby, and to looke what is
\namise. And allthough it be now too late for us or you to prevent &
\nstay these things, yet it is[BX] not to late to exercise patience,
\nwisdom, and conscience in bearing them, and in caring our selves in &
\nunder them for y^e time to come.<\/p>\n
[136] And as we our selves stand ready to imbrace all occasions that
\nmay tend to y^e furthrance of so hopefull a work, rather admiring of
\nwhat is, then grudging for what is not; so it must rest in you to make
\nall good againe. And if in nothing else you can be approved, yet let
\nyour honestie & conscience be still approved, & lose not one jote of
\nyou^r innocencie, amids your crosses & afflictions. And surly if you
\nupon this allteration behave your selves wisly, and goe on fairly, as
\nmen whose hope is not in this life, you shall need no other weapon to
\nwound your adversaries; for when your righteousnes is revealled as y^e
\nlight, they shall cover their faces with shame, that causlesly have
\nsought your overthrow.<\/p>\n
Now we thinke it but reason, that all such things as ther apertaine to
\nthe generall, be kept & preserved togeather, and rather increased
\ndayly, then any way be dispersed or imbeseled away for any private
\nends or intents whatsoever. And after your necessities are served, you
\ngather togeather such co[=m]odities as y^e cuntrie yeelds, & send them
\nover to pay debts & clear ingagements hear, which are not less then
\n1400^li. And we hope you will doe your best to free our ingagements,
\n&c. Let us all indeavor to keep a faire & honest course, and see what
\ntime will bring forth, and how God in his providence will worke for
\nus. We still are perswaded you are y^e people that must make a
\nplantation in those remoate places when all others faile and returne.
\nAnd your experience of Gods providence and preservation of you is such
\nas we hope your harts will not faile you, though your freinds should
\nforsake you (which we our selves shall not doe whilst we live, so long
\nas your honestie so well appereth). Yet surly help would arise from
\nsome other place whilst you waite on God, with uprightnes, though we
\nshould leave you allso.<\/p>\n
And lastly be you all intreated to walke circumspectly, and carry your
\nselves so uprightly in all your ways, as y^t no man may make just
\nexceptions against you. And more espetially that y^e favour and
\ncountenance of God may be so toward you, as y^t you may find abundante
\njoye & peace even amids tribulations, that you may say with David,
\nThough my father & mother should forsake me, yet y^e Lord would take
\nme up.<\/p>\n
We have sent you hear some catle, cloath, hose, shoes, leather, &c.,
\nbut in another nature then formerly, as it stood us in hand to doe; we
\nhave co[=m]itted them to y^e charge & custody of M^r. Allerton and
\nM^r. Winslow, as our factours, at whose discretion they are to be
\nsould, and co[=m]odities to be taken for them, as is fitting. And by
\nhow much y^e more they will be chargable unto you, the better[BY] they
\nhad need to be husbanded, &c. Goe on, good freinds, comfortably, pluck
\nup your spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your
\ndifficulties, that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of men,
\nyet y^e work may goe on you are aboute, and not be neglected. Which is
\nso much for y^e glorie of God, and the furthrance of our countrie-men,
\nas that a man may with more comforte [137] spend his life in it, then
\nlive y^e life of Mathusala, in wasting y^e plentie of a tilled land,
\nor eating y^e fruite of a growne tree. Thus with harty salutations to
\nyou all, and harty prayers for you all, we lovingly take our leaves,
\nthis 18. of Des: 1624.<\/p>\n
Your assured freinds to our powers,
\nJ. S.
\nW. C.
\nT. F.
\nR. H. &c.<\/p>\n
By this leter it appears in what state y^e affairs of y^e plantation
\nstood at this time. These goods they bought, but they were at deare
\nrates, for they put 40. in y^e hundred upon them, for profite and
\nadventure, outward bound; and because of y^e [=v]nture of y^e paiment
\nhomeward, they would have 30.[BZ] in y^e 100. more, which was in all 70.
\n[p=]^r. cent; a thing thought unreasonable by some, and too great an
\noppression upon y^e poore people, as their case stood. The catle were
\ny^e best goods, for y^e other being ventured ware, were neither at y^e
\nbest (some of them) nor at y^e best prises. Sundrie of their freinds
\ndisliked these high rates, but co[=m]ing from many hands, they could not
\nhelp it.<\/p>\n
They sent over also 2. ships on fishing on their owne acounte; the one
\nwas y^e pinass that was cast away y^e last year hear in y^e cuntrie, and
\nrecovered by y^e planters, (as was before related,) who, after she came
\nhome, was attached by one of y^e company for his perticuler debte, and
\nnow sent againe on this accounte. The other was a great ship, who was
\nwell fitted with an experienced m^r. & company of fisher-men, to make a
\nviage, & to goe to Bilbo or Sabastians with her fish; the lesser, her
\norder was to load with cor-fish, and to bring the beaver home for
\nEngland, y^t should be received for y^e goods sould to y^e plantation.
\nThis bigger ship made a great viage of good drie fish, the which, if
\nthey had gone to a market w^th, would have yeelded them (as such fish
\nwas sould y^t season) 1800^li. which would have enriched them. But
\nbecause ther was a bruite of warr with France, y^e m^r. neglected
\n(through timerousnes) his order, and put first into Plimoth, & after
\ninto Portsmouth, and so lost their opportunitie, and came by the loss.
\nThe lesser ship had as ill success, though she was as hopfull as y^e
\nother for y^e marchants profite; for they had fild her with goodly
\ncor-fish taken upon y^e banke, as full as she could swime; and besids
\nshe had some 800^li. weaight of beaver, besids other furrs to a good
\nvalue from y^e plantation. The m^r. seeing so much goods come, put it
\nabord y^e biger ship, for more saftie; but M^r. Winslow (their factor in
\nthis busines) was bound in a bond of 500^li. to send it to London in y^e
\nsmale ship; ther was some contending between y^e m^r, & him aboute it.
\nBut he tould y^e m^r. he would follow his order aboute it; if he would
\ntake it out afterward, it should be at his perill. So it went in y^e
\nsmale ship, and he sent bills of lading in both. The m^r. was so carfull
\nbeing both so well laden, as they went joyfully home togeather, for he
\ntowed y^e leser ship at his sterne all y^e way over bound, and they had
\nsuch fayr weather as he never cast her of till they were shott deep in
\nto y^e English Chanell, almost within y^e sight of Plimoth; and yet
\nther she was unhaply taken by a Turks man of warr, and carried into
\nSaly, wher y^e m^r. and men were made slaves, and many of y^e beaver
\nskins were sould for 4^d. a peece. [138] Thus was all their hops dasht,
\nand the joyfull news they ment to cary home turned to heavie tidings.
\nSome thought this a hand of God for their too great exaction of y^e
\npoore plantation, but Gods judgments are unseerchable, neither dare I be
\nbould therwith: but however it shows us y^e uncertainty of all humane
\nthings, and what litle cause ther is of joying in them or trusting to
\nthem.<\/p>\n
In y^e bigger of these ships was sent over Captine Standish from y^e
\nplantation, w^th leters & instructions, both to their freinds of y^e
\ncompany which still clave to them, and also to y^e Honourable Counsell
\nof New-England. To y^e company to desire y^t seeing that they ment only
\nto let them have goods upon sale, that they might have them upon easier
\ntermes, for they should never be able to bear such high intrest, or to
\nallow so much per cent; also that what they would doe in y^t way that it
\nmight be disburst in money, or such goods as were fitte and needfull for
\nthem, & bought at best hand; and to aquainte them with y^e contents of
\nhis leters to y^e Counsell above said, which was to this purpose, to
\ndesire their favour & help; that such of y^e adventurers as had thus
\nforsaken & deserted them, might be brought to some order, and not to
\nkeepe them bound, and them selves be free. But that they might either
\nstand to ther former covenants, or ells come to some faire end, by
\ndividente, or composition. But he came in a very bad time, for y^e Stat
\nwas full of trouble, and y^e plague very hote in London, so as no
\nbussines could be done; yet he spake with some of y^e Honourd Counsell,
\nwho promised all helpfullnes to y^e plantation which lay in them. And
\nsundrie of their freinds y^e adventurers were so weakened with their
\nlosses y^e last year, by y^e losse of y^e ship taken by the Turks, and
\ny^e loss of their fish, w^ch by reason of y^e warrs they were forcte to
\nland at Portsmouth, and so came to litle; so as, though their wills were
\ngood, yet they^r power was litle. And ther dyed such multituds weekly of
\ny^e plague, as all trade was dead, and litle money stirring. Yet with
\nmuch adooe he tooke up 150^li. (& spent a good deal of it in expences)
\nat 50. per cent, which he bestowed in trading goods & such other most
\nneedfull comodities as he knew requiset for their use; and so returned
\npassenger in a fhishing ship, haveing prepared a good way for y^e
\ncompossition that was afterward made.<\/p>\n
In y^e mean time it pleased y^e Lord to give y^e plantation peace and
\nhealth and contented minds, and so to blese ther labours, as they had
\ncorne sufficient, (and some to spare to others,) with other foode;
\nneither ever had they any supply of foode but what they first brought
\nwith them. After harvest this year, they sende out a boats load of corne
\n40. or 50. leagues to y^e eastward, up a river called Kenibeck; it being
\none of those 2. shalops which their carpenter had built them y^e year
\nbefore; for bigger vessell had they none. They had laid a litle deck
\nover her midships to keepe y^e corne drie, but y^e men were faine to
\nstand it out all weathers without shelter; and y^t time [139] of y^e
\nyear begins to growe tempestious. But God preserved them, and gave them
\ngood success, for they brought home 700^li. of beaver, besids some other
\nfurrs, having litle or nothing els but this corne, which them selves had
\nraised out of y^e earth. This viage was made by M^r. Winslow & some of
\ny^e old standards,[CA] for seamen they had none.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1626._<\/p>\n
About y^e begining of Aprill they heard of Captain Standish his
\narrivall, and sent a boat to fetch him home, and y^e things he had
\nbrought. Welcome he was, but y^e news he broughte was sadd in many
\nregards; not only in regarde of the former losses, before related, which
\ntheir freinds had suffered, by which some in a maner were undon, others
\nmuch disabled from doing any further help, and some dead of y^e plague,
\nbut also y^t M^r. Robinson, their pastor, was dead, which struck them
\nwith much sorrow & sadnes, as they had cause. His and their adversaries
\nhad been long & continually plotting how they might hinder his coming
\nhither, but y^e Lord had appointed him a better place; concerning whose
\ndeath & the maner therof, it will appere by these few lines write to
\nGov^r & M^r. Brewster.<\/p>\n
Loving & kind frinds, &c. I know not whether this will ever come to
\nyour hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have done; yet in regard
\nof y^e Lords dealing with us hear, I have had a great desire to write
\nunto you, knowing your desire to bear a parte with us, both in our
\njoyes, & sorrows, as we doe w^th you. These are therfore to give you
\nto understand, that it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vaell
\nof tears, your and our loving & faithfull pastor, and my dear & Reve^d
\nbrother, M^r. John Robinson, who was sick some 8. days. He begane to
\nbe sick on Saturday in y^e morning, yet y^e next day (being the Lords
\nday) he taught us twise. And so y^e weeke after grew weaker, every day
\nmore then other; yet he felt no paine but weaknes all y^e time of his
\nsicknes. The phisick he tooke wrought kindly in mans judgmente, but he
\ngrew weaker every day, feeling litle or no paine, and sensible to y^e
\nvery last. He fell sicke y^e 22. of Feb: and departed this life y^e 1.
\nof March. He had a continuall inwarde ague, but free from infection,
\nso y^t all his freinds came freely to him. And if either prayers,
\ntears, or means, would have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But
\nhe having faithfully finished his course, and performed his worke
\nwhich y^e Lord had appointed him here to doe, he now resteth with y^e
\nLord in eternall hapines. We wanting him & all Church Gov^rs, yet we
\nstill (by y^e mercie of God) continue & hould close togeather, in
\npeace and quietnes; and so hope we shall doe, though we be very weake.
\nWishing (if such were y^e will of God) that you & we were againe
\nunited togeather in one, either ther or here; but seeing it is y^e
\nwill of y^e Lord thus to dispose of things, we must labour w^th
\npatience to rest contented, till it please y^e Lord otherwise to
\ndispose. For [140] news, is here not much; only as in England we have
\nlost our old king James, who departed this life aboute a month agoe,
\nso here they have lost y^e old prince, Grave Mourise; who both
\ndeparted this life since my brother Robinson. And as in England we
\nhave a new-king Charls, of whom ther is great hope, so hear they have
\nmade prince Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, &c. Thus with my
\nlove remembred, I take leave & rest,<\/p>\n
Your assured loving friend,
\nROGER WHITE.<\/p>\n
Leyden, Aprill 28.
\nAn^o: 1625.<\/p>\n
Thus these too great princes, and their pastor, left this world near
\naboute one time. Death maks no difference.<\/p>\n
He further brought them notice of y^e death of their anciente friend,
\nMr. Cush-man, whom y^e Lord tooke away allso this year, & aboute this
\ntime, who was as their right hand with their freinds y^e adventurers,
\nand for diverce years had done & agitated all their bussines with them
\nto ther great advantage. He had write to y^e Gove^r but some few months
\nbefore, of y^e sore sicknes of M^r. James Sherley, who was a cheefe
\nfriend to y^e plantation, and lay at y^e pointe of death, declaring his
\nlove & helpfullnes, in all things; and much bemoned the loss they should
\nhave of him, if God should now take him away, as being y^e stay & life
\nof y^e whole bussines. As allso his owne purposs this year to come over,
\nand spend his days with them. But he that thus write of anothers
\nsicknes, knew not y^t his owne death was so near. It shows allso that a
\nm[=a]s ways are not in his owne power, but in his hands who hath y^e
\nissues of life and death. Man may purpose, but God doth dispose.<\/p>\n
Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to them full of sad
\nlaments for ther heavie loss; and though their wills were good to come
\nto them, yet they saw no probabilitie of means, how it might be
\neffected, but concluded (as it were) that all their hopes were cutt of;
\nand many, being aged, begane to drop away by death.<\/p>\n
All which things (before related) being well weighed and laied togither,
\nit could not but strick them with great perplexitie; and to looke
\nhumanly on y^e state of things as they presented them selves at this
\ntime, it is a marvell it did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them.
\nBut they gathered up their spirits, and y^e Lord so helped them, whose
\nworke they had in hand, as now when they were at lowest[CB] they begane
\nto rise againe, and being striped (in a maner) of all humane helps and
\nhops, he brought things aboute other wise, in his devine providence, as
\nthey were not only upheld & sustained, but their proceedings both
\nhonoured and imitated by others; as by y^e sequell will more appeare, if
\ny^e Lord spare me life & time to declare y^e same.<\/p>\n
Haveing now no fishing busines, or other things to intend, but only
\ntheir trading & planting, they sett them selves to follow the same with
\ny^e best industrie they could. The planters finding their corne, what
\nthey could spare from ther necessities, to be a co[=m]oditie, (for they
\nsould it at 6^s. a bushell,) used great dilligence in planting y^e
\nsame. And y^e Gove^r and such as were designed to manage the trade, (for
\nit was retained for y^e generall good, [141] and none were to trade in
\nperticuler,) they followed it to the best advantage they could; and
\nwanting trading goods, they understoode that a plantation which was at
\nMonhigen, & belonged to some marchants of Plimoth was to breake up, and
\ndiverse usefull goods was ther to be sould; the Gove^r and M^r. Winslow
\ntooke a boat and some hands and went thither. But M^r. David Thomson,
\nwho lived at Pascataway, understanding their purpose, tooke oppertunitie
\nto goe with them, which was some hinderance to them both; for they,
\nperceiveing their joynte desires to buy, held their goods at higher
\nrates; and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their trading
\ngoods, excepte they sould all. So, lest they should further prejudice
\none an other, they agreed to buy all, & devid them equally between them.
\nThey bought allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home as
\nthey saw neede & occasion, and tooke corne for them of y^e people, which
\ngave them good content. Their moyety of y^e goods came to above 400^li.
\nstarling. Ther was allso that spring a French ship cast away at
\nSacadahock, in w^ch were many Biscaie ruggs & other co[=m]odities, which
\nwere falen into these mens hands, & some other fisher men at
\nDamerins-cove, which were allso bought in partnership, and made their
\nparte arise to above 500^li. This they made shift to pay for, for y^e
\nmost part, with y^e beaver & comodities they had gott y^e winter
\nbefore, & what they had gathered up y^t somer. M^r. Thomson having some
\nthing overcharged him selfe, desired they would take some of his, but
\nthey refused except he would let them have his French goods only; and
\ny^e marchant (who was one of Bristol) would take their bill for to be
\npaid y^e next year. They were both willing, so they became ingaged for
\nthem & tooke them. By which means they became very well furnished for
\ntrade; and tooke of therby some other ingagments w^ch lay upon them, as
\nthe money taken up by Captaine Standish, and y^e remains of former
\ndebts. With these goods, and their corne after harvest, they gott good
\nstore of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingagements against
\ny^e time, & to get some cloathing for y^e people, and had some
\ncomodities before hand. But now they begane to be envied, and others
\nwente and fild y^e Indeans with corne, and beat downe y^e prise, giveing
\nthem twise as much as they had done, and under traded them in other
\ncomodities allso.<\/p>\n
This year they sent M^r. Allerton into England, and gave him order to
\nmake a composition with y^e adventurers, upon as good termes as he could
\n(unto which some way had ben made y^e year before by Captaine Standish);
\nbut yet injoyned him not to conclud absolutly till they knew y^e termes,
\nand had well considered of them; but to drive it to as good an issew as
\nhe could, and referr y^e conclusion to them. Also they gave him a
\nco[=m]ission under their hands & seals to take up some money, provided
\nit exeeded not such a su[=m]e specified, for which they engaged them
\nselves, and gave him order how to lay out y^e same for y^e use of y^e
\nplantation.<\/p>\n
And finding they ra[=n]e a great hazard to goe so long viages in a smale
\nopen boat, espetialy y^e winter season, they begane to thinke how they
\nmight gett a small pinass; as for y^e reason afforesaid, so also because
\nothers had raised y^e prise with y^e Indeans above y^e halfe of what
\nthey had formerly given, so as in such a boat they could not [143[CC]]
\ncarry a quantity sufficient to answer their ends. They had no
\nship-carpenter amongst them, neither knew how to get one at presente;
\nbut they having an ingenious man that was a house carpenter, who also
\nhad wrought with y^e ship carpenter (that was dead) when he built their
\nboats, at their request he put forth him selfe to make a triall that way
\nof his skill; and tooke one of y^e bigest of ther shalops and sawed her
\nin y^e midle, and so lenthened her some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened
\nher with timbers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck on her; and so
\nmade her a conveniente and wholsome vessell, very fitt & comfortable for
\ntheir use, which did them servise 7. years after; and they gott her
\nfinished, and fitted with sayles & anchors, y^e insuing year. And thus
\npassed y^e affairs of this year.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1627._<\/p>\n
At y^e usuall season of y^e coming of ships M^r. Allerton returned, and
\nbrought some usfull goods with him, according to y^e order given him.
\nFor upon his commission he tooke up 200^li. which he now gott at 30. per
\ncent. The which goods they gott safly home, and well conditioned, which
\nwas much to the comfort & contente of y^e plantation. He declared unto
\nthem, allso, how, with much adoe and no small trouble, he had made a
\ncomposition with y^e adventurers, by the help of sundrie of their
\nfaithfull freinds ther, who had allso tooke much pains ther about. The
\nagreement or bargen he had brought a draught of, with a list of ther
\nnames ther too annexed, drawne by the best counsell of law they could
\nget, to make it firme. The heads wherof I shall here inserte.<\/p>\n
To all Christian people, greeting, &c. Wheras at a meeting y^e 26. of
\nOctober last past, diverse & sundrie persons, whose names to y^e one
\npart of these presents are subscribed in a schedule hereunto annexed,
\nAdventurers to New-Plimoth in New-England in America, were contented
\nand agreed, in consideration of the sume of one thousand and eight
\nhundred pounds sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme folling,) to
\nsell, and make sale of all & every y^e stocks, shares, lands,
\nmarchandise, and chatles, what soever, to y^e said adventurers, and
\nother ther fellow adventurers to New Plimoth aforesaid, any way
\naccruing, or belonging to y^e generalitie of y^e said adventurers
\naforesaid; as well by reason of any sume or sumes of money, or
\nmarchandise, at any time heretofore adventured or disbursed by them,
\nor other wise howsoever; for y^e better expression and setting forth
\nof which said agreemente, the parties to these presents subscribing,
\ndoe for [144] them selves severally, and as much as in them is, grant,
\nbargan, alien, sell, and transfere all & every y^e said shares, goods,
\nlands, marchandice, and chatles to them belonging as aforesaid, unto
\nIsaack Alerton, one of y^e planters resident at Plimoth afforesaid,
\nassigned, and sent over as agente for y^e rest of y^e planters ther,
\nand to such other planters at Plimoth afforesaid as y^e said Isack,
\nhis heirs, or assignes, at his or ther arrivall, shall by writing or
\notherwise thinke fitte to joyne or partake in y^e premisses, their
\nheirs, & assignes, in as large, ample, and beneficiall maner and
\nforme, to all intents and purposes, as y^e said subscribing
\nadventurers here could or may doe, or performe. All which stocks,
\nshares, lands, &c. to the said adven: in severallitie alloted,
\napportioned, or any way belonging, the said adven: doe warrant &
\ndefend unto the said Isaack Allerton, his heirs and assignes, against
\nthem, their heirs and assignes, by these presents. And therfore y^e
\nsaid Isaack Allerton doth, for him, his heirs & assigns, covenant,
\npromise, & grant too & with y^e adven: whose names are here unto
\nsubscribed, ther heirs, &c. well & truly to pay, or cause to be payed,
\nunto y^e said adven: or 5. of them which were, at y^t meeting
\nafforsaid, nominated & deputed, viz. _John Pocock_, _John Beachamp_,
\n_Robart Keane_, _Edward Base_, and _James Sherley_, marchants, their
\nheirs, &c. too and for y^e use of y^e generallitie of them, the sume
\nof 1800^li. of lawfull money of England, at y^e place appoynted for
\ny^e receipts of money, on the west side of y^e Royall Exchaing in
\nLondon, by 200^li. yearly, and every year, on y^e feast of St.
\nMigchell, the first paiment to be made An^o: 1628. &c. Allso y^e said
\nIsaack is to indeavor to procure & obtaine from the planters of N. P.
\naforesaid, securitie, by severall obligations, or writings obligatory,
\nto make paiment of y^e said sume of 1800^li. in forme afforsaid,
\naccording to y^e true meaning of these presents. In testimonie wherof
\nto this part of these presents remaining with y^e said Isaack
\nAllerton, y^e said subscribing adven: have sett to their names,[CD]
\n&c. And to y^e other part remaining with y^e said adven: the said
\nIsaack Allerton hath subscribed his name, y^e _15. Nov^br An^o: 1626.
\nin y^e 2. year of his Majesties raigne_.<\/p>\n
This agreemente was very well liked of, & approved by all y^e
\nplantation, and consented unto; though they knew not well how to raise
\ny^e payment, and discharge their other ingagements, and supply the
\nyearly wants of y^e plantation, seeing they were forced for their
\nnecessities to take up money or goods at so high intrests. Yet they
\nundertooke it, and 7. or 8. of y^e cheefe of y^e place became joyntly
\nbound for y^e paimente of this 1800^li. (in y^e behalfe of y^e rest) at
\ny^e severall days. In which they rane a great adventure, as their
\npresent state stood, having many other heavie burthens allready upon
\nthem, and all things in an uncertaine condition amongst them. So y^e
\nnext returne it was absolutly confirmed on both sids, and y^e bargen
\nfairly ingrossed in partchmente and in many things put into better
\nforme, by y^e advice of y^e learnedest counsell they could gett; and
\nleast any forfeiture should fall on y^e whole for none paimente at any
\nof y^e days, it rane thus: to forfite 30^s. a weeke if they missed y^e
\ntime; and was concluded under their hands & seals, as may be seen at
\nlarge by y^e deed it selfe.<\/p>\n
[145] Now though they had some untowarde persons mixed amongst them from
\nthe first, which came out of England, and more afterwards by some of y^e
\nadventurers, as freindship or other affections led them,–though sundrie
\nwere gone, some for Virginia, and some to other places,–yet diverse
\nwere still mingled amongst them, about whom y^e Gove^r & counsell with
\nother of their cheefe freinds had serious consideration, how to setle
\nthings in regard of this new bargen or purchas made, in respecte of y^e
\ndistribution of things both for y^e presente and future. For y^e
\npresent, excepte peace and union were preserved, they should be able to
\ndoe nothing, but indanger to over throw all, now that other tyes & bonds
\nwere taken away. Therfore they resolved, for sundrie reasons, to take in
\nall amongst them, that were either heads of families, or single yonge
\nmen, that were of abillity, and free, (and able to governe them selvs
\nwith meete descretion, and their affairs, so as to be helpfull in y^e
\ncomone-welth,) into this partnership or purchass. First, y^ey considered
\nthat they had need of men & strength both for defence and carrying on of
\nbussinesses. 2^ly, most of them had borne ther parts in former miseries
\n& wants with them, and therfore (in some sort) but equall to partake in
\na better condition, if y^e Lord be pleased to give it. But cheefly they
\nsaw not how peace would be preserved without so doing, but danger &
\ngreat disturbance might grow to their great hurte & prejudice other
\nwise. Yet they resolved to keep such a mean in distribution of lands,
\nand other courses, as should not hinder their growth in others coming to
\nthem.<\/p>\n
So they caled y^e company togeather, and conferred with them, and came
\nto this conclusion, that y^e trade should be managed as before, to help
\nto pay the debts; and all such persons as were above named should be
\nreputed and inrouled for purchasers; single free men to have a single
\nshare, and every father of a familie to be alowed to purchass so many
\nshares as he had persons in his family; that is to say, one for him
\nselfe, and one for his wife, and for every child that he had living with
\nhim, one. As for servants, they had none, but what either their maisters
\nshould give them out of theirs, or their deservings should obtaine from
\ny^e company afterwards. Thus all were to be cast into single shares
\naccording to the order abovesaid; and so every one was to pay his part
\naccording to his proportion towards y^e purchass, & all other debts,
\nwhat y^e profite of y^e trade would not reach too; viz. a single man for
\na single share, a maister of a famalie for so many as he had. This gave
\nall good contente. And first accordingly the few catle which they had
\nwere devided, which arose to this proportion; a cowe to 6. persons or
\nshars, & 2. goats to y^e same, which were first equalised for age &
\ngoodnes, and then lotted for; single persons consorting with others, as
\nthey thought good, & smaler familys likwise; and swine though more [146]
\nin number, yet by y^e same rule. Then they agreed that every person or
\nshare should have 20. acres of land devided unto them, besids y^e single
\nacres they had allready; and they appoynted were to begin first on y^e
\none side of y^e towne, & how farr to goe; and then on y^e other side in
\nlike maner; and so to devid it by lotte; and appointed sundrie by name
\nto doe it, and tyed them to certaine ruls to proceed by; as that they
\nshould only lay out settable or tillable land, at least such of it as
\nshould butt on y^e water side, (as y^e most they were to lay out did,)
\nand pass by y^e rest as refuse and co[=m]une; and what they judged fitte
\nshould be so taken. And they were first to agree of y^e goodnes & fitnes
\nof it before the lott was drawne, and so it might as well prove some of
\nther owne, as an other mans; and this course they were to hould
\nthrowout. But yet seekeing to keepe y^e people togither, as much as
\nmight be, they allso agreed upon this order, by mutuall consente, before
\nany lots were cast: that whose lotts soever should fall next y^e towne,
\nor most conveninte for nearnes, they should take to them a neigboure or
\ntow, whom they best liked; and should suffer them to plant corne with
\nthem for 4. years; and afterwards they might use as much of theirs for
\nas long time, if they would. Allso every share or 20. acers was to be
\nlaid out 5. acres in breadth by y^e water side, and 4. acres in lenght,
\nexcepting nooks & corners, which were to be measured as y^ey would bear
\nto best advantage. But no meadows were to be laid out at all, nor were
\nnot of many years after, because they were but streight of meadow
\ngrounds; and if they had bene now given out, it would have hindred all
\naddition to them afterwards; but every season all were appoynted wher
\nthey should mowe, according to y^e proportion of catle they had. This
\ndistribution gave generally good contente, and setled mens minds. Also
\nthey gave y^e Gove^r & 4. or 5. of y^e spetiall men amongst them, y^e
\nhouses they lived in; y^e rest were valued & equalised at an indiferent
\nrate, and so every man kept his owne, and he that had a better alowed
\nsome thing to him that had a worse, as y^e valuation wente.<\/p>\n
Ther is one thing that fell out in y^e begining of y^e winter before,
\nwhich I have refferred to this place, that I may handle y^e whole matter
\ntogeither. Ther was a ship, with many passengers in her and sundrie
\ngoods, bound for Virginia. They had lost them selves at sea, either by
\ny^e insufficiencie of y^e maister, or his ilnes; for he was sick & lame
\nof y^e scurvie, so that he could but lye in y^e cabin dore, & give
\ndirection; and it should seeme was badly assisted either w^th mate or
\nmariners; or else y^e fear and unrulines of y^e passengers were such, as
\nthey made them stear a course betweene y^e southwest & y^e norwest, that
\nthey might fall with some land, what soever it was they cared not. For
\nthey had been 6. weeks at sea, and had no water, nor beere, nor any
\nwoode left, but had burnt up all their emptie caske; only one of y^e
\ncompany had a hogshead of wine or 2. which was allso allmost spente, so
\nas they feared they should be starved at sea, or consumed with diseases,
\nwhich made them rune this desperate course. But it plased God that
\nthough they came so neare y^e shoulds of Cap-Codd [147] or else ran
\nstumbling over them in y^e night, they knew not how, they came right
\nbefore a small blind harbore, that lyes about y^e midle of Manamoyake
\nBay, to y^e southward of Cap-Codd, with a small gale of wind; and about
\nhighwater toucht upon a barr of sand that lyes before it, but had no
\nhurte, y^e sea being smoth; so they laid out an anchore. But towards the
\nevening the wind sprunge up at sea, and was so rough, as broake their
\ncable, & beat them over the barr into y^e harbor, wher they saved their
\nlives & goods, though much were hurte with salt water; for w^th beating
\nthey had sprung y^e but end of a planke or too, & beat out ther occome;
\nbut they were soone over, and ran on a drie flate within the harbor,
\nclose by a beach; so at low water they gatt out their goods on drie
\nshore, and dried those that were wette, and saved most of their things
\nwithout any great loss; neither was y^e ship much hurt, but shee might
\nbe mended, and made servisable againe. But though they were not a litle
\nglad that they had thus saved their lives, yet when they had a litle
\nrefreshed them selves, and begane to thinke on their condition, not
\nknowing wher they were, nor what they should doe, they begane to be
\nstrucken with sadnes. But shortly after they saw some Indians come to
\nthem in canows, which made them stand upon their gard. But when they
\nheard some of y^e Indeans speake English unto them, they were not a
\nlitle revived, especially when they heard them demand if they were the
\nGove^r of Plimoths men, or freinds; and y^t they would bring them to
\ny^e English houses, or carry their letters.<\/p>\n
They feasted these Indeans, and gave them many giftes; and sente 2. men
\nand a letter with them to y^e Gove^r, and did intreat him to send a boat
\nunto them, with some pitch, and occume, and spiks, w^th divers other
\nnecessaries for y^e mending of ther ship (which was recoverable). Allso
\nthey besought him to help them with some corne and sundrie other things
\nthey wanted, to enable them to make their viage to Virginia; and they
\nshould be much bound to him, and would make satisfaction for any thing
\nthey had, in any comodities they had abord. After y^e Gove^r was well
\ninformed by y^e messengers of their condition, he caused a boate to be
\nmade ready, and such things to be provided as they write for; and
\nbecause others were abroad upon trading, and such other affairs, as had
\nbeen fitte to send unto them, he went him selfe, and allso carried some
\ntrading comodities, to buy them corne of y^e Indeans. It was no season
\nof y^e year to goe withoute y^e Cape, but understanding wher y^e ship
\nlay, he went into y^e bottom of y^e bay, on y^e inside, and put into a
\ncrick called Naumskachett, wher it is not much above 2. mile over [148]
\nland to y^e bay wher they were, wher he had y^e Indeans ready to cary
\nover any thing to them. Of his arrivall they were very glad, and
\nreceived the things to mend ther ship, and other necessaries. Allso he
\nbought them as much corne as they would have; and wheras some of their
\nsea-men were rune away amonge the Indeans, he procured their returne to
\ny^e ship, and so left them well furnished and contented, being very
\nthankfull for y^e curtesies they receaved. But after the Governor thus
\nleft them, he went into some other harbors ther aboute and loaded his
\nboat with corne, which he traded, and so went home. But he had not been
\nat home many days, but he had notice from them, that by the violence of
\na great storme, and y^e bad morring of their ship (after she was mended)
\nshe was put a shore, and so beatten and shaken as she was now wholy
\nunfitte to goe to sea. And so their request was that they might have
\nleave to repaire to them, and soujourne with them, till they could have
\nmeans to convey them selves to Virginia; and that they might have means
\nto tr[=a]sport their goods, and they would pay for y^e same, or any
\nthing els wher with y^e plantation should releeve them. Considering
\ntheir distres, their requests were granted, and all helpfullnes done
\nunto them; their goods transported, and them selves & goods sheltered in
\ntheir houses as well as they could.<\/p>\n
The cheefe amongst these people was one M^r. Fells and M^r. Sibsie,
\nwhich had many servants belonging unto them, many of them being Irish.
\nSome others ther were y^t had a servante or 2. a peece; but y^e most
\nwere servants, and such as were ingaged to the former persons, who allso
\nhad y^e most goods. Affter they were hither come, and some thing setled,
\nthe maisters desired some ground to imploye ther servants upon; seing
\nit was like to be y^e latter end of y^e year before they could have
\npassage for Virginia, and they had now y^e winter before them; they
\nmight clear some ground, and plant a crope (seeing they had tools, &
\nnecessaries for y^e same) to help to bear their charge, and keep their
\nservants in imployment; and if they had opportunitie to departe before
\nthe same was ripe, they would sell it on y^e ground. So they had ground
\nappointed them in convenient places, and Fells & some other of them
\nraised a great deall of corne, which they sould at their departure. This
\nFells, amongst his other servants, had a maid servante which kept his
\nhouse & did his household affairs, and by the intimation of some that
\nbelonged unto him, he was suspected to keep her, as his concubine; and
\nboth of them were examined ther upon, but nothing could be proved, and
\nthey stood upon their justification; so with admonition they were
\ndismiste. But afterward it appeard she was with child, so he gott a
\nsmall boat, & ran away with her, for fear of punishmente. First he went
\nto Cap-Anne, and after into y^e bay of y^e Massachussets, but could get
\nno passage, and had like to have been cast away; and was forst to come
\nagaine and submite him selfe; but they pact him away & those that
\nbelonged unto him by the first oppertunitie, and dismiste all the rest
\nas soone as could, being many untoward people amongst them; though ther
\nwere allso some that caried them selves very orderly all y^e time they
\nstayed. And the [149] plantation had some benefite by them, in selling
\nthem corne & other provisions of food for cloathing; for they had of
\ndiverse kinds, as cloath, perpetuanes, & other stuffs, besids hose, &
\nshoes, and such like co[=m]odities as y^e planters stood in need of. So
\nthey both did good, and received good one from another; and a cuple of
\nbarks caried them away at y^e later end of so[=m]er. And sundrie of them
\nhave acknowledged their thankfullnes since from Virginia.<\/p>\n
That they might y^e better take all convenient opportunitie to follow
\ntheir trade, both to maintaine them selves, and to disingage them of
\nthose great sumes which they stood charged with, and bound for, they
\nresoloved to build a smale pinass at Manamet, a place 20. mile from y^e
\nplantation, standing on y^e sea to y^e southward of them, unto which, by
\nan other creeke on this side, they could cary their goods, within 4. or
\n5. miles, and then tr[=a]sport them over land to their vessell; and so
\navoyd the compasing of Cap-Codd, and those deangerous shoulds, and so
\nmake any vioage to y^e southward in much shorter time, and with farr
\nless danger. Also for y^e saftie of their vessell & goods, they builte a
\nhouse their, and kept some servants, who also planted corne, and reared
\nsome swine, and were allwayes ready to goe out with y^e barke when ther
\nwas occasion. All which tooke good effecte, and turned to their profite.<\/p>\n
They now sent (with y^e returne of y^e ships) M^r. Allerton againe into
\nEngland, giveing him full power, under their hands & seals, to conclude
\nthe former bargaine with y^e adventurers; and sent ther bonds for y^e
\npaimente of the money. Allso they sent what beaver they could spare to
\npay some of their ingagementes, & to defray his chargs; for those deepe
\ninterests still kepte them low. Also he had order to procure a patente
\nfor a fitt trading place in y^e river of Kenebec; for being emulated
\nboth by the planters at Pascataway &, other places to y^e eastward of
\nthem, and allso by y^e fishing ships, which used to draw much profite
\nfrom y^e Indeans of those parts, they threatened to procure a grante, &
\nshutte them out from thence; espetially after they saw them so well
\nfurnished with co[=m]odities, as to carie the trade from them. They
\nthought it but needfull to prevente such a thing, at least that they
\nmight not be excluded from free trade ther, wher them selves had first
\nbegune and discovered the same, [=a]d brought it to so good effecte.
\nThis year allso they had letters, and messengers from y^e
\nDutch-plantation, sent unto them from y^e Gov^r ther, writen both in
\nDutch & French. The Dutch had traded in these southerne parts, diverse
\nyears before they came; but they begane no plantation hear till 4. or 5.
\nyears after their coming, and here begining. Ther letters were as
\nfolloweth. It being their maner to be full of complementall titles.<\/p>\n
Eedele, Eerenfeste Wyse Voorsinnige Heeren, den G[)o]veerne[)u]r, ende
\nRaeden in Nieu-Pliem[)u]en residerende; onse seer Goede vrinden den
\ndirecte[)u]r ende Raed van Nieu-Nederlande, wensen v[)w]e Edn:
\neerenfesten, ende wijse voorsinnige gel[)u]ck salichitt
\n[gelukzaligheid?], In Christi Jesu onsen Heere; met goede voorspoet,
\nende gesonthijt, naer siele, ende lichaem. Amen.[CE]<\/p>\n
The rest I shall render in English, leaving out the repetition of
\nsuperfluous titles.<\/p>\n
[150] We have often before this wished for an opportunitie or an
\noccasion to congratulate you, and your prosperous and praise-worthy
\nundertakeings, and Government of your colony ther. And the more, in
\nthat we also have made a good begining to pitch y^e foundation of a
\ncollonie hear; and seeing our native countrie lyes not farr from
\nyours, and our forefathers (diverse hundred years agoe) have made and
\nheld frendship and alliance with your ancestours, as sufficently
\nappears by y^e old contractes, and entrecourses, confirmed under y^e
\nhands of kings & princes, in y^e pointe of warr & trafick; as may be
\nseene and read by all y^e world in y^e old chronakles. The which are
\nnot only by the king now reigning confirmed, but it hath pleased his
\nmajesty, upon mature deliberation, to make a new covenante, (and to
\ntake up armes,) with y^e States Generall of our dear native country,
\nagainst our commone enemie the Spaniards, who seeke nothing else but
\nto usurpe and overcome other Christian kings and princes lands, that
\nso he might obtaine and possess his pretended monarchic over all
\nChristendom; and so to rule and co[=m]and, after his owne pleasure,
\nover y^e consciences of so many hundred thousand sowles, which God
\nforbid.<\/p>\n
And also seeing it hath some time since been reported unto us, by some
\nof our people, that by occasion came so farr northward with their
\nshalop, and met with sundry of y^e Indeans, who tould them that they
\nwere within halfe a days journey of your plantation, and offered ther
\nservice to cary letters unto you; therfore we could not forbear to
\nsalute you with these few lines, with presentation of our good will
\nand servise unto you, in all frendly-kindnes & neighbourhood. And if
\nit so fall out that any goods that comes to our hands from our native
\ncountrie, may be serviceable unto you, we shall take our selves bound
\nto help and acco[=m]adate you ther with; either for beaver or any
\nother wares or marchandise that you should be pleased to deale for.
\nAnd if in case we have no co[=m]odity at present that may give you
\ncontente, if you please to sell us any beaver, or otter, or such like
\ncomodities as may be usefull for us, for ready money, and let us
\nunderstand therof by this bearer in writing, (whom we have apoynted to
\nstay 3. or 4. days for your answer,) when we understand your minds
\ntherin, we shall depute one to deale with you, at such place as you
\nshall appointe. In y^e mean time we pray the Lord to take you, our
\nhonoured good freinds and neighbours, into his holy protection.<\/p>\n
By the appointment of y^e Gov^r and Counsell, &c.<\/p>\n
ISAAK DE RASIER, Secrectaris.<\/p>\n
From y^e Manhatas, in y^e fort Amsterdam,
\nMarch 9. An^o: 1627.<\/p>\n
To this they returned answer as followeth, on y^e other side.<\/p>\n
[151] To the Honoured, &c.<\/p>\n
The Gove^r & Counsell of New-Plim: wisheth, &c. We have received your
\nleters, &c. wherin appeareth your good wills & frendship towards us;
\nbut is expresed w^th over high titls, more then belongs to us, or is
\nmeete for us to receive. But for your good will, and congratulations
\nof our prosperitie in these smale beginings of our poore colonie, we
\nare much bound unto you, and with many thanks doe acknowledg y^e same;
\ntaking it both for a great honour done unto us, and for a certaine
\ntestimoney of your love and good neighbourhood.<\/p>\n
Now these are further to give your Wor^pps to understand, that it is
\nto us no smale joye to hear, that his majestie hath not only bene
\npleased to confirme y^t ancient amitie, aliance, and frendship, and
\nother contracts, formerly made & ratified by his predecessors of
\nfamous memorie, but hath him selfe (as you say) strengthened the same
\nwith a new-union the better to resist y^e prid of y^t co[=m]one enemy
\ny^e Spaniard, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native
\ncountries. Now forasmuch as this is sufficiente to unite us togeather
\nin love and good neighbourhood, in all our dealings, yet are many of
\nus further obliged, by the good and curteous entreaty which we have
\nfound in your countrie; haveing lived ther many years, with freedome,
\nand good contente, as also many of our freinds doe to this day; for
\nwhich we, and our children after us, are bound to be thankfull to your
\nNation, and shall never forgett y^e same, but shall hartily desire
\nyour good & prosperity, as our owne, for ever.<\/p>\n
Likwise for your freindly tender, & offer to aco[=m]odate and help us
\nwith any comodities or marchandise you have, or shall come to you,
\neither for beaver, otters, or other wares, it is to us very
\nacceptable, and we doubte not but in short time we may have profitable
\nco[=m]erce & trade togeather. But for this year we are fully supplyed
\nwith all necessaries, both for cloathing and other things; but
\nhereafter it is like we shall deale with you, if your rates be
\nreasonable. And therfore when you please to send to us againe by any
\nof yours, we desire to know how you will take beaver, by y^e pounde, &
\notters, by y^e skine; and how you will deale per cent. for other
\ncomodities, and what you can furnishe us with. As likwise what other
\ncommodities from us may be acceptable unto you, as tobaco, fish,
\ncorne, or other things, and what prises you will give, &c.<\/p>\n
Thus hoping that you will pardon & excuse us for our rude and
\nimperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good parte,
\nbecause [152] for wante of use we cannot so well express that we
\nunderstand, nor hapily understand every thing so fully as we should.
\nAnd so we humbly pray the Lord for his mercie sake, that he will take
\nboth us and you into his keeping & gratious protection.<\/p>\n
By y^e Gove^r and Counsell of New-Plimoth,
\nYour Wor^pps very good freinds & neigbours, &c.<\/p>\n
New-Plim: March 19.<\/p>\n
After this ther was many passages betweene them both by letters and
\nother entercourse; and they had some profitable commerce togither for
\ndiverce years, till other occasions interrupted y^e same, as may happily
\nappear afterwards, more at large.<\/p>\n
Before they sent M^r. Allerton away for England this year, y^e Gove^r
\nand some of their cheefe freinds had serious consideration, not only how
\nthey might discharge those great ingagments which lay so heavily upon
\nthem, as is affore mentioned, but also how they might (if possiblie they
\ncould) devise means to help some of their freinds and breethren of
\nLeyden over unto them, who desired so much to come to them, [=a]d they
\ndesired as much their company. To effecte which, they resolved to rune a
\nhigh course, and of great adventure, not knowing otherwise how to bring
\nit aboute. Which was to hire y^e trade of y^e company for certaine
\nyears, and in that time to undertake to pay that 1800^li. and all y^e
\nrest of y^e debts that then lay upon y^e plantation, which was aboute
\nsome 600^li. more; and so to set them free, and returne the trade to y^e
\ngeneralitie againe at y^e end of y^e terme. Upon which resolution they
\ncalled y^e company togeither, and made it clearly appear unto all what
\ntheir debts were, and upon what terms they would undertake to pay them
\nall in such a time, and sett them clear. But their other ends they were
\nfaine to keepe secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynted some of their
\ntrusty freinds therwith; which were glad of y^e same, but doubted how
\nthey would be able to performe it. So after some agitation of the thing
\nw^th y^e company, it was yeelded unto, and the agreemente made upon y^e
\nconditions following.<\/p>\n
Articles of agreemente betweene y^e collony of New-Pli[=m]oth of y^e
\none partie, and William Bradford, Captein Myles Standish, Isaack
\nAllerton, &c. one y^e other partie; and shuch others as they shall
\nthinke good to take as partners and undertakers with them, concerning
\nthe trade for beaver & other furrs & comodities, &c.; made July, 1627.<\/p>\n
First, it is agreed and covenanted betweexte y^e said parties, that
\ny^e afforsaid William Bradford, Captain Myl Standish, & Isaack
\nAllerton, &c. have undertaken, and doe by these presents, covenante
\nand agree to pay, discharge, and acquite y^e said collony of all y^e
\ndebtes both due for y^e purchass, or any other belonging to them, at
\ny^e day of y^e date of these presents.<\/p>\n
[153] Secondly, y^e above-said parties are to have and freely injoye
\ny^e pinass latly builte, the boat at Manamett, and y^e shalop, called
\ny^e Bass-boat, with all other implements to them belonging, that is in
\ny^e store of y^e said company; with all y^e whole stock of furrs,
\nfells, beads, corne, wampampeak, hatchets, knives, &c. that is now in
\ny^e storre, or any way due unto y^e same uppon accounte.<\/p>\n
3^ly. That y^e above said parties have y^e whole trade to them selves,
\ntheir heires and assignes, with all y^e privileges therof, as y^e said
\ncollonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full years, to begine
\ny^e last of September next insuing.<\/p>\n
4^ly. In furder consideration of y^e discharge of y^e said debtes,
\nevery severall purchaser doth promise and covenante yearly to pay, or
\ncause to be payed, to the above said parties, during y^e full terme of
\ny^e said 6. years, 3. bushells of corne, or 6^li. of tobaco, at y^e
\nundertakers choyse.<\/p>\n
5^ly. The said undertakers shall dureing y^e afforesaid terme bestow
\n50^li. per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought over for y^e
\ncollonies use, to be sould unto them for corne at 6^s. per bushell.<\/p>\n
6^ly. That at y^e end of y^e said terme of 6. years, the whole trade
\nshall returne to y^t use and benefite of y^e said collonie, as before.<\/p>\n
Lastly, if y^e afforesaid undertakers, after they have aquainted their
\nfreinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon y^e first returne)
\nresolve to performe them, and undertake to discharge y^e debtes of y^e
\nsaid collony, according to y^e true meaning & intente of these
\npresents, then they are (upon such notice given) to stand in full
\nforce; otherwise all things to remaine as formerly they were, and a
\ntrue accounte to be given to y^e said collonie, of the disposing of
\nall things according to the former order.<\/p>\n
M^r. Allerton carried a coppy of this agreemente with him into England,
\nand amongst other his instructions had order given him to deale with
\nsome of their speciall freinds, to joyne with them in this trade upon
\ny^e above recited conditions; as allso to imparte their further ends
\nthat moved them to take this course, namly, the helping over of some of
\ntheir freinds from Leyden, as they should be able; in which if any of
\nthem would joyne with them they should thankfully acceptt of their love
\nand partnership herein. And with all (by their letters) gave them some
\ngrounds of their hops of the accomplishmente of these things with some
\nadvantage.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1628._<\/p>\n
After M^r. Allertons arivall in England, he aquainted them with his
\ncomission and full power to conclude y^e forementioned bargan & purchas;
\nupon [154] the veiw wherof, and y^e delivery of y^e bonds for y^e
\npaymente of y^e money yearly, (as is before mentioned,) it was fully
\nconcluded, and a deede[CF] fairly ingrossed in partchmente was delivered
\nhim, under their hands & seals confirming the same. Morover he delte
\nwith them aboute other things according to his instructions. As to
\nadmitt some of these their good freinds into this purchass if they
\npleased, and to deale with them for moneys at better rates, &c. Touching
\nwhich I shall hear inserte a letter of M^r. Sherleys, giving light to
\nwhat followed therof, writ to y^e Gov^r as followeth.<\/p>\n
S^r: I have received yours of y^e 26. of May by M^r. Gibs, & M^r.
\nGoffe, with y^e barrell of otter skins, according to y^e contents; for
\nwhich I got a bill of store, and so tooke them up, and sould them
\ntogeather at 78^li. 12^s. sterling; and since, M^r. Allerton hath
\nreceived y^e money, as will apear by the accounte. It is true (as you
\nwrite) that your ingagments are great, not only the purchass, but you
\nare yet necessitated to take up y^e stock you work upon; and y^t not
\nat 6. or 8. p^r cent. as it is here let out, but at 30. 40. yea, &
\nsome at 50. p^r cent. which, were not your gaines great, and Gods
\nblessing on your honest indeaours more then ordinarie, it could not be
\ny^t you should longe subsiste in y^e maintaining of, & upholding of
\nyour worldly affaires. And this your honest & discreete agente, M^r.
\nAllerton, hath seriously considered, & deeply laid to mind, how to
\nease you of it. He tould me you were contented to accepte of me & some
\nfew others, to joyne with you in y^e purchass, as partners; for which
\nI kindly thanke you and all y^e rest, and doe willingly accepte of it.
\nAnd though absente, shall willingly be at shuch charge as you & y^e
\nrest shall thinke meete; and this year am contented to forbear my
\nformer 50^li. and 2. years increase for y^e venture, both which now
\nmakes it 80^li. without any bargaine or condition for y^e profite, you
\n(I mean y^e generalitie) stand to y^e adventure, outward, and
\nhomeward. I have perswaded M^r. Andrews and M^r. Beachamp to doe y^e
\nlike, so as you are eased of y^e high rate, you were at y^e other 2.
\nyeares; I say we leave it freely to your selves to alow us what you
\nplease, and as God shall blesse. What course I rune, M^r. Beachamp
\ndesireth to doe y^e same; and though he have been or seemed somwhat
\nharsh heretofore, yet now you shall find he is new moulded. I allso
\nsee by your letter, you desire I should be your agente or factore
\nhear. I have ever found you so faithfull, honest, and upright men, as
\nI have even resolved with my selfe (God assisting me) to doe you all
\ny^e good lyeth in my power; and therfore if you please to make choyse
\nof so weak a man, both for abillities and body, to performe your
\nbussines, I promise (y^e Lord enabling me) to doe y^e best I can
\naccording to those abillities he hath given me; and wherin I faile,
\nblame your selves, y^t you made no better choyce. Now, because I am
\nsickly, and we are all mortall, I have advised M^r. Allerton to joyne
\nM^r. Beachamp with me in your deputation, which I conceive to be very
\nnecessary & good for you; your charge shall be no more, for it is not
\nyour salarie maks me undertake your [156[CG]] bussines. Thus
\ncontending you & yours, and all Gods people, unto y^e guidance and
\nprotection of y^e Allmightie, I ever rest,<\/p>\n
Your faithfull loving freind,
\nJAMES SHERLEY.[CH]<\/p>\n
London, Nov. 17. 1628.<\/p>\n
With this leter they sent a draught of a formall deputation to be hear
\nsealed and sent back unto them, to authorise them as their agents,
\naccording to what is mentioned in y^e above said letter; and because
\nsome inconvenience grue therby afterward I shall here inserte it.<\/p>\n
To all to whom these pr[=e]ts shall come greeting; know yee that we,
\nWilliam Bradford, Gov^r of Plimoth, in N.E. in America, Isaak
\nAllerton, Myles Standish, William Brewster, & Ed: Winslow, of Plimoth
\naforesaid, marchants, doe by these presents for us & in our names,
\nmake, substitute, & appointe James Sherley, Goldsmith, & John
\nBeachamp, Salter, citizens of London, our true & lawfull agents,
\nfactors, substitutes, & assignes; as well to take and receive all such
\ngoods, wares, & marchandise what soever as to our said substitutes or
\neither of them, or to y^e citie of London, or other place of y^e Relme
\nof Engl: shall be sente, transported, or come from us or any of us, as
\nallso to vend, sell, barter, or exchaing y^e said goods, wares, and
\nmarchandise so from time to time to be sent to such person or persons
\nupon credite, or other wise in such maner as to our said agents &
\nfactors joyently, or to either of them severally shall seeme meete.
\nAnd further we doe make & ordaine our said substituts & assignes
\njoyntly & severally for us, & to our uses, & accounts, to buy and
\nconsigne for and to us into New-Engl: aforesaid, such goods and
\nmarchandise to be provided here, and to be returned hence, as by our
\nsaid assignes, or either of them, shall be thought fitt. And to
\nrecover, receive, and demand for us & in our names all such debtes &
\nsumes of money, as now are or hereafter shall be due incidente
\naccruing or belonging to us, or any of us, by any wayes or means; and
\nto acquite, discharge, or compound for any debte or sume of money,
\nwhich now or hereafter shall be due or oweing by any person or persons
\nto us, or any of us. And generally for us & in our names to doe,
\nperforme, and execute every acte & thing which to our said assignes,
\nor either of them, shall seeme meete to be done in or aboute y^e
\npremissies, as fully & effectually, to all intents & purposes, as if
\nwe or any of us were in person presente. And whatsoever our said
\nagents & factors joyntly or severally shall doe, or cause to be done,
\nin or aboute y^e premisses, we will & doe, & every of us doth ratife,
\nalow, & confirme, by these presents. In wittnes wherof we have here
\nunto put our hands & seals. Dated 18. Nov^br 1628.<\/p>\n
This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, and 4. more of the
\ncheefe of them under their hands & seals, and delivered unto them. Also
\nM^r. Allerton formerly had authoritie under their hands & seals for y^e
\ntransacting of y^e former bussines, and taking up of moneys, &c. which
\nstill he retained whilst he was imployed in these affaires; they
\nmistrusting neither him nor any of their freinds faithfullnes, which
\nmade them more remisse in looking to shuch acts as had passed under
\ntheir hands, as necessarie for y^e time; but letting them rune on to
\nlong unminded or recaled, it turned to their harme afterwards, as will
\nappere in its place.<\/p>\n
[157] M^r. Allerton having setled all things thus in a good and hopfull
\nway, he made hast to returne in y^e first of y^e spring to be hear with
\ntheir supply for trade, (for y^e fishermen with whom he came used to
\nsett forth in winter & be here betimes.) He brought a resonable supply
\nof goods for y^e plantation, and without those great interests as before
\nis noted; and brought an accounte of y^e beaver sould, and how y^e money
\nwas disposed for goods, & y^e paymente of other debtes, having paid all
\ndebts abroad to others, save to M^r. Sherley, M^r. Beachamp, & M^r.
\nAndrews; from whom likwise he brought an accounte which to them all
\namounted not to above 400^li. for which he had passed bonds. Allso he
\nhad payed the first paymente for y^e purchass, being due for this year,
\nviz. 200^li. and brought them y^e bonde for y^e same canselled; so as
\nthey now had no more foreine debtes but y^e abovesaid 400^li. and odde
\npownds, and y^e rest of y^e yearly purchass monie. Some other debtes
\nthey had in y^e cuntrie, but they were without any intrest, & they had
\nwherwith to discharge them when they were due. To this pass the Lord had
\nbrought things for them. Also he brought them further notice that their
\nfreinds, the abovenamed, & some others that would joyne with them in y^e
\ntrad & purchass, did intend for to send over to Leyden, for a competente
\nnumber of them, to be hear the next year without fayle, if y^e Lord
\npleased to blesse their journey. He allso brought them a patente for
\nKenebeck, but it was so straite & ill bounded, as they were faine to
\nrenew & inlarge it the next year, as allso that which they had at home,
\nto their great charge, as will after appeare. Hithertoo M^r. Allerton
\ndid them good and faithfull service; and well had it been if he had so
\ncontinued, or els they had now ceased for imploying him any longer thus
\ninto England. But of this more afterwards.<\/p>\n
Having procured a patente (as is above said) for Kenebeck, they now
\nerected a house up above in y^e river in y^e most convenientest place
\nfor trade, as they conceived, and furnished the same with co[=m]odities
\nfor y^t end, both winter & so[=m]er, not only with corne, but also with
\nsuch other commodities as y^e fishermen had traded with them, as coats,
\nshirts, ruggs, & blankets, biskett, pease, prunes, &c.; and what they
\ncould not have out of England, they bought of the fishing ships, and so
\ncarried on their bussines as well as they could.<\/p>\n
This year the Dutch sent againe unto them from their plantation, both
\nkind leterss, and also diverse comodities, as suger, linen cloth, Holand
\nfiner & courser stufes, &c. They came up with their barke to Manamete,
\nto their house ther, in which came their Secretarie Rasier; who was
\naccompanied with a noyse of trumpeters, and some other attendants; and
\ndesired that they would send a boat for him, for he could not travill so
\nfarr over land. So they sent a boat to Manonscussett, and brought him to
\ny^e plantation, with y^e cheefe of his company. And after some few days
\nentertainmente, he returned to his barke, and some of them wente with
\nhim, and bought sundry of his goods; after which begining thus made,
\nthey sente often times to y^e same place, and had entercourse togeather
\nfor diverce years; and amongst other comodities, they vended [158] much
\ntobaco for linen cloath, stuffs, &c., which was a good benefite to y^e
\npeople, till the Virginians found out their plantation. But that which
\nturned most to their profite, in time, was an entrance into the trade of
\nWampampeake; for they now bought aboute 50^li. worth of it of them; and
\nthey tould them how vendable it was at their forte Orania; and did
\nperswade them they would find it so at Kenebeck; and so it came to pass
\nin time, though at first it stuck, & it was 2. years before they could
\nput of this small quantity, till y^e inland people knew of it; and
\nafterwards they could scarce ever gett enough for them, for many years
\ntogeather. And so this, with their other provissions, cutt of they trade
\nquite from y^e fisher-men, and in great part from other of y^e stragling
\nplanters. And strange it was to see the great allteration it made in a
\nfew years amonge y^e Indeans them selves; for all the Indeans of these
\nparts, & y^e Massachussets, had none or very litle of it,[CI] but y^e
\nsachems & some spetiall persons that wore a litle of it for ornamente.
\nOnly it was made & kepte amonge y^e Nariganssets, & Pequents, which grew
\nrich & potent by it, and these people were poore & begerly, and had no
\nuse of it. Neither did the English of this plantation, or any other in
\ny^e land, till now that they had knowledg of it from y^e Dutch, so much
\nas know what it was, much less y^t it was a co[=m]oditie of that worth &
\nvalew. But after it grue thus to be a comoditie in these parts, these
\nIndeans fell into it allso, and to learne how to make it; for y^e
\nNarigansets doe geather y^e shells of which y^ey make it from their
\nshors. And it hath now continued a current comoditie aboute this 20.
\nyears, and it may prove a drugg in time. In y^e mean time it maks y^e
\nIndeans of these parts rich & power full and also prowd therby; and
\nfills them with peeces, powder, and shote, which no laws can restraine,
\nby reasone of y^e bassnes of sundry unworthy persons, both English,
\nDutch, & French, which may turne to y^e ruine of many. Hithertoo y^e
\nIndeans of these parts had no peeces nor other armes but their bowes &
\narrowes, nor of many years after; nether durst they scarce handle a
\ngune, so much were they affraid of them; and y^e very sight of one
\n(though out of kilter) was a terrour unto them. But those Indeans to y^e
\neast parts, which had co[=m]erce with y^e French, got peces of them, and
\nthey in the end made a commone trade of it; and in time our English
\nfisher-men, led with y^e like covetoussnes, followed their example, for
\ntheir owne gaine; but upon complainte against them, it pleased the kings
\nmajestie to prohibite y^e same by a stricte proclaimation, commanding
\nthat no sorte of armes, or munition, should by any of his subjects be
\ntraded with them.<\/p>\n
Aboute some 3. or 4. years before this time, ther came over one Captaine
\nWolastone, (a man of pretie parts,) and with him 3. or 4. more of some
\neminencie, who brought with them a great many servants, with provissions
\n& other implments for to begine a plantation; and pitched them selves in
\na place within the Massachusets, which they called, after their Captains
\nname, Mount-Wollaston. Amongst whom was one M^r. Morton, who, it should
\nseeme, had some small adventure (of his owne or other mens) amongst
\nthem; but had litle respecte [159] amongst them, and was sleghted by y^e
\nmeanest servants. Haveing continued ther some time, and not finding
\nthings to answer their expectations, nor profite to arise as they looked
\nfor, Captaine Wollaston takes a great part of y^e sarvants, and
\ntransports them to Virginia, wher he puts them of at good rates, selling
\ntheir time to other men; and writs back to one M^r. Rassdall, one of his
\ncheefe partners, and accounted their marchant, to bring another parte of
\nthem to Verginia likewise, intending to put them of ther as he had done
\ny^e rest. And he, w^th y^e consente of y^e said Rasdall, appoynted one
\nFitcher to be his Livetenante, and governe y^e remaines of y^e
\nplantation, till he or Rasdall returned to take further order
\ntheraboute. But this Morton abovesaid, haveing more craft then honestie,
\n(who had been a kind of petie-fogger, of Furnefells Inne,) in y^e others
\nabsence, watches an oppertunitie, (commons being but hard amongst them,)
\nand gott some strong drinck & other junkats, & made them a feast; and
\nafter they were merie, he begane to tell them, he would give them good
\ncounsell. You see (saith he) that many of your fellows are carried to
\nVirginia; and if you stay till this Rasdall returne, you will also be
\ncarried away and sould for slaves with y^e rest. Therfore I would
\nadvise you to thruste out this Levetenant Fitcher; and I, having a
\nparte in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and consociats;
\nso may you be free from service, and we will converse, trad, plante, &
\nlive togeather as equalls, & supporte & protecte one another, or to like
\neffecte. This counsell was easily received; so they tooke oppertunitie,
\nand thrust Levetenante Fitcher out a dores, and would suffer him to come
\nno more amongst them, but forct him to seeke bread to eate, and other
\nreleefe from his neigbours, till he could gett passages for England.
\nAfter this they fell to great licenciousnes, and led a dissolute life,
\npowering out them selves into all profanenes. And Morton became lord of
\nmisrule, and maintained (as it were) a schoole of Athisme. And after
\nthey had gott some good into their hands, and gott much by trading with
\ny^e Indeans, they spent it as vainly, in quaffing & drinking both wine &
\nstrong waters in great exsess, and, as some reported, 10^li. worth in a
\nmorning. They allso set up a May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute it
\nmany days togeather, inviting the Indean women, for their consorts,
\ndancing and frisking togither, (like so many fairies, or furies rather,)
\nand worse practises. As if they had anew revived & celebrated the feasts
\nof y^e Roman Goddes Flora, or y^e beasly practieses of y^e madd
\nBacchinalians. Morton likwise (to shew his poetrie) composed sundry
\nrimes & verses, some tending to lasciviousnes, and others to y^e
\ndetraction & scandall of some persons, which he affixed to this idle or
\nidoll May-polle. They chainged allso the name of their place, and in
\nstead of calling it Mounte Wollaston, they call it Merie-mounte, [160]
\nas if this joylity would have lasted ever. But this continued not long,
\nfor after Morton was sent for England, (as follows to be declared,)
\nshortly after came over that worthy gentlman, M^r. John Indecott, who
\nbrought over a patent under y^e broad seall, for y^e govermente of y^e
\nMassachusets, who visiting those parts caused y^t May-polle to be cutt
\ndowne, and rebuked them for their profannes, and admonished them to
\nlooke ther should be better walking; so they now, or others, changed y^e
\nname of their place againe, and called it Mounte-Dagon.<\/p>\n
Now to maintaine this riotous prodigallitie and profuse excess, Morton,
\nthinking him selfe lawless, and hearing what gaine y^e French &
\nfisher-men made by trading of peeces, powder, & shotte to y^e Indeans,
\nhe, as y^e head of this consortship, begane y^e practise of y^e same in
\nthese parts; and first he taught them how to use them, to charge, &
\ndischarg, and what proportion of powder to give y^e peece, according to
\ny^e sise or bignes of y^e same; and what shotte to use for foule, and
\nwhat for deare. And having thus instructed them, he imployed some of
\nthem to hunte & fowle for him, so as they became farr more active in
\nthat imploymente then any of y^e English, by reason of ther swiftnes of
\nfoote, & nimblnes of body, being also quick-sighted, and by continuall
\nexercise well knowing y^e hants of all sorts of game. So as when they
\nsaw y^e execution that a peece would doe, and y^e benefite that might
\ncome by y^e same, they became madd, as it were, after them, and would
\nnot stick to give any prise they could attaine too for them; accounting
\ntheir bowes & arrowes but bables in comparison of them.<\/p>\n
And here I may take occasion to bewaile y^e mischefe that this wicked
\nman began in these parts, and which since base covetousnes prevailing in
\nmen that should know better, has now at length gott y^e upper hand, and
\nmade this thing co[=m]one, notwithstanding any laws to y^e contrary; so
\nas y^e Indeans are full of peeces all over, both fouling peeces,
\nmuskets, pistols, &c. They have also their moulds to make shotte, of all
\nsorts, as muskett bulletts, pistoll bullets, swane & gose shote, & of
\nsmaler sorts; yea, some have seen them have their scruplats to make
\nscrupins them selves, when they wante them, with sundery other
\nimplements, wherwith they are ordinarily better fited & furnished then
\ny^e English them selves. Yea, it is well knowne that they will have
\npowder & shot, when the English want it, nor cannot gett it; and y^t in
\na time of warr or danger, as experience hath manifested, that when lead
\nhath been scarce, and men for their owne defence would gladly have given
\na groat a l which is dear enoughe, yet hath it bene bought up & sent to
\nother places, and sould to shuch as trade it with y^e Indeans, at 12.
\npence y^e li.; and it is like they give 3. or 4.^s y^e pound, for they
\nwill have it at any rate. And these things have been done in y^e same
\ntimes, when some of their neigbours & freinds are daly killed by y^e
\nIndeans, or are in deanger therof, and live but at y^e Indeans mercie.
\n[161] Yea, some (as they have aquainted them with all other things) have
\ntould them how gunpowder is made, and all y^e materialls in it, and that
\nthey are to be had in their owne land; and I am confidente, could they
\nattaine to make saltpeter, they would teach them to make powder. O the
\nhoriblnes of this vilanie! how many both Dutch & English have been latly
\nslaine by those Indeans, thus furnished; and no remedie provided, nay,
\ny^e evill more increased, and y^e blood of their brethren sould for
\ngaine, as is to be feared; and in what danger all these colonies are in
\nis too well known. Oh! that princes & parlements would take some timly
\norder to prevente this mischeefe, and at length to suppress it, by some
\nexemplerie punishmente upon some of these gaine thirstie murderers, (for
\nthey deserve no better title,) before their collonies in these parts be
\nover throwne by these barbarous savages, thus armed with their owne
\nweapons, by these evill instruments, and traytors to their neigbors and
\ncuntrie. But I have forgott my selfe, and have been to longe in this
\ndigression; but now to returne. This Morton having thus taught them y^e
\nuse of peeces, he sould them all he could spare; and he and his consorts
\ndetirmined to send for many out of England, and had by some of y^e ships
\nsente for above a score. The which being knowne, and his neigbours
\nmeeting y^e Indeans in y^e woods armed with guns in this sorte, it was a
\nterrour unto them, who lived straglingly, and were of no strenght in any
\nplace. And other places (though more remote) saw this mischeefe would
\nquietly spread over all, if not prevented. Besides, they saw they should
\nkeep no servants, for Morton would entertaine any, how vile soever, and
\nall y^e scume of y^e countrie, or any discontents, would flock to him
\nfrom all places, if this nest was not broken; and they should stand in
\nmore fear of their lives & goods (in short time) from this wicked &
\ndeboste crue, then from y^e salvages them selves.<\/p>\n
So sundrie of y^e cheefe of y^e stragling plantations, meeting togither,
\nagreed by mutuall consente to sollissite those of Plimoth (who were then
\nof more strength then them all) to joyne with them, to prevente y^e
\nfurther grouth of this mischeefe, and suppress Morton & his consortes
\nbefore y^ey grewe to further head and strength. Those that joyned in
\nthis acction (and after contributed to the charge of sending him for
\nEngland) were from Pascataway, Namkeake, Winisimett, Weesagascusett,
\nNatasco, and other places wher any English were seated. Those of Plimoth
\nbeing thus sought too by their messengers & letters, and waying both
\ntheir reasons, and the co[=m]one danger, were willing to afford them
\ntheir help; though them selves had least cause of fear or hurte. So, to
\nbe short, they first resolved joyntly to write to him, and in a freindly
\n& neigborly way to admonish him to forbear these courses, & sent a
\nmessenger with their letters to bring his answer. But he was so highe as
\nhe scorned all advise, and asked who had to doe with him; he had and
\nwould trade peeces with y^e Indeans in dispite of all, with many other
\nscurillous termes full of disdaine. They sente to him a second time, and
\nbad him be better advised, and more temperate in his termes, for y^e
\ncountrie could not beare y^e injure he did; it was against their comone
\nsaftie, and against y^e king’s proclamation. He answerd in high terms as
\nbefore, and that y^e kings proclamation was no law; demanding what
\npenaltie was upon it. It was answered, more then he could [162] bear,
\nhis majesties displeasure. But insolently he persisted, and said y^e
\nking was dead and his displeasure with him, & many y^e like things; and
\nthreatened withall that if any came to molest him, let them looke to
\nthem selves, for he would prepare for them. Upon which they saw ther was
\nno way but to take him by force; and having so farr proceeded, now to
\ngive over would make him farr more hautie & insolente. So they mutually
\nresolved to proceed, and obtained of y^e Gov^r of Plimoth to send
\nCaptaine Standish, & some other aide with him, to take Morton by force.
\nThe which accordingly was done; but they found him to stand stifly in
\nhis defence, having made fast his dors, armed his consorts, set diverse
\ndishes of powder & bullets ready on y^e table; and if they had not been
\nover armed with drinke, more hurt might have been done. They so[=m]aned
\nhim to yeeld, but he kept his house, and they could gett nothing but
\nscofes & scorns from him; but at length, fearing they would doe some
\nviolence to y^e house, he and some of his crue came out, but not to
\nyeeld, but to shoote; but they were so steeld with drinke as their
\npeeces were to heavie for them; him selfe with a carbine (over charged &
\nallmost halfe fild with powder & shote, as was after found) had thought
\nto have shot Captaine Standish; but he stept to him, & put by his peece,
\n& tooke him. Neither was ther any hurte done to any of either side, save
\ny^t one was so drunke y^t he rane his owne nose upon y^e pointe of a
\nsword y^t one held before him as he entred y^e house; but he lost but a
\nlitle of his hott blood. Morton they brought away to Plimoth, wher he
\nwas kepte, till a ship went from y^e Ile of Shols for England, with
\nwhich he was sente to y^e Counsell of New-England; and letters writen to
\ngive them information of his course & cariage; and also one was sent at
\ntheir co[=m]one charge to informe their Ho^rs more perticulerly, & to
\nprosecute against him. But he foold of y^e messenger, after he was gone
\nfrom hence, and though he wente for England, yet nothing was done to
\nhim, not so much as rebukte, for ought was heard; but returned y^e nexte
\nyear. Some of y^e worst of y^e company were disperst, and some of y^e
\nmore modest kepte y^e house till he should be heard from. But I have
\nbeen too long aboute so un-worthy a person, and bad a cause.<\/p>\n
This year M^r. Allerton brought over a yonge man for a minister to y^e
\npeople hear, wheather upon his owne head, or at y^e motion of some
\nfreinds ther, I well know not, but it was without y^e churches sending;
\nfor they had bene so bitten by M^r. Lyford, as they desired to know y^e
\nperson well whom they should invite amongst them. His name was M^r.
\nRogers; but they perceived, upon some triall, that he was crased in his
\nbraine; so they were faine to be at further charge to send him back
\nagaine y^e nexte year, and loose all y^e charge that was expended in his
\nhither bringing, which was not smalle by M^r. Allerton’s accounte, in
\nprovissions, aparell, bedding, &c. After his returne he grue quite
\ndistracted, and M^r. Allerton was much blamed y^t he would bring such a
\nman over, they having charge enough otherwise.<\/p>\n
M^r. Allerton, in y^e years before, had brought over some small quantie
\nof goods, upon his owne perticuler, and sould them for his owne private
\nbenefite; which was more then any man had yet hithertoo attempted. But
\nbecause he had other wise done them good service, and also he sould
\nthem among y^e people at y^e plantation, by which their wants were
\nsupplied, and he aledged it was the [163] love of M^r. Sherley and some
\nother freinds that would needs trust him with some goods, conceiveing it
\nmight doe him some good, and none hurte, it was not much lookt at, but
\npast over. But this year he brought over a greater quantitie, and they
\nwere so intermixte with y^e goods of y^e generall, as they knew not
\nwhich were theirs, & w^ch was his, being pact up together; so as they
\nwell saw that, if any casualty had beefalne at sea, he might have laid
\ny^e whole on them, if he would; for ther was no distinction. Allso what
\nwas most vendible, and would yeeld presente pay, usualy that was his;
\nand he now begane allso to sell abroad to others of forine places,
\nwhich, considering their co[=m]one course, they began to dislike. Yet
\nbecause love thinkes no evill, nor is susspitious, they tooke his faire
\nwords for excuse, and resolved to send him againe this year for England;
\nconsidering how well he had done y^e former bussines, and what good
\nacceptation he had with their freinds ther; as also seeing sundry of
\ntheir freinds from Leyden were sente for, which would or might be much
\nfurthered by his means. Againe, seeing the patente for Kenebeck must be
\ninlarged, by reason of y^e former mistaks in the bounding of it, and it
\nwas conceived, in a maner, y^e same charge would serve to inlarge this
\nat home with it, and he that had begane y^e former y^e last year would
\nbe y^e fittest to effecte this; so they gave him instructions and sente
\nhim for England this year againe. And in his instructions bound him to
\nbring over no goods on their accounte, but 50^li. in hose & shoes, and
\nsome linen cloth, (as y^ey were bound by covenante when they tooke y^e
\ntrad;) also some trading goods to such a value; and in no case to exseed
\nhis instructions, nor ru[=n]e them into any further charge; he well
\nknowing how their state stood. Also y^t he should so provide y^t their
\ntrading goods came over betimes, and what so ever was sent on their
\naccounte should be pact up by it selfe, marked with their marke, and no
\nother goods to be mixed with theirs. For so he prayed them to give him
\nsuch instructions as they saw good, and he would folow them, to prevente
\nany jellocie or farther offence, upon the former forementioned dislikes.
\nAnd thus they conceived they had well provided for all things.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1629._<\/p>\n
M^r. Allerton safly arriving in England, and delivering his leters to
\ntheir freinds their, and aquainting them with his instructions, found
\ngood acceptation with them, and they were very forward & willing to
\njoyne with them in y^e partnership of trade, & in y^e charge to send
\nover y^e Leyden people; a company wherof were allready come out of
\nHoland, and prepared to come over, and so were sent away before M^r.
\nAllerton could be ready to come. They had passage with y^e ships that
\ncame to Salem, that brought over many godly persons to begine y^e
\nplantations & churches of Christ ther, & in y^e Bay of Massachussets; so
\ntheir long stay & keeping back [164] was recompensed by y^e Lord to ther
\nfreinds here with a duble blessing, in that they not only injoyed them
\nnow beyond ther late expectation, (when all their hops seemed to be cutt
\nof,) but, with them, many more godly freinds & Christian breethren, as
\ny^e begining of a larger harvest unto y^e Lord, in y^e increase of his
\nchurches & people in these parts, to y^e admiration of many, and allmost
\nwonder of y^e world; that of so small beginings so great things should
\ninsue, as time after manifested; and that here should be a resting place
\nfor so many of y^e Lords people, when so sharp a scourge came upon their
\nowne nation. But it was y^e Lords doing, & it ought to be marvellous in
\nour eyes.<\/p>\n
But I shall hear inserte some of their freinds letters, which doe best
\nexpresse their owne minds in these thir proceedings.<\/p>\n
_A leter of M^r. Sherleys to y^e Gov^r._<\/p>\n
May 25, 1629.[CJ]<\/p>\n
S^r: &c. Here are now many of your and our freinds from Leyden coming
\nover, who, though for y^e most parte be but a weak company, yet herein
\nis a good parte of that end obtained which was aimed at, and which
\nhath been so strongly opposed by some of our former adventurers. But
\nGod hath his working in these things, which man cannot frustrate. With
\nthem we have allso sent some servants in y^e ship called the Talbut,
\nthat wente hence latly; but these come in y^e May-flower. M^r.
\nBeachamp & my selfe, with M^r. Andrews & M^r. Hatherly, are, with your
\nlove and liking, joyned partners with you, &c.<\/p>\n
Your deputation we have received, and y^e goods have been taken up &
\nsould by your friend & agente, M^r. Allerton, my selfe having bine
\nnere 3. months in Holland, at Amsterdam & other parts in y^e
\nLow-Countries. I see further the agreemente you have made with y^e
\ngenerallitie, in which I cannot understand but you have done very
\nwell, both for them & you, and also for your freinds at Leyden. M^r.
\nBeachamp, M^r. Andrews, M^r. Hatherley, & my selfe, doe so like and
\napprove of it, as we are willing to joyne with you, and, God directing
\nand inabling us, will be assisting and helpfull to you, y^e best y^t
\npossiblie we can. Nay, had you not taken this course, I doe not see
\nhow you should accomplish y^e end you first aimed at, and some others
\nindevored these years past. We know it must keep us from y^e profite,
\nwhich otherwise by y^e blessing of God and your indeaours, might be
\ngained; for most of those that came in May, & these now sente, though
\nI hope honest & good people, yet not like to be helpfull to raise
\nprofite, but rather, ney, certaine must, some while, be chargable to
\nyou & us; at which it is lickly, had not this wise & discreete course
\nbeen taken, many of your generalitie would have grudged. Againe, you
\nsay well in your letter, and I make no doubte but you will performe
\nit, that now being but a few, on whom y^e burthen must be, you will
\nboth menage it y^e beter, and sett too it more cherfully, haveing no
\ndiscontente nor contradiction, but so lovingly to joyne togeither, in
\naffection and counsell, as God no doubte will blesse and prosper your
\nhonest labours & indeavors. And therfore in all respects I doe not see
\nbut you have done marvelously discreetly, & advisedly, and no doubt
\nbut it gives all parties good contente; I mean y^t are reasonable &
\nhonest men, such as make conscience of giving y^e best satisfaction
\nthey be able for their debts, and y^t regard not their owne perticuler
\nso much as y^e accomplishing of y^t good end for which this bussines
\nwas first intended, &c. Thus desiring y^e Lord to blese & prosper you,
\n& all yours, and all our honest endeavors, I rest<\/p>\n
Your unfained & ever loving friend,
\nJAMES SHERLEY.<\/p>\n
Lon: March 8. 1629.[CK]<\/p>\n
[165] That I may handle things together, I have put these 2. companies
\nthat came from Leyden in this place; though they came at 2. severall
\ntimes, yet they both came out of England this year. The former company,
\nbeing 35. persons, were shiped in May, and arived here aboute August.
\nThe later were shiped in y^e begining of March, and arived hear y^e
\nlater end of May, 1630. M^r. Sherleys 2. letters, y^e effect wherof I
\nhave before related, (as much of them as is pertinente,) mentions both.
\nTheir charge, as M^r. Allerton brought it in afterwards on accounte,
\ncame to above 550^li. besids ther fetching hither from Salem & y^e Bay,
\nwher they and their goods were landed; viz. their transportation from
\nHolland to England, & their charges lying ther, and passages hither,
\nwith clothing provided for them. For I find by accounte for y^e one
\ncompany, 125. yeards of karsey, 127. ellons of linen cloath, shoes, 66.
\n[p=]^r, with many other perticulers. The charge of y^e other company is
\nreckoned on y^e severall families, some 50^li., some 40^li., some
\n30^li., and so more or less, as their number & expencess were. And
\nbesids all this charg, their freinds & bretheren here were to provid
\ncorne & other provissions for them, till they could reap a crope which
\nwas long before. Those that came in May were thus maintained upward of
\n16. or 18. months, before they had any harvest of their owne, & y^e
\nother by proportion. And all they could doe in y^e mean time was to gett
\nthem some housing, and prepare them grounds to plant on, against the
\nseason. And this charg of maintaining them all this while was litle less
\nthen y^e former sume. These things I note more perticulerly, for sundry
\nregards. First, to shew a rare example herein of brotherly love, and
\nChristian care in performing their promises and covenants to their
\nbretheren, too, & in a sorte beyonde their power; that they should
\nventure so desperatly to ingage them selves to accomplish this thing,
\nand bear it so cheerfully; for they never demanded, much less had, any
\nrepaymente of all these great sumes thus disbursed. 2^ly. It must needs
\nbe that ther was more then of man in these acheevements, that should
\nthus readily stire up y^e harts of shuch able frinds to joyne in
\npartnership with them in shuch a case, and cleave so faithfullie to them
\nas these did, in so great adventures; and the more because the most of
\nthem never saw their faces to this day; ther being neither kindred,
\naliance, or other acquaintance or relations betweene any of them, then
\nhath been before mentioned; it must needs be therfore the spetiall worke
\nand hand of God. 3^ly. That these poore people here in a wilderness
\nshould, notwithstanding, be inabled in time to repay all these
\ningagments, and many more unjustly brought upon them through the
\nunfaithfullnes of some, and many other great losses which they
\nsustained, which will be made manifest, if y^e Lord be pleased to give
\nlife and time. In y^e mean time, I cannot but admire his ways and workes
\ntowards his servants, and humbly desire to blesse his holy name for his
\ngreat mercies hithertoo.<\/p>\n
[166] The Leyden people being thus come over, and sundry of y^e
\ngeneralitie seeing & hearing how great y^e charg was like to be that was
\nthat way to be expended, they begane to murmure and repine at it,
\nnotwithstanding y^e burden lay on other mens shoulders; espetially at
\ny^e paying of y^e 3. bushells of corne a year, according to y^e former
\nagreemente, when y^e trad was lett for y^e 6. years aforesaid. But to
\ngive them contente herein allso, it was promised them, that if they
\ncould doe it in y^e time without it, they would never demand it of them;
\nwhich gave them good contente. And indeed it never was paid, as will
\nappeare by y^e sequell.<\/p>\n
Concerning M^r. Allertons proceedings about y^e inlarging & confirming
\nof their patent, both y^t at home & Kenebeck, will best appere by
\nanother leter of M^r. Sherleys; for though much time & money was
\nexpended aboute it, yet he left it unaccomplisht this year, and came
\nwithout it. See M^r. Sherleys letter.<\/p>\n
Most worthy & loving freinds, &c.<\/p>\n
Some of your letters I received in July, & some since by M^r. Peirce,
\nbut till our maine bussines, y^e patent, was granted, I could not
\nsetle my mind nor pen to writing. M^r. Allerton was so turrmoyled
\nabout it, as verily I would not nor could not have undergone it, if I
\nmight have had a thousand pounds; but y^e Lord so blessed his labours
\n(even beyond expectation in these evill days) as he obtained y^e love
\n& favore of great men in repute & place. He got granted from y^e Earle
\nof Warwick & S^r. Ferdinando Gorge all that M^r. Winslow desired in
\nhis letters to me, & more also, which I leave to him to relate. Then
\nhe sued to y^e king to confirme their grante, and to make you a
\ncorporation, and so to inable you to make & execute lawes, in such
\nlarge & ample maner as y^e Massachusett plantation hath it; which y^e
\nking graciously granted, referring it to y^e Lord Keeper to give order
\nto y^e solisiter to draw it up, if ther were a presidente for it. So
\ny^e Lord Keeper furthered it all he could, and allso y^e solissiter;
\nbut as Festus said to Paule, With no small sume of money obtained I
\nthis freedom; for by y^e way many ridells must be resolved, and many
\nlocks must be opened with y^e silver, ney, y^e golden key. Then it was
\nto come to y^e Lord Treasurer, to have his warrente for freeing y^e
\ncustume for a certaine time; but be would not doe it, but refferd it
\nto y^e Counsell table. And ther M^r. Allerton atended day by day, when
\nthey sate, but could not gett his petition read. And by reason of M^r.
\nPeirce his staying with all y^e passengers at Bristoll, he was forct
\nto leave y^e further prosecuting of it to a solissiter. But ther is no
\nfear nor doubte but it will be granted, for he hath y^e cheefe of them
\nto freind; yet it will be marvelously needfull for him to returne by
\ny^e first ship y^t comes from thence; for if you had this confirmed,
\nthen were you compleate, and might bear such sway & goverment as were
\nfitt for your ranke & place y^t God hath called you unto; and stope
\ny^e moueths of base and scurrulous fellowes, y^t are ready to question
\n& threaten you in every action you [167] doe. And besids, if you have
\ny^e custome free for 7. years inward, & 21. outward, y^e charge of y^e
\npatent will be soone recovered, and ther is no fear of obtaining[CL]
\nit. But such things must work by degrees; men cannot hasten it as they
\nwould; werefore we (I write in behalfe of all our partners here)
\ndesire you to be ernest with M^r. Allerton to come, and his wife to
\nspare him this one year more, to finish this great & waighty bussines,
\nwhich we conceive will be much for your good, & I hope for your
\nposteritie, and for many generations to come.<\/p>\n
Thus much of this letter. It was dated y^e 19. March, 1629.<\/p>\n
By which it appears what progress was made herein, & in part what charge
\nit was, and how left unfinished, and some reason of y^e same; but in
\ntruth (as was afterwards appehended) the meaine reason was M^r.
\nAllerton’s policie, to have an opportunitie to be sent over againe, for
\nother regards; and for that end procured them thus to write. For it
\nmight then well enough have been finshed, if not with y^t clause aboute
\ny^e custumes, which was M^r. Allertons & M^r. Sherleys device, and not
\nat all thought on by y^e colony here, nor much regarded, yet it might
\nhave been done without it, without all queston, having passed y^e kings
\nhand; nay it was conceived it might then have beene done with it, if he
\nhad pleased; but covetousnes never brings ought home, as y^e proverb is,
\nfor this oppertunytie being lost, it was never accomplished, but a great
\ndeale of money veainly & lavishly cast away aboute it, as doth appear
\nupon their accounts. But of this more in its place.<\/p>\n
M^r. Alerton gave them great and just ofence in this (which I had
\nomited[CM] and almost forgotten),–in bringing over this year, for base
\ngaine, that unworthy man, and instrumente of mischeefe, Morton, who was
\nsent home but y^e year before for his misdemenors. He not only brought
\nhim over, but to y^e towne (as it were to nose them), and lodged him at
\nhis owne house, and for a while used him as a scribe to doe his
\nbussines, till he was caused to pack him away. So he wente to his old
\nnest in y^e Massachusets, wher it was not long but by his miscariage he
\ngave them just occation to lay hands on him; and he was by them againe
\nsent prisoner into England, wher he lay a good while in Exeter Jeole.
\nFor besids his miscariage here, he was vemently suspected for y^e murder
\nof a man that had adventured moneys with him, when he came first into
\nNew-England. And a warrente was sente from y^e Lord Cheefe Justice to
\napprehend him, by vertue wherof he was by the Gov^r of y^e Massachusets
\nsent into England; and for other his misdemenors amongst them, they
\ndemolisht his house, that it might be no longer a roost for shuch
\nunclaine birds to nestle in. Yet he got free againe, and write an
\ninfamouse & scurillous booke against many godly & cheefe men of y^e
\ncuntrie; full of lyes & slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies
\nagainst their names and persons, and y^e ways of God. After sundry
\nyears, when y^e warrs were hott in England, he came againe into y^e
\ncuntrie, and was imprisoned at Boston for this booke and other things,
\nbeing grown old in wickednes.<\/p>\n
Concerning y^e rest of M^r. Allertons instructions, in which they
\nstrictly injoyned him not to exceed above y^t 50^li. in y^e goods before
\nmentioned, not to bring any but trading co[=m]odities, he followed them
\nnot at all, but did the quite contrarie; bringing over many other sorts
\nof retaile goods, selling what he could by the way on his owne accounte,
\nand delivering the rest, which he said to be theirs, into y^e store; and
\nfor trading goods brought but litle in comparison; excusing the matter,
\nthey had laid out much about y^e Laiden people, & patent, &c. And for
\nother goods, they had much of them of ther owne dealings, without
\npresent disbursemente, & to like effect. And as for passing his bounds &
\ninstructions, he laid it on M^r. Sherley, &c., who, he said, they might
\nsee his mind in his leters; also that they had sett out Ashley at great
\ncharg; but next year they should have what trading goods they would send
\nfor, if things were now well setled, &c. And thus were they put off;
\nindeed M^r. Sherley write things tending this way, but it is like he was
\noverruled by M^r. Allerton, and harkened more to him then to their
\nletters from hence.<\/p>\n
Thus he further writs in y^e former leter.<\/p>\n
I see what you write in your leters concerning y^e over-co[=m]ing &
\npaying of our debts, which I confess are great, and had need be
\ncarfully looked unto; yet no doubt but we, joyning in love, may soone
\nover-come them; but we must follow it roundly & to purposs, for if we
\npedle out y^e time of our trad, others will step in and nose us. But
\nwe know y^t you have y^t aquaintance & experience in y^e countrie, as
\nnone have the like; wherfore, freinds & partners, be no way
\ndiscouraged with y^e greatnes of y^e debt, &c., but let us not fulfill
\ny^e proverbe, to bestow 12^d. on a purse, and put 6^d. [168] in it;
\nbut as you and we have been at great charg, and undergone much for
\nsetling you ther, and to gaine experience, so as God shall enable us,
\nlet us make use of it. And think not with 50^li. pound a yeare sent
\nyou over, to rayse shuch means as to pay our debts. We see a
\npossibillitie of good if you be well supplied, and fully furnished;
\nand cheefly if you lovingly agree. I know I write to godly and wise
\nmen, such as have lerned to bear one an others infirmities, and
\nrejoyce at any ones prosperities; and if I were able I would press
\nthis more, because it is hoped by some of your enimies, that you will
\nfall out one with another, and so over throw your hopfull bussines.
\nNay, I have heard it crediblie reported, y^t some have said, that till
\nyou be disjoynted by discontents & factions[CN] amongst your sellves,
\nit bootes not any to goe over, in hope of getting or doing good in
\nthose parts. But we hope beter things of you, and that you will not
\nonly bear one with another, but banish such thoughts, and not suffer
\nthem to lodg in your brests. God grant you may disappointe y^e hopes
\nof your foes, and procure y^e hartie desire of your selves & freinds
\nin this perticuler.<\/p>\n
By this it appears that ther was a kind of concurrance betweene M^r.
\nAllerton and them in these things, and that they gave more regard to his
\nway & course in these things, then to y^e advise from hence; which made
\nhim bould to presume above his instructions, and to rune on in y^e
\ncourse he did, to their greater hurt afterwards, as will appear. These
\nthings did much trouble them hear, but they well knew not how to help
\nit, being loath to make any breach or contention hear aboute; being so
\npremonished as before in y^e leter above recited. An other more secrete
\ncause was herewith concurrente; M^r. Allerton had maried y^e daughter of
\ntheir Reverend Elder, M^r. Brewster (a man beloved & honoured amongst
\nthem, and who tooke great paines in teaching & dispenceing y^e word of
\nGod unto them), whom they were loath to greeve or any way offend, so as
\nthey bore with much in that respecte. And with all M^r. Allerton carried
\nso faire with him, and procured such leters from M^r. Sherley to him,
\nwith shuch applause of M^r. Allertons wisdom, care, and faithfullnes, in
\ny^e bussines; and as things stood none were so fitte to send aboute them
\nas he; and if any should suggest other wise, it was rather out of envie,
\nor some other sinister respecte then other wise. Besids, though private
\ngaine, I doe perswade my selfe, was some cause to lead M^r. Allerton
\naside in these beginings, yet I thinke, or at least charitie caries me
\nto hope, that he intended to deale faithfully with them in y^e maine,
\nand had such an opinion of his owne abillitie, and some experience of
\ny^e benefite that he had made in this singuler way, as he conceived he
\nmight both raise him selfe an estate, and allso be a means to bring in
\nsuch profite to M^r. Sherley, (and it may be y^e rest,) as might be as
\nlickly to bring in their moneys againe with advantage, and it may be
\nsooner then from the generall way; or at least it was looked upon by
\nsome of them to be a good help ther unto; and that neither he nor any
\nother did intend to charge y^e generall accounte with any thing that
\nrane in perticuler; or y^t M^r. Sherley or any other did purposs but y^t
\ny^e generall should be first & fully supplyed. I say charitie makes me
\nthus conceive; though things fell out other wise, and they missed of
\ntheir aimes, and y^e generall suffered abundantly hereby, as will
\nafterwards apear.<\/p>\n
[169] Togeither herewith sorted an other bussines contrived by M^r.
\nAllerton and them ther, w^{th}out any knowledg of y^e partners, and so
\nfarr proceeded in as they were constrained to allow therof, and joyne in
\ny^e same, though they had no great liking of it, but feared what might
\nbe y^e evente of y^e same. I shall relate it in a further part of M^r.
\nSherley’s leter as foloweth.<\/p>\n
I am to aquainte you that we have thought good to joyne with one
\nEdward Ashley (a man I thinke y^t some of you know); but it is only of
\ny^t place wherof he hath a patente in M^r. Beachamps name; and to that
\nend have furnished him with larg provissions, &c. Now if you please to
\nbe partners with us in this, we are willing you shall; for after we
\nheard how forward Bristoll men (and as I hear some able men of his
\nowne kindrid) have been to stock & supply him, hoping of profite, we
\nthought it fitter for us to lay hould of such an opportunitie, and to
\nkeep a kind of ru[=n]ing plantation, then others who have not borne
\ny^e burthen of setling a plantation, as we have done. And he, on y^e
\nother side, like an understanding yonge man, thought it better to
\njoyne with those y^t had means by a plantation to supply & back him
\nther, rather then strangers, that looke but only after profite. Now it
\nis not knowne that you are partners with him; but only we 4., M^r.
\nAndrews, M^r. Beachamp, my selfe, & M^r. Hatherley, who desired to
\nhave y^e patente, in consideration of our great loss we have allready
\nsustained in setling y^e first plantation ther; so we agreed togeather
\nto take it in our names. And now, as I said before, if you please to
\njoyne with us, we are willing you should. M^r. Allerton had no power
\nfrom you to make this new contracte, neither was he willing to doe any
\nthing therin without your consente & approbation. M^r. William Peirce
\nis joyned with us in this, for we thought it very conveniente, because
\nof landing Ashley and his goods ther, if God please; and he will bend
\nhis course accordingly. He hath a new boate with him, and boards to
\nmake another, with 4. or 5. lustie fellowes, wherof one is a
\ncarpenter. Now in case you are not willing in this perticuler to joyne
\nwith us, fearing y^e charge & doubting y^e success, yet thus much we
\nintreate of you, to afford him all the help you can, either by men,
\ncommodities, or boats; yet not but y^t we will pay you for any thing
\nhe hath. And we desire you to keep y^e accounts apart, though you
\njoyne with us; becase ther is, as you see, other partners in this then
\ny^e other; so, for all mens wages, boats-hire, or comodities, which we
\nshall have of you, make him debtore for it; and what you shall have of
\nhim, make y^e plantation or your selves debtore for it to him, and so
\nther will need no mingling of y^e accounts.<\/p>\n
And now, loving freinds & partners, if you joyne in Ashles patent &
\nbussines, though we have laid out y^e money and taken up much to stock
\nthis bussines & the other, yet I thinke it conscionable and reasonable
\ny^t you should beare your shares and proportion of y^e stock, if not
\nby present money, yet by securing us for so much as it shall come too;
\nfor it is not barly y^e interest that is to be alowed & considered of,
\nbut allso y^e adventure; though I hope in God, by his blessing & your
\nhonest indeavors, it may soon be payed; yet y^e years y^t this
\npartnership holds is not long, nor many; let all therfore lay it to
\nharte, and make y^e best use of y^e time that possiblie we cann, and
\nlet every man put too his shoulder, and y^e burthen will be the
\nlighter. I know you are so honest & conscionable men, as you will
\nconsider hereof, [170] and returne shuch an answer as may give good
\nsatisfaction. Ther is none of us that would venture as we have done,
\nwere it not to strengthen & setle you more then our owne perticuler
\nprofite.<\/p>\n
Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in buying y^e debte for y^e
\npurchas. I know some will not abate y^e interest, and therfore let it
\nrune its course; they are to be paied yearly, and so I hope they
\nshall, according to agreemente. The Lord grant y^t our loves &
\naffections may still be united, and knit togeither; and so we rest
\nyour ever loving friends,<\/p>\n
JAMES SHERLEY.
\nTIMOTHY HATHERLEY.<\/p>\n
Bristoll, March 19. 1629.<\/p>\n
This mater of y^e buying y^e debts of y^e purchass was parte of M^r.
\nAllertons instructions, and in many of them it might have been done to
\ngood profite for ready pay (as some were); but M^r. Sherley had no mind
\nto it. But this bussines aboute Ashley did not a litle trouble them; for
\nthough he had wite & abillitie enough to menage y^e bussines, yet some
\nof them knew him to be a very profane yonge man; and he had for some
\ntime lived amonge y^e Indeans as a savage, & wente naked amongst them,
\nand used their maners (in w^{ch} time he got their language), so they
\nfeared he might still rune into evill courses (though he promised
\nbetter), and God would not prosper his ways. As soone as he was landed
\nat y^e place intended, caled Penobscote, some 4 score leagues from this
\nplace, he write (& afterwards came) for to desire to be supplyed with
\nWampampeake, corne against winter, and other things. They considered
\nthese were of their cheefe co[=m]odities, and would be continually
\nneeded by him, and it would much prejudice their owne trade at Kenebeck
\nif they did not joyne with him in y^e ordering of things, if thus they
\nshould supply him; and on y^e other hand, if they refused to joyne with
\nhim, and allso to afford any supply unto him, they should greatly offend
\ntheir above named friends, and might hapily lose them hereby; and he and
\nM^r. Allerton, laying their craftie wits togither, might gett supplies
\nof these things els wher; besids, they considered that if they joyned
\nnot in y^e bussines, they knew M^r. Allerton would be with them in it, &
\nso would swime, as it were, betweene both, to y^e prejudice of boath,
\nbut of them selves espetially. For they had reason to thinke this
\nbussines was cheefly of his contriving, and Ashley was a man fitte for
\nhis turne and dealings. So they, to prevente a worse mischeefe, resolved
\nto joyne in y^e bussines, and gave him supplies in what they could, &
\noverlooked his proceedings as well as they could; the which they did y^e
\nbetter, by joyning an honest yonge man,[CO] that came from Leyden, with
\nhim as his fellow (in some sorte), and not merely as a servante. Which
\nyonge man being discreete, and one whom they could trust, they so
\ninstructed as keept Ashley in some good mesure within bounds. And so
\nthey returned their answer to their freinds in England, that they
\naccepted of their motion, and joyned with them in Ashleys bussines; and
\nyet withall tould them what their fears were concerning him.<\/p>\n
But when they came to have full notice of all y^e goods brought them
\nthat year, they saw they fell very short of trading goods, and Ashley
\nfarr better suppleyed then [171] themselves; so as they were forced to
\nbuy of the fisher men to furnish them selves, yea, & cottens & carseys &
\nother such like cloath (for want of trading cloath) of M^r. Allerton
\nhimselfe, and so to put away a great parte of their beaver, at under
\nrate, in the countrie, which they should have sente home, to help to
\ndischarge their great ingagementes; which was to their great vexation;
\nbut M^r. Allerton prayed them to be contente, and y^e nexte yere they
\nmight have what they would write for. And their ingagmentes of this year
\nwere great indeed when they came to know them, (which was not wholy till
\n2. years after); and that which made them y^e more, M^r. Allerton had
\ntaken up some large su[=m]es at Bristoll at 50. [p=]^r cent. againe,
\nwhich he excused, that he was forcte to it, because other wise he could
\nat y^e spring of year get no goods transported, such were their envie
\nagainst their trade. But wheither this was any more then an excuse, some
\nof them doubted; but however, y^e burden did lye on their backs, and
\nthey must bear it, as they did many heavie loads more in y^e end.<\/p>\n
This paying of 50. p^r cent. and dificulty of having their goods
\ntr[=a]sported by the fishing ships at y^e first of y^e year, (as was
\nbeleeved,) which was y^e cheefe season for trade, put them upon another
\nprojecte. M^r. Allerton, after y^e fishing season was over, light of a
\nbargan of salte, at a good fishing place, and bought it; which came to
\naboute 113^li.; and shortly after he might have had 30^li. cleare
\nprofite for it, without any more trouble aboute it. But M^r. Winslow
\ncoming that way from Kenebeck, & some other of ther partners with him in
\ny^e barke, they mett with M^r. Allerton, and falling into discourse with
\nhim, they stayed him from selling y^e salte; and resolved, if it might
\nplease y^e rest, to keep it for them selves, and to hire a ship in y^e
\nwest cuntrie to come on fishing for them, on shares, according to y^e
\ncoustome; and seeing she might have her salte here ready, and a stage
\nready builte & fitted wher the salt lay safely landed & housed. In stead
\nof bringing salte, they might stowe her full of trading goods, as bread,
\npease, cloth, &c., and so they might have a full supply of goods without
\npaing fraight, and in due season, which might turne greatly to their
\nadvantage. Coming home, this was propounded, and considered on, and
\naproved by all but y^e Gov^r, who had no mind to it, seeing they had
\nallway lost by fishing; but y^e rest were so ernest, as thinkeing that
\nthey might gaine well by y^e fishing in this way; and if they should but
\nsave, yea, or lose some thing by it, y^e other benefite would be
\nadvantage inough; so, seeing their ernestnes, he gave way, and it was
\nreferd to their freinds in England to alow, or disalow it. Of which more
\nin its place.<\/p>\n
Upon y^e consideration of y^e bussines about y^e paten, & in what state
\nit was left, as is before remembred, and M^r. Sherleys ernest pressing
\nto have M^r. Allert[=o] to come over againe to finish it, & perfect y^e
\naccounts, &c., it was concluded to send him over this year againe;
\nthough it was with some fear & jeolocie; yet he gave them fair words and
\npromises of well performing all their bussineses according to their
\ndirections, and to mend his former errors. So he was accordingly sent
\nwith full instructions for all things, with large letters to M^r.
\nSherley & y^e rest, both aboute Ashleys bussines and their owne suply
\nwith trading comodities, and how much it did concerne them to be
\nfurnished therwith, & what y^e had suffered for wante therof; and of
\nwhat litle use other goods were [172] in comparison therof; and so
\nlikewise aboute this fishing ship, to be thus hired, and fraught with
\ntrading goods, which might both supply them & Ashley, and y^e benefite
\ntherof; which was left to their consideration to hire & set her out, or
\nnot; but in no case not to send any, exepte she was thus fraighte with
\ntrading goods. But what these things came too will appere in y^e next
\nyears passages.<\/p>\n
I had like to have omited an other passage that fell out y^e begining of
\nthis year. Ther was one M^r. Ralfe Smith, & his wife & familie, y^t came
\nover into y^e Bay of y^e Massachusets, and sojourned at presente with
\nsome stragling people that lived at Natascoe; here being a boat of this
\nplace putting in ther on some occasion, he ernestly desired that they
\nwould give him & his, passage for Plimoth, and some such things as they
\ncould well carrie; having before heard y^t ther was liklyhood he might
\nprocure house-roome for some time, till he should resolve to setle ther,
\nif he might, or els-wher as God should disposs; for he was werie of
\nbeing in y^t uncoth place, & in a poore house y^t would neither keep him
\nnor his goods drie. So, seeing him to be a grave man, & understood he
\nhad been a minister, though they had no order for any such thing, yet
\nthey presumed and brought him. He was here accordingly kindly
\nentertained & housed, & had y^e rest of his goods & servants sente for,
\nand exercised his gifts amongst them, and afterwards was chosen into y^e
\nministrie, and so remained for sundrie years.<\/p>\n
It was before noted that sundry of those that came from Leyden, came
\nover in the ships y^t came to Salem, wher M^r. Endecott had cheefe
\nco[=m]and; and by infection that grue amonge y^e passengers at sea, it
\nspread also among them a shore, of which many dyed, some of y^e
\nscurvie, other of an infectious feaoure, which continued some time
\namongst them (though our people, through Gods goodnes, escaped it). Upon
\nwhich occasion he write hither for some help, understanding here was one
\nthat had some skill y^t way, & had cured diverse of y^e scurvie, and
\nothers of other diseases, by letting blood, & other means. Upon which
\nhis request y^e Gov^r hear sent him unto them, and also write to him,
\nfrom whom he received an answere; the which, because it is breefe, and
\nshows y^e begining of their aquaintance, and closing in y^e truth & ways
\nof God, I thought it not unmeete, nor without use, hear to inserte it;
\nand an other showing y^e begining of their fellowship & church estate
\nther.<\/p>\n
Being as followeth.<\/p>\n
Right worthy S^r:<\/p>\n
It is a thing not usuall, that servants to one m^r and of y^e same
\nhoushold should be strangers; I assure you I desire it not, nay, to
\nspeake more plainly, I cannot be so to you. Gods people are all marked
\nwith one and y^e same marke, and sealed with one and y^e same seale,
\nand have for y^e maine, one & y^e same harte, guided by one & same
\nspirite of truth; and wher this is, ther can be no discorde, nay, here
\nmust needs be sweete harmonie. And y^e same request (with you) I make
\nunto y^e Lord, that we may, as Christian breethren, be united by a
\nheavenly & unfained love; bending all our harts and forces in
\nfurthering a worke beyond our strength, with reverence & fear,
\nfastening our eyse allways on him that only is able to directe and
\nprosper all our ways. I acknowledge my selfe much bound to you for
\nyour kind love and care in sending M^r. Fuller among us, and rejoyce
\nmuch y^t I am by him satisfied touching your judgments of y^e outward
\nforme of Gods worshipe. It is, as farr as [173] I can yet gather, no
\nother then is warrented by y^e evidence of truth, and y^e same which I
\nhave proffessed and maintained ever since y^e Lord in mercie revealed
\nhim selfe unto me; being farr from y^e commone reporte that hath been
\nspread of you touching that perticuler. But Gods children must not
\nlooke for less here below, and it is y^e great mercie of God, that he
\nstrengthens them to goe through with it. I shall not neede at this
\ntime to be tedious unto you, for, God willing, I purpose to see your
\nface shortly. In y^e mean time, I humbly take my leave of you,
\nco[=m]iting you to y^e Lords blessed protection, & rest.<\/p>\n
Your assured loving friend,
\nJO: ENDECOTT.<\/p>\n
Naumkeak, May 11. An^o. 1629.<\/p>\n
This second leter sheweth ther proceedings in their church affaires at
\nSalem, which was y^e 2. church erected in these parts; and afterwards
\ny^e Lord established many more in sundrie places.<\/p>\n
S^r: I make bould to trouble you with a few lines, for to certifie you
\nhow it hath pleased God to deale with us, since you heard from us.
\nHow, notwithstanding all opposition that hath been hear, & els wher,
\nit hath pleased God to lay a foundation, the which I hope is agreeable
\nto his word in every thing. The 20. of July, it pleased y^e Lord to
\nmove y^e hart of our Gov^r to set it aparte for a solemne day of
\nhumilliation for y^e choyce of a pastor & teacher. The former parte of
\ny^e day being spente in praier & teaching, the later parte aboute y^e
\nelection, which was after this maner. The persons thought on (who had
\nbeen ministers in England) were demanded concerning their callings;
\nthey acknowledged ther was a towfould calling, the one an inward
\ncalling, when y^e Lord moved y^e harte of a man to take y^t calling
\nupon him, and fitted him with guiftes for y^e same; the second was an
\noutward calling, which was from y^e people, when a company of
\nbeleevers are joyned togither in covenante, to walke togither in all
\ny^e ways of God, and every member (being men) are to have a free voyce
\nin y^e choyce of their officers, &c. Now, we being perswaded that
\nthese 2. men were so quallified, as y^e apostle speaks to Timothy,
\nwher he saith, A bishop must be blamles, sober, apte to teach, &c., I
\nthinke I may say, as y^e eunuch said unto Philip, What should let from
\nbeing baptised, seeing ther was water? and he beleeved. So these 2.
\nservants of God, clearing all things by their answers, (and being thus
\nfitted,) we saw noe reason but we might freely give our voyces for
\ntheir election, after this triall. So M^r. Skelton was chosen pastor,
\nand M^r. Higgison to be teacher; and they accepting y^e choyce, M^r.
\nHiggison, with 3. or 4. of y^e gravest members of y^e church, laid
\ntheir hands on M^r. Skelton, using prayer therwith. This being done,
\nther was imposission of hands on M^r. Higgison also. And since that
\ntime, Thursday (being, as I take it, y^e 6. of August) is appoynted
\nfor another day of humilliation, for y^e choyce of elders & deacons, &
\nordaining of them.<\/p>\n
And now, good S^r, I hope y^t you & y^e rest of Gods people (who are
\naquainted with the ways of God) with you, will say that hear was a
\nright foundation layed, and that these 2. blessed servants of y^e Lord
\ncame in at y^e dore, and not at y^e window. Thus I have made bould to
\ntrouble you with these few lines, desiring you to remember us, &c. And
\nso rest,<\/p>\n
At your service in what I may,
\nCHARLES GOTT.<\/p>\n
Salem, July 30. 1629.<\/p>\n
[174] _Anno Dom_: 1630.<\/p>\n
Ashley, being well supplyed, had quickly gathered a good parcell of
\nbeaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home, and would not pay
\nfor y^e goods he had had of y^e plantation hear, but lett them stand
\nstill on y^e score, and tooke up still more. Now though they well enough
\nknew his aime, yet they let him goe on, and write of it into England.
\nBut partly y^e beaver they received, & sould, (of which they weer
\nsencible,) and partly by M^r. Allertons extolling of him, they cast more
\nhow to supplie him then y^e plantation, and something to upbraid them
\nwith it. They were forct to buy him a barke allso, and to furnish her
\nw^th a m^r. & men, to transports his corne & provissions (of which he
\nput of much); for y^e Indeans of those parts have no corne growing, and
\nat harvest, after corne is ready, y^e weather grows foule, and y^e seas
\ndangerous, so as he could doe litle good with his shallope for y^t
\npurposs.<\/p>\n
They looked ernestly for a timely supply this spring, by the fishing
\nship which they expected, and had been at charg to keepe a stage for
\nher; but none came, nor any supply heard of for them. At length they
\nheard sume supply was sent to Ashley by a fishing ship, at which they
\nsomething marvelled, and the more y^t they had no letters either from
\nM^r. Allerton or M^r. Sherley; so they went on in their bussines as well
\nas y^e could. At last they heard of M^r. Peirce his arivall in y^e Bay
\nof y^e Massachusetts, who brought passengers & goods thither. They
\npresently sent a shallop, conceiving they should have some thing by him.
\nBut he tould them he had none; and a ship was sett out on fishing, but
\nafter 11. weeks beating at sea, she mett with shuch foull weather as she
\nwas forcte back againe for England, and, y^e season being over, gave off
\ny^e vioage. Neither did he hear of much goods in her for y^e plantation,
\nor y^t she did belong to them, for he had heard some thing from M^r.
\nAllerton tending that way. But M^r. Allerton had bought another ship,
\nand was to come in her, and was to fish for bass to y^e eastward, and to
\nbring goods, &c. These things did much trouble them, and half astonish
\nthem. M^r. Winslow haveing been to y^e eastward, brought nuese of the
\nlike things, w^th some more perticulers, and y^t it was like M^r.
\nAllerton would be late before he came. At length they, having an
\noppertunitie, resolved to send M^r. Winslow, with what beaver they had
\nready, into England, to see how y^e squars wente, being very jeolouse of
\nthese things, & M^r. Allertons courses; and writ shuch leters, and gave
\nhim shuch instructions, as they thought meet; and if he found things not
\nwell, to discharge M^r. Allerton for being any longer agent for them, or
\nto deal any more in y^e bussines, and to see how y^e accounts stood, &c.<\/p>\n
Aboute y^e midle of so[=m]er arrives M^r. Hatherley in y^e Bay of y^e
\nMassachusetts, (being one of y^e partners,) and came over in y^e same
\nship that was set out on fhishing (called y^e Frendship). They presently
\nsent to him, making no question but now they had goods come, and should
\nknow how all things stood. But they found [175] the former news true,
\nhow this ship had been so long at sea, and spente and spoyled her
\nprovissions, and overthrowne y^e viage. And he being sent over by y^e
\nrest of y^e partners, to see how things wente hear, being at Bristoll
\nwith M^r. Allerton, in y^e shipe bought (called y^e White-Angell), ready
\nto set sayle, over night came a messenger from Bastable to M^r.
\nAllerton, and tould him of y^e returne of y^e ship, and what had
\nbefallen. And he not knowing what to doe, having a great chareg under
\nhand, y^e ship lying at his rates, and now ready to set sayle, got him
\nto goe and discharg y^e ship, and take order for y^e goods. To be short,
\nthey found M^r. Hatherley some thing reserved, and troubled in him
\nselfe, (M^r. Allerton not being ther,) not knowing how to dispose of y^e
\ngoods till he came; but he heard he was arived with y^e other ship to
\ny^e eastward, and expected his coming. But he tould them ther was not
\nmuch for them in this ship, only 2. packs of Bastable ruggs, and 2.
\nhoggsheads of meatheglin, drawne out in wooden flackets (but when these
\nflackets came to be received, ther was left but 6. gallons of y^e 2.
\nhogsheads, it being drunke up under y^e name leackage, and so lost).
\nBut the ship was filled with goods for sundrie gentlemen, & others,
\nthat were come to plant in y^e Massachusets, for which they payed
\nfraight by y^e tun. And this was all the satisfaction they could have at
\npresente, so they brought this small parcell of goods & returned with
\nthis nues, and a letter as obscure; which made them much to marvell
\ntherat. The letter was as followeth.<\/p>\n
Gentle-men, partners, and loving friends, &c.<\/p>\n
Breefly thus: wee have this year set forth a fishing ship, and a
\ntrading ship, which later we have bought; and so have disbursed a
\ngreat deale of money, as may and will appeare by y^e accounts. And
\nbecause this ship (called y^e White Angell) is to acte 2. parts, (as I
\nmay say,) fishing for bass, and trading; and that while M^r. Allerton
\nwas imployed aboute y^e trading, the fishing might suffer by carlesnes
\nor neglecte of y^e sailors, we have entreated your and our loving
\nfriend, M^r. Hatherley, to goe over with him, knowing he will be a
\ncomforte to M^r. Allerton, a joye to you, to see a carfull and loving
\nfriend, and a great stay to y^e bussines; and so great contente to us,
\nthat if it should please God y^e one should faile, (as God forbid,)
\nyet y^e other would keepe both recconings, and things uprighte. For we
\nare now out great sumes of money, as they will acquainte you withall,
\n&c. When we were out but 4. or 5. hundred pounds a peece, we looked
\nnot much after it, but left it to you, & your agente, (who, without
\nflaterie, deserveth infinite thanks & comendations, both of you & us,
\nfor his pains, &c.); but now we are out double, nay, trible a peece,
\nsome of us, &c.; which maks us both write, and send over our friend,
\nM^r. Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertaine kindly, of which we
\ndoubte not of. The main end of sending him is to see y^e state and
\naccounte of all y^e bussines, of all which we pray you informe him
\nfully, though y^e ship & bussines wayte for it and him. For we should
\ntake it very unkindly that we should intreat him to take such a
\njourney, and that, when it pleaseth God he returnes, he could not give
\nus contente & satisfaction in this perticuler, through defaulte of any
\nof you. [176] But we hope you will so order bussines, as neither he
\nnor we shall have cause to complaine, but to doe as we ever have done,
\nthinke well of you all, &c. I will not promise, but shall indeaour &
\nhope to effecte y^e full desire and grant of your patente, & that ere
\nit be longe. I would not have you take any thing unkindly. I have not
\nwrite out of jeolocie of any unjuste dealing. Be you all kindly
\nsaluted in y^e Lord, so I rest,<\/p>\n
Yours in what I may,
\nJAMES SHERLEY.<\/p>\n
March 25. 1630.<\/p>\n
It needs not be thought strange, that these things should amase and
\ntrouble them; first, that this fishing ship should be set out, and
\nfraight with other mens goods, & scarce any of theirs; seeing their
\nmaine end was (as is before remembred) to bring them a full supply, and
\ntheir speatiall order not to sett out any excepte this was done. And now
\na ship to come on their accounte, clean contrary to their both end &
\norder, was a misterie they could not understand; and so much y^e worse,
\nseeing she had shuch ill success as to lose both her vioage &
\nprovissions. The 2. thing, that another ship should be bought and sente
\nout on new designes, a thing not so much as once thought on by any
\nhere, much less, not a word intimated or spoaken of by any here, either
\nby word or letter, neither could they imagine why this should be. Bass
\nfishing was never lookt at by them, but as soone as ever they heard on
\nit, they looked at it as a vaine thing, that would certainly turne to
\nloss. And for M^r. Allerton to follow any trade for them, it was never
\nin their thoughts. And 3^ly, that their fri[=e]ds should complaine of
\ndisbursements, and yet rune into such great things, and charge of
\nshiping & new projects of their owne heads, not only without, but
\nagainst, all order & advice, was to them very strang. And 4^ly, that all
\nthese matters of so great charg & imployments should be thus wrapped up
\nin a breefe and obscure letter, they knew not what to make of it. But
\namids all their doubts they must have patience till M^r. Allerton & M^r.
\nHatherley should come. In y^e mean time M^r. Winslow was gone for
\nEngland; and others of them were forst to folow their imployments with
\ny^e best means they had, till they could hear of better.<\/p>\n
At length M^r. Hatherley & M^r. Allerton came unto them, (after they had
\ndelivered their goods,) and finding them strucken with some sadnes
\naboute these things, M^r. Allerton tould them that y^e ship Whit-Angele
\ndid not belong to them, nor their accounte, neither neede they have any
\nthing to doe with her, excepte they would. And M^r. Hatherley confirmed
\ny^e same, and said that they would have had him to have had a parte,
\nbut he refused; but he made question whether they would not turne her
\nupon y^e generall accounte, if ther came loss (as he now saw was like),
\nseeing M^r. Allerton laid downe this course, and put them on this
\nprojecte. But for y^e fishing ship, he tould them they need not be so
\nmuch troubled, for he had her accounts here, and showed them that her
\nfirst seting out came not much to exceed 600^li. as they might see by
\ny^e accounte, which he showed them; and for this later viage, it would
\narrise to profite by y^e fraight of the goods, and y^e salle of some
\nkatle which he shiped and had allready sould, & was to be paid for
\npartly here & partly by bills into England, so as they should not have
\nthis put on their acounte at all, except they [178][CP] would. And for
\ny^e former, he had sould so much goods out of her in England, and
\nimployed y^e money in this 2. viage, as it, togeither with such goods &
\nimplements as M^r. Allerton must need aboute his fishing, would rise to
\na good parte of y^e money; for he must have y^e sallt and nets, allso
\nspiks, nails, &c.; all which would rise to nere 400^li; so, with y^e
\nbearing of their parts of y^e rest of the loses (which would not be much
\nabove 200^li.), they would clear them of this whole accounte. Of which
\nmotion they were glad, not being willing to have any accounts lye upon
\nthem; but aboute their trade, which made them willing to harken
\ntherunto, and demand of M^r. Hatherley how he could make this good, if
\nthey should agree their unto, he tould them he was sent over as their
\nagente, and had this order from them, that whatsoever he and M^r.
\nAllerton did togeather, they would stand to it; but they would not alow
\nof what M^r. Allerton did alone, except they liked it; but if he did it
\nalone, they would not gaine say it. Upon which they sould to him & M^r.
\nAllerton all y^e rest of y^e goods, and gave them present possession of
\nthem; and a writing was made, and confirmed under both M^r. Hatherleys
\nand M^r. Allertons hands, to y^e effecte afforesaide. And M^r.
\nAllertone, being best aquainted w^th y^e people, sould away presenly all
\nshuch goods as he had no need of for y^e fishing, as 9. shallop sails,
\nmade of good new canvas, and y^e roads for them being all new, with
\nsundry such usefull goods, for ready beaver, by M^r. Hatherleys
\nallowance. And thus they thought they had well provided for them selvs.
\nYet they rebuked M^r. Allerton very much for runing into these courses,
\nfearing y^e success of them. M^r. Allerton & M^r. Hatherley brought to
\ny^e towne with them (after he had sould what he could abroad) a great
\nquantity of other goods besids trading comodities; as linen cloath,
\nbedticks, stockings, tape, pins, ruggs, &c., and tould them they were to
\nhave them, if they would; but they tould M^r. Allerton that they had
\nforbid him before for bringing any such on their accounte; it would
\nhinder their trade and returnes. But he & M^r. Hatherley said, if they
\nwould not have them, they would sell them, them selves, and take corne
\nfor what they could not otherwise sell. They tould them they might, if
\nthey had order for it. The goods of one sorte & other came to upward of
\n500^li.<\/p>\n
After these things, Mr. Allerton wente to y^e ship aboute his bass
\nfishing; and M^r. Hatherley, (according to his order,) after he tooke
\nknowledg how things stood at y^e plantation, (of all which they informed
\nhim fully,) he then desired a boate of them to goe and visite y^e
\ntrading houeses, both Kenebeck, and Ashley at Penobscote; for so they in
\nEngland had injoyned him. They accordingly furnished him with a boate &
\nmen for y^e viage, and aquainted him plainly & thorowly with all things;
\nby which he had good contente and satisfaction, and saw plainly that
\nM^r. Allerton plaid his owne game, and rane a course not only to y^e
\ngreat wrong & detrimente of y^e plantation, who imployed & trusted him,
\nbut abused them in England also, in possessing them with prejudice
\nagainst y^e plantation; as y^t, they would never be able to repaye their
\nmoneys (in regard of their great charge), but if [179] they would follow
\nhis advice and projects, he & Ashley (being well supplyed) would quickly
\nbring in their moneys with good advantage. Mr. Hatherley disclosed also
\na further projecte aboute y^e setting out of this ship, y^e
\nWhite-angell; how, she being wel fitted with good ordnance, and known to
\nhave made a great fight at sea (when she belongd to Bristoll) and caried
\naway the victory, they had agreed (by M^r. Allerton’s means) that,
\nafter she had brought a fraight of goods here into the countrie, and
\nfraight her selfe with fish, she should goe from hence to Port of
\nporte,[CQ] and ther be sould, both ship, goods, and ordenance; and had,
\nfor this end, had speech with a factore of those parts, beforehand, to
\nwhom she should have been consigned. But this was prevented at this
\ntime, (after it was known,) partly by y^e contrary advice given by their
\nfreinds hear to M^r. Allerton & M^r. Hatherley, showing how it might
\ninsnare their friends in England, (being men of estate,) if it should
\ncome to be knowne; and for y^e plantation, they did and would disalow
\nit, and protest against it; and partly by their bad viage, for they both
\ncame too late to doe any good for fishing, and allso had such a wicked
\nand drunken company as neither M^r. Allerton nor any els could rule; as
\nM^r. Hatherley, to his great greefe & shame, saw, & beheld, and all
\nothers that came nere them.<\/p>\n
Ashley likwise was taken in a trape, (before M^r. Hatherley returned,)
\nfor trading powder & shote with y^e Indeans; and was ceased upon by some
\nin authoritie, who allso would have confiscated above a thousand weight
\nof beaver; but y^e goods were freed, for y^e Governer here made it
\nappere, by a bond under Ashleys hand, wherin he was bound to them in
\n500^li. not to trade any munition with the Indeans, or other wise to
\nabuse him selfe; it was also manifest against him that he had co[=m]ited
\nuncleannes with Indean women, (things that they feared at his first
\nimployment, which made them take this strict course with him in y^e
\nbegining); so, to be shorte, they gott their goods freed, but he was
\nsent home prisoner. And that I may make an end concerning him, after
\nsome time of imprisonmente in y^e Fleet, by y^e means of friends he was
\nset at liberty, and intended to come over againe, but y^e Lord prevented
\nit; for he had a motion made to him, by some marchants, to goe into
\nRussia, because he had such good skill in y^e beaver trade, the which he
\naccepted of, and in his returne home was cast away at sea; this was his
\nend.<\/p>\n
M^r. Hatherley, fully understanding y^e state of all things, had good
\nsatisfaction, and could well informe them how all things stood betweene
\nM^r. Allerton and y^e plantation. Yea, he found that M^r. Allerton had
\ngott within him, and [180] got all the goods into his owne hands, for
\nwhich M^r. Hatherley stood joyntly ingaged to them hear, aboute y^e
\nship-Fre[=i]dship, as also most of y^e fraigte money, besids some of his
\nowne perticuler estate; about w^ch more will appear here after. So he
\nreturned into England, and they sente a good quantity of beaver with him
\nto y^e rest of y^e partners; so both he and it was very wellcome unto
\nthem.<\/p>\n
M^r. Allerton followed his affaires, & returned with his White Angell,
\nbeing no more imployed by y^e plantation; but these bussinesses were
\nnot ended till many years after, nor well understood of a longe time,
\nbut foulded up in obscuritie, & kepte in y^e clouds, to y^e great loss &
\nvexation of y^e plantation, who in y^e end were (for peace sake) forced
\nto bear y^e unjust burthen of them, to their allmost undoing, as will
\nappear, if God give life to finish this history.<\/p>\n
They sent their letters also by M^r. Hatherley to y^e partners ther, to
\nshow them how M^r. Hatherley & M^r. Allerton had discharged them of y^e
\nFriendships accounte, and that they boath affirmed y^t the White-Angell
\ndid not at all belong to them; and therfore desired that their accounte
\nmight not be charged therwith. Also they write to M^r. Winslow, their
\nagente, that he in like maner should (in their names) protest against
\nit, if any such thing should be intended, for they would never yeeld to
\ny^e same. As allso to signifie to them that they renounsed M^r. Allerton
\nwholy, for being their agente, or to have any thing to doe in any of
\ntheir bussines.<\/p>\n
This year John Billinton y^e elder (one that came over with y^e first)
\nwas arrained, and both by grand & petie jurie found guilty of willfull
\nmurder, by plaine & notorious evidence. And was for the same accordingly
\nexecuted.[CR] This, as it was y^e first execution amongst them, so was
\nit a mater of great sadnes unto them. They used all due means about his
\ntriall, and tooke y^e advice of M^r. Winthrop and other y^e ablest
\ngentle-men in y^e Bay of y^e Massachusets, that were then new-ly come
\nover, who concured with them y^t he ought to dye, and y^e land to be
\npurged from blood. He and some of his had been often punished for
\nmiscariags before, being one of the profanest families amongst them.
\nThey came from London, and I know not by what freinds shufled into their
\ncompany. His facte was, that he way-laid a yong-man, one John New-comin,
\n(about a former quarell,) and shote him with a gune, wherof he dyed.[CS]<\/p>\n
Having by a providence a letter or to y^t came to my hands concerning
\nthe proceedings of their Re^d freinds in y^e Bay of y^e Massachusets,
\nwho were latly come over, I thought it not amise here to inserte them,
\n(so farr as is pertenente, and may be usefull for after times,) before I
\nconclude this year.<\/p>\n
S^r: Being at Salem the 25. of July, being y^e saboath, after y^e
\nevening exercise, M^r. Johnson received a letter from y^e Governor,
\nMr. John Winthrop, manifesting y^e hand of God to be upon them, and
\nagainst them at Charles-towne, in visiting them with sicknes, and
\ntaking diverse from amongst them, not sparing y^e righteous, but
\npartaking with y^e wicked in these bodily judgments. It was therfore
\nby his desire taken into y^e Godly consideration of y^e best hear,
\nwhat was to be done to pacifie y^e Lords wrath, &c. Wher it was
\nconcluded, that the Lord was to be sought in righteousnes; and to that
\nend, y^e 6. day (being Friday) of this present weeke, is set aparte,
\nthat they may humble them selves before God, and seeke him in his
\nordenances; and that then also such godly persons that are amongst
\nthem, and kno[=w] each to other, may publickly, at y^e end of their
\nexercise, make known their Godly desire, and practise y^e same, viz.
\nsole[=m]ly to enter into [181] covenante with y^e Lord to walke in his
\nways. And since they are so disposed of in their outward estats, as to
\nlive in three distinct places, each having men of abilitie amongst
\nthem, ther to observe y^e day, and become 3. distincte bodys; not then
\nintending rashly to proceed to y^e choyce of officers, or y^e
\nadmitting of any other to their societie then a few, to witte, such as
\nare well knowne unto them; promising after to receive in such by
\nconfession of faith, as shall appeare to be fitly qualified for y
\nestate. They doe ernestly entreate that y^e church of Plimoth would
\nset apparte y^e same day, for y^e same ends, beseeching y^e Lord, as
\nto withdraw his hand of correction from them, so also to establish and
\ndirect them in his wayes. And though y^e time be shorte, we pray you
\nbe provocked to this godly worke, seing y^e causes are so urgente;
\nwherin God will be honoured, and they & we undoubtedly have sweete
\ncomforte. Be you all kindly saluted, &c.<\/p>\n
Your brethren in Christ, &c.<\/p>\n
Salem, July 26. 1630.<\/p>\n
S^r: etc. The sadd news here is, that many are sicke, and many are
\ndead; y^e Lord in mercie looke upon them. Some are here entered into
\nchurch covenante; the first were 4. namly, y^e Gov^r, M^r. John
\nWinthrop, M^r. Johnson, M^r. Dudley, and M^r. Willson; since that 5.
\nmore are joyned unto them, and others, it is like, will adde them
\nselves to them dayly; the Lord increase them, both in number and in
\nholines for his mercie sake. Here is a gentleman, one M^r. Cottington,
\n(a Boston man,) who tould me, that M^r. Cottons charge at Hamton was,
\nthat they should take advise of them at Plimoth, and should doe
\nnothing to offend them. Here are diverce honest Christians that are
\ndesirous to see us, some out of love which they bear to us, and y^e
\ngood perswasion they have of us; others to see whether we be so ill as
\nthey have heard of us. We have a name of holines, and love to God and
\nhis saincts; the Lord make us more and more answerable, and that it
\nmay be more then a name, or els it will doe us no good. Be you
\nlovingly saluted, and all the rest of our friends. The Lord Jesus
\nblese us, and y^e whole Israll of God. Amen.<\/p>\n
Your loving brother, &c.<\/p>\n
Charles-towne, Aug. 2. 1630.<\/p>\n
Thus out of smalle beginings greater things have been prodused by his
\nhand y^t made all things of nothing, and gives being to all things that
\nare; and as one small candle may light a thousand, so y^e light here
\nkindled hath shone to many, yea in some sorte to our whole nation; let
\ny^e glorious name of Jehova have all y^e praise.<\/p>\n
[182] _Anno Dom_: 1631.<\/p>\n
Ashley being thus by y^e hand of God taken away, and M^r. Allerton
\ndischarged of his imploymente for them, their bussines began againe to
\nrune in one chanell, and them selves better able to guide the same,
\nPenobscote being wholy now at their disposing. And though M^r. William
\nPeirce had a parte ther as is before noted, yet now, as things stood, he
\nwas glad to have his money repayed him, and stand out. M^r. Winslow,
\nwhom they had sent over, sent them over some supply as soone as he
\ncould; and afterwards when he came, which was something longe by reason
\nof bussines, he brought a large supply of suitable goods with him, by
\nwhich ther trading was well carried on. But by no means either he, or
\ny^e letters y^ey write, could take off M^r. Sherley & y^e rest from
\nputting both y^e Friendship and Whit-Angell on y^e generall accounte;
\nwhich caused continuall contention betweene them, as will more appeare.<\/p>\n
I shall inserte a leter of M^r. Winslow’s about these things, being as
\nfoloweth.<\/p>\n
S^r: It fell out by Gods providence, y^t I received and brought your
\nleters p^r M^r. Allerton from Bristoll, to London; and doe much feare
\nwhat will be y^e event of things. M^r. Allerton intended to prepare
\ny^e ship againe, to set forth upon fishing. M^r. Sherley, M^r.
\nBeachamp, & M^r. Andrews, they renounce all perticulers, protesting
\nbut for us they would never have adventured one penie into those
\nparts; M^r. Hatherley stands inclinable to either. And wheras you
\nwrite that he and M^r. Allerton have taken y^e Whit-Angell upon them,
\nfor their partners here, they professe they neiver gave any such
\norder, nor will make it good; if them selves will cleare y^e accounte
\n& doe it, all shall be well. What y^e evente of these things will be,
\nI know not. The Lord so directe and assiste us, as he may not be
\ndishonoured by our divissions. I hear (p^r a friend) that I was much
\nblamed for speaking w^t[CT] I heard in y^e spring of y^e year,
\nconcerning y^e buying & setting forth of y^t ship;[CU] sure, if I
\nshould not have tould you what I heard so peremtorly reported (which
\nreport I offered now to prove at Bristoll), I should have been
\nunworthy my imploymente. And concerning y^e commission so long since
\ngiven to M^r. Allerton, the truth is, the thing we feared is come upon
\nus; for M^r. Sherley & y^e rest have it, and will not deliver it, that
\nbeing y^e ground of our agents credite to procure shuch great sumes.
\nBut I looke for bitter words, hard thoughts, and sower looks, from
\nsundrie, as well for writing this, as reporting y^e former. I would I
\nhad a more thankfull imploymente; but I hope a good conscience shall
\nmake it comefortable, &c.<\/p>\n
Thus farr he. Dated Nov: 16. 1631.<\/p>\n
The comission above said was given by them under their hand and seale,
\nwhen M^r. Allerton was first imployed by them, and redemanded of him in
\ny^e year 29. when they begane to suspecte his course. He tould them it
\nwas amongst his papers, but he would seeke it out & give it them before
\nhe wente. But he being ready to goe, it was demanded againe. He said he
\ncould not find it, but it was amongst his papers, which he must take
\nw^th him, [183] and he would send it by y^e boat from y^e eastward; but
\nther it could not be had neither, but he would seeke it up at sea. But
\nwhether M^r. Sherley had it before or after, it is not certaine; but
\nhaving it, he would not let it goe, but keeps it to this day. Wherfore,
\neven amongst freinds, men had need be carfull whom they trust, and not
\nlett things of this nature lye long unrecaled.<\/p>\n
_Some parts of M^r. Sherley’s letters aboute these things, in which y^e
\ntruth is best manifested._<\/p>\n
Sir: Yours I have received by our loving friends, M^r. Allerton & M^r.
\nHatherley, who, blesed be God, after a long & dangerous passage with
\ny^e ship Angell, are safely come to Bristoll. M^r. Hatherley is come
\nup, but M^r. Allerton I have not yet seen. We thanke you, and are very
\nglad you have disswaded him from his Spanish viage, and y^t he did not
\ngoe on in these designes he intended; for we did all uterly dislick of
\nthat course, as allso of y^e fishing y^t y^e Freindship should have
\nperformed; for we wished him to sell y^e salte, and were unwilling to
\nhave him undertake so much bussines, partly for y^e ill success we
\nformerly had in those affairs, and partly being loath to disburse so
\nmuch money. But he perswaded us this must be one way y^t must repay
\nus, for y^e plantation would be long in doing of it; ney, to my
\nrememberance, he doubted you could not be able, with y^e trade ther,
\nto maintaine your charge & pay us. And for this very cause he brought
\nus on y^t bussines with Ed: Ashley, for he was a stranger to us, &c.<\/p>\n
For y^e fishing ship, we are sorie it proves so heavie, and will be
\nwilling to bear our parts. What M^r. Hatherley & M^r. Allerton have
\ndone, no doubt but them selves will make good;[CV] we gave them no
\norder to make any composition, to seperate you and us in this or any
\nother. And I thinke you have no cause to forsake us, for we put you
\nupon no new thing, but what your agent perswaded us to, & you by your
\nletters desired. If he exceede your order, I hope you will not blame
\nus, much less cast us of, when our moneys be layed out, &c. But I fear
\nneither you nor we have been well delte withall, for sure, as you
\nwrite, halfe 4000^li.?, nay, a quarter, in fitting comodities, and in
\nseasonable time, would have furnished you beter then you were. And yet
\nfor all this, and much more I might write, I dare not but thinke him
\nhonest, and that his desire and intente was good; but y^e wisest may
\nfaile. Well, now y^t it hath pleased God to give us hope of meeting,
\ndoubte not but we will all indeavore to perfecte these accounts just &
\nright, as soone as possibly we can. And I supposs you sente over M^r.
\nWinslow, and we M^r. Hatherley, to certifie each other how y^e state
\nof things stood. We have received some contente upon M^r. Hatherley’s
\nreturne, and I hope you will receive good contente upon M^r.
\nWinslow’s returne. Now I should come to answer more perticulerly your
\nletter, but herin I shall be very breefe. The coming of y^e White
\nAngele on your accounte could not be more strang to you, then y^e
\nbuying of her was to us; for you gave him commission[CW] that what he
\ndid you would stand too; we gave him none, and yet for his credite,
\nand your saks, payed what bills he charged on us, &c. For y^t I write
\nshe was to acte tow parts, fishing & trade; beleeve me, I never so
\nmuch as thought of any perticuler trade, nor will side with any y^t
\ndoth, if I conceive it may wrong you; for I ever was against it,
\nuseing these words: They will eate up and destroy y^e generall.<\/p>\n
Other things I omite as tedious, and not very pertenente. This was dated
\nNov^r. 19. 1631.<\/p>\n
In an other leter bearing date y^e 24. of this month, being an answer to
\ny^e generall order, he hath these words:–<\/p>\n
[184] For y^e White Angell, against which you write so ernestly, and
\nsay we thrust her upon you, contrary to y^e intente of y^e buyer,
\nherin we say you forgett your selves, and doe us wrong. We will not
\ntake uppon us to devine what y^e thougts or intents of y^e buyer was,
\nbut what he spack we heard, and that we will affirme, and make good
\nagainst any y^t oppose it; which is, y^t unles shee were bought, and
\nshuch a course taken, Ashley could not be supplyed; and againe, if he
\nweer not supplyed, we could not be satisfied what we were out for you.
\nAnd further, you were not able to doe it; and he gave some reasons
\nwhich we spare to relate, unless by your unreasonable refusall you
\nwill force us, and so, hasten y^t fire which is a kindling too fast
\nallready, &c.<\/p>\n
_Out of another of his, bearing date Jan. 2. 1631._<\/p>\n
We purpose to keep y^e Freindship and y^e Whit Angell, for y^e last
\nyear viages, on the generall accounte, hoping togeither they will
\nrather produse profite then loss, and breed less confution in our
\naccounts, and less disturbance in our affections. As for y^e White
\nAngell, though we layed out y^e money, and tooke bills of salle in our
\nowne names, yet none of us had so much as a thought (I dare say) of
\ndeviding from you in any thing this year, because we would not have
\ny^e world (I may say Bristoll) take notice of any breach betwixte M^r.
\nAllerton and you, and he and us; and so disgrace him in his
\nproceedings on[CX] in his intended viage. We have now let him y^e ship
\nat 30^li. p^r month, by charter-partie, and bound him in a bond of a
\n1000^li. to performe covenants, and bring her to London (if God
\nplease). And what he brings in her for you, shall be marked w^th your
\nmarke, and bils of laden taken, & sent in M^r. Winslows letter, who is
\nthis day riding to Bristoll about it. So in this viage, we deale & are
\nwith him as strangers. He hath brought in 3. books of accounts, one
\nfor y^e company, an other for Ashley’s bussines, and y^e third for y^e
\nWhit-Angell and Freindship. The books, or coppies, we purpose to send
\nyou, for you may discover y^e errours in them better then we. We can
\nmake it appear how much money he hath had of us, and you can charg him
\nwith all y^e beaver he hath had of you. The totall sume, as he hath
\nput it, is 7103. 17. 1. Of this he hath expended, and given to Mr.
\nVines & others, aboute 543^li. ode money, and then by your books you
\nwill find whether you had such, & so much goods, as he chargeth you
\nwith all; and this is all that I can say at presente concerning these
\naccounts. He thought to dispatch them in a few howers, but he and
\nStraton & Fogge were above a month aboute them; but he could not stay
\ntill we had examined them, for losing his fishing viage, which I fear
\nhe hath allready done, &c.<\/p>\n
We blese God, who put both you & us in mind to send each to other, for
\nverily had he rune on in that desperate & chargable course one year
\nmore, we had not been able to suport him; nay, both he and we must
\nhave lyen in y^e ditch, and sunck under y^e burthen, &c. Had ther been
\nan orderly course taken, and your bussines better managed, assuredly
\n(by y^e blessing of God) you had been y^e ablest plantation that, as
\nwe think, or know, hath been undertaken by Englishmen, &c.<\/p>\n
Thus farr of these letters of M^r. Sherley’s.[CY]<\/p>\n
[185] A few observations from y^e former letters, and then I shall set
\ndowne the simple truth of y^e things (thus in controversie betweene
\nthem), at least as farr as by any good evidence it could be made to
\nappeare; and so laboure to be breefe in so tedious and intricate a
\nbussines, which hunge in expostulation betweene them many years before
\ny^e same was ended. That though ther will be often occasion to touch
\nthese things about other passages, yet I shall not neede to be large
\ntherin; doing it hear once for all.<\/p>\n
First, it seemes to appere clearly that Ashley’s bussines, and y^e
\nbuying of this ship, and y^e courses framed ther upon, were first
\ncontrived and proposed by M^r. Allerton, as also y^t the pleaes and
\npretences which he made, of y^e inablitie of y^e plantation to repaye
\ntheir moneys, &c., and y^e hops he gave them of doing it with profile,
\nwas more beleeved & rested on by them (at least some of them) then any
\nthing y^e plantation did or said.<\/p>\n
2. It is like, though M^r. Allerton might thinke not to wrong y^e
\nplantation in y^e maine, yet his owne gaine and private ends led him a
\nside in these things: for it came to be knowne, and I have it in a
\nletter under M^r. Sherley’s hand, that in y^e first 2. or 3. years of
\nhis imploymente, he had cleared up 400^li. and put it into a brew-house
\nof M^r. Colliers in London, at first under M^r. Sherley’s name, &c.;
\nbesids what he might have other wise. Againe, M^r. Sherley and he had
\nperticuler dealings in some things; for he bought up y^e beaver that
\nsea-men & other passengers brought over to Bristoll, and at other
\nplaces, and charged y^e bills to London, which M^r. Sherley payed; and
\nthey got some time 50^li. a peece in a bargen, as was made knowne by
\nM^r. Hatherley & others, besids what might be other wise; which might
\nmake M^r. Sherley harken unto him in many things; and yet I beleeve, as
\nhe in his forementioned leter write, he never would side in any
\nperticuler trade w^ch he conceived would wrong y^e plantation, and eate
\nup & destroy y^e generall.<\/p>\n
3^ly. It may be perceived that, seeing they had done so much for y^e
\nplantation, both in former adventures and late disbursements, and allso
\nthat M^r. Allerton was y^e first occasioner of bringing them upon these
\nnew designes, which at first seemed faire & profitable unto them, and
\nunto which they agreed; but now, seeing them to turne to loss, and
\ndecline to greater intanglments, they thought it more meete for y^e
\nplantation to bear them, then them selves, who had borne much in other
\nthings allready, and so tooke advantage of such comission & power as
\nM^r. Allerton had formerly had as their agente, to devolve these things
\nupon them.<\/p>\n
4^ly. With pitie and compassion (touching M^r. Allerton) I may say with
\ny^e apostle to Timothy, 1. Tim. 6. 9. _They that will be rich fall into
\nmany temtations and snares, &c., and pearce them selves throw with many
\nsorrows, &c.; for the love of money is y^e roote of all evill_, v. 10.
\nGod give him to see y^e evill in his failings, that he may find mercie
\nby repentance for y^e wrongs he hath done to any, and this pore
\nplantation in spetiall. They that doe such things doe not only bring
\nthem selves into snares, and sorrows, but many with them, (though in an
\nother kind,) as lamentable experience shows; and is too manifest in this
\nbussines.<\/p>\n
[186] Now about these ships & their setting forth, the truth, as farr as
\ncould be learned, is this. The motion aboute setting forth y^e fishing
\nship (caled y^e Frindship) came first from y^e plantation, and y^e
\nreasons of it, as is before remembered; but wholy left to them selves to
\ndoe or not to doe, as they saw cause. But when it fell into
\nconsideration, and y^e designe was held to be profitable and hopefull,
\nit was propounded by some of them, why might not they doe it of them
\nselves, seeing they must disburse all y^e money, and what need they have
\nany refferance to y^e plantation in y^t; they might take y^e profile
\nthem selves, towards other losses, & need not let y^e plantation share
\ntherin; and if their ends were other wise answered for their supplyes to
\ncome too them in time, it would be well enough. So they hired her, & set
\nher out, and fraighted her as full as she could carry with passengers
\ngoods y^t belonged to y^e Massachussets, which rise to a good sume of
\nmoney; intending to send y^e plantations supply in y^e other ship. The
\neffecte of this M^r. Hatherley not only declared afterward upon
\noccasion, but affirmed upon othe, taken before y^e Gov^r & Dep: Gov^r of
\nthe Massachusets, M^r. Winthrop & M^r. Dudley: That this ship-Frindship
\nwas not sett out nor intended for y^e joynt partnership of y^e
\nplantation, but for y^e perticuler accounte of M^r. James Sherley, M^r.
\nBeachampe, M^r. Andrews, M^r. Allerton, & him selfe. This deposition was
\ntaken at Boston y^e 29. of Aug: 1639. as is to be seen under their
\nhands; besids some other concurente testimonies declared at severall
\ntimes to sundrie of them.<\/p>\n
About y^e Whit-Angell, though she was first bought, or at least the
\nprice beaten, by M^r. Allerton (at Bristoll), yet that had been nothing
\nif M^r. Sherley had not liked it, and disbursed y^e money. And that she
\nwas not intended for y^e plantation appears by sundrie evidences;[CZ]
\nas, first, y^e bills of sale, or charter-parties, were taken in their
\nowne names, without any mention or refferance to y^e plantation at all;
\nviz. M^r. Sherley, M^r. Beachampe, M^r. Andrews, M^r. Denison, and M^r.
\nAllerton; for M^r. Hatherley fell off, and would not joyne with them in
\nthis. That she was not bought for their accounte, M^r. Hatherley tooke
\nhis oath before y^e parties afforesaid, y^e day and year above writen.<\/p>\n
M^r. Allerton tooke his oath to like effecte concerning this ship, the
\nWhit-Angell, before y^e Gov^r & Deputie, the 7. of Sep: 1639. and
\nlikewise deposed, y^e same time, that M^r. Hatherley and him selfe did,
\nin the behalfe of them selves and y^e said M^r. Sherley, M^r. Andrews, &
\nM^r. Beachamp, agree and undertake to discharge, and save harmless, all
\ny^e rest of y^e partners & purchasers, of and from y^e said losses of
\nFreindship for 200^li., which was to be discounted therupon; as by ther
\ndepossitions (which are in writing) may appeare more at large, and some
\nother depositions & other testemonies by M^r. Winslow,[DA] &c. But I
\nsuppose these may be sufficente to evince the truth in these things,
\nagainst all pretences to y^e contrary. And yet the burthen lay still
\nupon y^e plantation; or, to speake more truly and rightly, upon those
\nfew that were ingaged for all, for they were faine to wade through these
\nthings without any help from any.<\/p>\n
[187] Concerning M^r. Allerton’s accounts, they were so larg and
\nintrecate, as they could not well understand them, much less examine &
\ncorrecte them, without a great deale of time & help, and his owne
\npresence, which was now hard to gett amongst them; and it was 2. or 3.
\nyears before they could bring them to any good pass, but never make them
\nperfecte. I know not how it came to pass, or what misterie was in it,
\nfor he tooke upon him to make up all accounts till this time, though
\nM^r. Sherley was their agente to buy & sell their goods, and did more
\nthen he therin; yet he past in accounts in a maner for all disbursments,
\nboth concerning goods bought, which he never saw, but were done when he
\nwas hear in y^e cuntrie or at sea; and all y^e expences of y^e Leyden
\npeople, done by others in his absence; the charges aboute y^e patente,
\n&c. In all which he made them debtore to him above 300^li. and demanded
\npaimente of it. But when things came to scaning, he was found above
\n2000^li. debtore to them, (this wherin M^r. Hatherley & he being joyntly
\ningaged, which he only had, being included,) besids I know not how much
\ny^t could never be cleared; and interest moneys which ate them up, which
\nhe never accounted. Also they were faine to alow such large bills of
\ncharges as were intolerable; the charges of y^e patent came to above
\n500^li. and yet nothing done in it but what was done at first without
\nany confirmation; 30^li. given at a clape, and 50^li. spent in a
\njourney. No marvell therfore if M^r. Sherley said in his leter, if their
\nbussines had been better managed, they might have been y^e richest
\nplantation of any English at y^t time. Yea, he scrued up his poore old
\nfather in law’s accounte to above 200^li. and brought it on y^e generall
\naccounte, and to befreind him made most of it to arise out of those
\ngoods taken up by him at Bristoll, at 50. per cent., because he knew
\nthey would never let it lye on y^e old man, when, alass! he, poore man,
\nnever dreamte of any such thing, nor y^t what he had could arise nere
\ny^t valew; but thought that many of them had been freely bestowed on him
\n& his children by M^r. Allerton. Nither in truth did they come nere y^t
\nvalew in worth, but y^t sume was blowne up by interest & high prises,
\nwhich y^e company did for y^e most parte bear, (he deserving farr more,)
\nbeing most sory that he should have a name to have much, when he had in
\neffecte litle.<\/p>\n
This year also M^r. Sherley sent over an accounte, which was in a maner
\nbut a cash accounte what M^r. Allerton had had of them, and disbursed,
\nfor which he referd to his accounts; besids an account of beaver sould,
\nwhich M^r. Winslow & some others had carried over, and a large supply of
\ngoods which M^r. Winslow had sent & brought over, all which was
\ncomprised in that accounte, and all y^e disbursments aboute y^e
\nFreindship, & Whit-Angell, and what concerned their accounts from first
\nto last; or any thing else he could charg y^e partners with. So they
\nwere made debtor in y^e foote of that accounte 4770^li 19. 2.[DB] besids
\n1000^li. still due for y^e purchase yet unpayed; notwithstanding all y^e
\nbeaver, and returnes that both Ashley & they had made, which were not
\nsmall.<\/p>\n
[188] In these accounts of M^r. Sherley’s some things were obscure, and
\nsome things twise charged, as a 100. of Bastable ruggs which came in
\ny^e Freindship, & cost 75^li., charged before by M^r. Allerton, and now
\nby him againe, with other perticulers of like nature doubtfull, to be
\ntwise or thrise charged; as also a sume of 600^li. which M^r. Allerton
\ndeneyed, and they could never understand for what it was. They sent a
\nnote of these & such like things afterward to M^r. Sherley by M^r.
\nWinslow; but (I know not how it came to pass) could never have them
\nexplained.<\/p>\n
Into these deepe sumes had M^r. Allerton rune them in tow years, for in
\ny^e later end of y^e year 1628. all their debts did not amounte to much
\nabove 400^li., as was then noted; and now come to so many thousands. And
\nwheras in y^e year 1629. M^r. Sherley & M^r. Hatherley being at
\nBristoll, and write a large letter from thence, in which they had given
\nan account of y^e debts, and what sumes were then disbursed, M^r.
\nAllerton never left begging & intreating of them till they had put it
\nout. So they bloted out 2. lines in y^t leter in which y^e sumes were
\ncontained, and write upon it so as not a word could be perceived; as
\nsince by them was confessed, and by y^e leters may be seene. And thus
\nwere they kept hoodwinckte, till now they were so deeply ingaged. And
\nwheras M^r. Sherley did so ernestly press y^t M^r. Allerton might be
\nsent over to finish y^e great bussines aboute y^e patente, as may be
\nseen in his leter write 1629. as is before recorded, and y^t they should
\nbe ernest w^th his wife to suffer him to goe, &c., he hath since
\nconfessed by a letter under my hands, that it was M^r. Allerton’s owne
\ndoings, and not his, and he made him write his words, & not his owne.
\nThe patent was but a pretence, and not y^e thing. Thus were they abused
\nin their simplicitie, and no beter then bought & sould, as it may seeme.<\/p>\n
And to mend y^e matter, M^r. Allerton doth in a sorte wholy now deserte
\nthem; having brought them into y^e briers, he leaves them to gett out as
\nthey can. But God crost him mightily, for he having hired y^e ship of
\nM^r. Sherly at 30^li., a month, he set forth againe with a most wicked
\nand drunken crue, and for covetousnes sake did so over lade her, not
\nonly filling her hould, but so stufed her betweene decks, as she was
\nwalte, and could not bear sayle, and they had like to have been cast
\naway at sea, and were forced to put for Millford Havene, and new-stow
\nher, & put some of ther ordnance & more heavie goods in y^e botome;
\nwhich lost them time, and made them come late into y^e countrie, lose
\nther season, and made a worse viage then y^e year before. But being come
\ninto y^e countrie, he sells trading comodities to any y^t will buy, to
\ny^e great prejudice of y^e plantation here; but that which is worse,
\nwhat he could not sell, he trustes; and sets up a company of base felows
\nand maks them traders, to rune into every hole, & into y^e river of
\nKenebeck, to gleane away y^e trade from y^e house ther, aboute y^e
\npatente & priviledge wherof he had dasht away so much money of theirs
\nhere; [189] and now what in him lay went aboute to take away y^e
\nbenefite therof, and to overthrow them. Yea, not only this, but he
\nfurnishes a company, and joyns with some consorts, (being now deprived
\nof Ashley at Penobscote,) and sets up a trading house beyoned
\nPenobscote, to cute of y^e trade from thence also. But y^e French
\nperceiving that that would be greatly to their damage allso, they came
\nin their begining before they were well setled, and displanted them,
\nslue 2. of their men, and tooke all their goods to a good valew, y^e
\nloss being most, if not all, M^r. Allerton’s; for though some of them
\nshould have been his partners, yet he trusted them for their partes; the
\nrest of y^e men were sent into France, and this was the end of y^t
\nprojecte. The rest of those he trusted, being lose and drunken fellows,
\ndid for y^e most parte but coussen & cheate him of all they got into
\ntheir hands; that howsoever he did his friends some hurte hereby for y^e
\npresente, yet he gate litle good, but wente by y^e loss by Gods just
\nhand. After in time, when he came to Pli[=m]oth, y^e church caled him to
\naccounte for these, and other his grosse miscarrages; he confessed his
\nfaulte, and promised better walking, and that he would wind him selfe
\nout of these courses as soone as he could, &c.<\/p>\n
This year also Mr. Sherley would needs send them over a new-acountante;
\nhe had made mention of such a thing y^e year before, but they write him
\nword, that their charge was great allready, and they neede not increase
\nit, as this would; but if they were well delte with, and had their goods
\nwell sent over, they could keep their accounts hear them selves. Yet he
\nnow sente one, which they did not refuse, being a yonger brother of M^r.
\nWinslows, whom they had been at charge to instructe at London before he
\ncame. He came over in the White Angell with M^r. Allerton, and ther
\nbegane his first imploymente; for though M^r. Sherley had so farr
\nbefreinded Mr. Allerton, as to cause[DC] M^r. Winslow to ship y^e supply
\nsente to y^e partners here in this ship, and give him 4^li. [p=]er tune,
\nwheras others carried for 3. and he made them pay their fraight ready
\ndowne, before y^e ship wente out of y^e harbore, wheras others payed
\nupon certificate of y^e goods being delivered, and their fraight came to
\nupward of 6. score pounds, yet they had much adoe to have their goods
\ndelivered, for some of them were chainged, as bread & pease; they were
\nforced to take worse for better, neither could they ever gett all. And
\nif Josias Winslow had not been ther, it had been worse; for he had y^e
\ninvoyce, and order to send them to y^e trading houses.<\/p>\n
This year their house at Penobscott was robed by y^e French, and all
\ntheir goods of any worth they carried away, to y^e value of 400. or
\n500^li. as y^e cost first peny worth; in beaver 300^li. waight; and y^e
\nrest in trading goods, as coats, ruggs, blankett, biskett, &c. It was
\nin this maner. The m^r. of y^e house, and parte of y^e company with him,
\nwere come with their vessell to y^e westward to fecth a supply of goods
\nwhich was brought over for them. In y^e mean time comes a smale French
\nship into y^e harbore (and amongst y^e company was a false Scott); they
\npretended they were nuly come from y^e sea, and knew not wher they were,
\nand that their vesell was very leake, and desired they might hale her a
\nshore and stop their leaks. And many French complements they used, and
\ncongees they made; and in y^e ende, seeing but 3. or 4. simple men, y^t
\nwere servants, and by this Scoth-man understanding that y^e maister & ye
\nrest of y^e company were gone from home, they fell of comending their
\ngunes and muskets, that lay upon racks by y^e wall side, and tooke them
\ndowne to looke on them, asking if they were charged. And when they were
\npossesst of them, one presents a peece ready charged against y^e
\nservants, and another a pistoll; and bid them not sturr, but quietly
\ndeliver them their goods, and carries some of y^e men aborde, & made y^e
\nother help to carry away y^e goods. And when they had tooke what they
\npleased, they sett them at liberty, and wente their way, with this
\nmocke, biding them tell their m^r. when he came, that some of y^e Ile of
\nRey gentlemen had been ther.[DD]<\/p>\n
[DE] This year, on S^r Christopher Gardener, being, as him selfe said,
\ndescended of y^t house y^t the Bishop of Winchester came of (who was so
\ngreat a persecutor of Gods saincts in Queene Maries days), and being a
\ngreat traveler, received his first honour of knighthood at Jerusalem,
\nbeing made Knight of y^e Sepulcher ther. He came into these parts under
\npretence of forsaking y^e world, and to live a private life, in a godly
\ncourse, not unwilling to put him selfe upon any meane imployments, and
\ntake any paines for his living; and some time offered him selfe to joyne
\nto y^e churchs in sundry places. He brought over with him a servante or
\n2. and a comly yonge woman, whom be caled his cousin, but it was
\nsuspected, she (after y^e Italian maner) was his concubine. Living at
\ny^e Massachusets, for some miscariages which he should have answered, he
\nfled away from authority, and gott amonge y^e Indeans of these parts;
\nthey sent after him, but could not gett him, and promissed some reward
\nto those y^t should find him. The Indeans came to y^e Gov^r here, and
\ntould wher he was, and asked if they might kill him; he tould them no,
\nby no means, but if they could take him and bring him hither, they
\nshould be payed for their paines. They said he had a gune & a rapier, &
\nhe would kill them if y^ey went aboute it; and y^e Massachuset Indeans
\nsaid they might kille him. But y^e Gov^r tould them no, they should not
\nkill him, but watch their opportunitie, & take him. And so they did, for
\nwhen they light of him by a river side, he got into a canowe to get from
\nthem, & when they came nere him, whilst he presented his peece at them
\nto keep them of, the streame carried y^e canow against a rock, and
\ntumbled both him & his peece & rapier into y^e water; yet he got out,
\nand having a litle dagger by his side, they durst not close with him,
\nbut getting longe pols they soone beat his dagger out of his hand, so he
\nwas glad to yeeld; and they brought him to y^e Gov^r. But his hands and
\narmes were swolen & very sore with y^e blowes they had given him. So he
\nused him kindly, & sent him to a lodging wher his armes were bathed and
\nanoynted, and he was quickly well againe, and blamed y^e Indeans for
\nbeating him so much. They said that they did but a litle whip him with
\nsticks. In his lodging, those y^t made his bed found a litle note booke
\nthat by accidente had slipt out of his pockett, or some private place,
\nin which was a memoriall what day he was reconciled to y^e pope & church
\nof Rome, and in what universitie he tooke his scapula, and such & such
\ndegrees. It being brought to y^e Gov^r, he kept it, and sent y^e Gov^r
\nof y^e Massachusets word of his taking, who sent for him. So y^e Gov^r
\nsent him and these notes to y^e Gov^r ther, who tooke it very thankfuly;
\nbut after he gott for England, he shewed his malice, but God prevented
\nhim.<\/p>\n
See y^e Gov^r leter on y^e other side.[DF]<\/p>\n
S^r: It hath pleased God to bring S^r. Christopher Gardener safe to
\nus, with thos that came with him. And howsoever I never intended any
\nhard measure to him, but to respecte and use him according to his
\nqualitie, yet I let him know your care of him, and y^t he shall speed
\ny^e better for your mediation. It was a spetiall providence of God to
\nbring those notes of his to our hands; I desire y^t you will please to
\nspeake to all y^t are privie to them, not to discovere them to any
\none, for y^t may frustrate y^e means of any further use to be made of
\nthem. The good Lord our God who hath allways ordered things for y^e
\ngood of his poore churches here, directe us in this arighte, and
\ndispose it to a good issue. I am sorie we put you to so much trouble
\nabout this gentleman, espetialy at this time of great imploymente, but
\nI know not how to avoyed it. I must againe intreate you, to let me
\nknow what charge & troble any of your people have been at aboute him,
\ny^t it may be recompenced. So with the true affection of a frind,
\ndesiring all happines to your selfe & yours, and to all my worthy
\nfriends with you (whom I love in y^e Lord), I comende you to his grace
\n& good providence, & rest<\/p>\n
Your most assured friend,
\nJOHN WINTHROP.<\/p>\n
Boston, May 5. 1631.<\/p>\n
By occation wherof I will take a litle libertie to declare what fell out
\nby this mans means & malice, complying with others. And though I doubt
\nnot but it will be more fully done by my honourd friends, whom it did
\nmore directly concerne, and have more perticuler knowledg of y^e matter,
\nyet I will here give a hinte of y^e same, and Gods providence in
\npreventing y^e hurte that might have come by y^e same. The intelligence
\nI had by a letter from my much hon^d and beloved friend, Mr. John
\nWinthrop, Gov^r of y^e Massachusets.<\/p>\n
S^r: Upon a petition exhibited by S^r. Christo: Gardner, S^r. Ferd:
\nGorges, Captaine Masson, &c., against you and us, the cause was heard
\nbefore y^e lords of y^e Privie Counsell, and after reported to y^e
\nking, the sucsess wherof maks it evident to all, that y^e Lord hath
\ncare of his people hear. The passages are admirable, and too long to
\nwrite. I hartily wish an opportunitie to imparte them unto you, being
\nm[=a]y sheets of paper. But y^e conclusion was (against all mens
\nexpectation) an order for our incouragmente, and much blame and
\ndisgrace upon y^e adversaries, w^ch calls for much thankfullnes from
\nus all, which we purpose (y^e Lord willing) to express in a day of
\nthanks-giving to our mercifull God, (I doubt not but you will
\nconsider, if it be not fitt for you to joyne in it,) who, as he hath
\nhumbled us by his late correction, so he hath lifted us up, by an
\nabundante rejoysing, in our deliverance out of so desperate a danger;
\nso as that w^ch our enemies builte their hopes upon to ruine us by, He
\nhath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as I shall further
\naquainte you, when occasion shall serve.<\/p>\n
The coppy of y^e order follows.<\/p>\n
At y^e courte at Whit-hall y^e 19. Jan: 1632.<\/p>\n
Present<\/p>\n
_Sigillum_ Lord Privie Seale
\nEa: of Dorsett
\nLo: Vi: Falkland
\nLo: Bp: of London
\nLord Cottinton
\nM^r. Tre^r
\nM^r. Vic Chamb^r
\nM^r. Sec: Cooke
\nMaister Sec: Windebanck<\/p>\n
Wheras his Ma^tie hath latly been informed of great distraction and
\nmuch disorder in y^t plantation in y^e parts of America called
\nNew-England, which, if they be true, & suffered to rune on, would
\ntende to y^e great dishonour of this kingdome, and utter ruine of that
\nplantation. For prevention wherof, and for y^e orderly settling of
\ngoverment, according to y^e intention of those patents which have been
\ngranted by his Ma^tie and from his late royall father king James, it
\nhath pleased his Ma^tie that y^e lords & others of his most honourable
\nPrivie Counsell, should take y^e same into consideration. Their
\nlordships in y^e first place thought fitt to make a comitie of this
\nbord, to take examination of y^e matters informed; which comitties
\nhaving called diverse of y^e principall adventurers in y^t plantation,
\nand heard those that are complanants against them, most of the things
\ninformed being deneyed, and resting to be proved by parties that must
\nbe called from y^t place, which required a long expence of time; and
\nat presente their lordships finding the adventurers were upon dispatch
\nof men, victles, and marchandice for y^t place, all which would be at
\na stand, if y^e adventurers should have discouragmente, or take
\nsuspition that the state hear had no good opinion of y^t plantation;
\ntheir lordships, not laying the faulte or fancies (if any be) of some
\nperticuler men upon the generall govermente, or principall
\nadventurers, (which in due time is further to be inquired into,) have
\nthought fitt in y^e meane time to declare, that the appearences were
\nso faire, and hopes so greate, y^t the countrie would prove both
\nbeneficiall to this kingdom, and profitable to the perticuler
\nadventurers, as y^t the adventurers had cause to goe on cherfully with
\ntheir undertakings, and rest assured, if things were carried as was
\npretended when y^e patents were granted, and accordingly as by the
\npatentes it is appointed, his Majestie would not only maintaine the
\nliberties & privileges heretofore granted, but supply any thing
\nfurther that might tend to the good govermente, prosperitie, and
\ncomforte of his people ther of that place, &c.<\/p>\n
WILLIAM TRUMBALL.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom_: 1632.<\/p>\n
M^r. Allerton, returning for England, litle regarded his bound of a
\n1000^li. to performe covenants; for wheras he was bound by y^e same to
\nbring y^e ship to [190] London, and to pay 30^li. per month for her
\nhire, he did neither of boath, for he carried her to Bristoll againe,
\nfrom whence he intended to sett her out againe, and so did y^e 3. time,
\ninto these parts (as after will appear); and though she had been 10.
\nmonths upon y^e former viage, at 30^li. [p=]^r month, yet he never payed
\npeney for hire. It should seeme he knew well enough how to deale with
\nM^r. Sherley. And M^r. Sherley, though he would needs tye her & her
\naccounte upon y^e generall, yet he would dispose of her as him selfe
\npleased; for though M^r. Winslow had in their names protested against
\ny^e receiving her on y^t accounte, or if ever they should hope to
\npreveile in shuch a thing, yet never to suffer M^r. Allerton to have any
\nmore to doe in her, yet he y^e last year let her wholy unto him, and
\ninjoyned them to send all their supplye in her to their prejudice, as is
\nbefore noted. And now, though he broke his bonds, kepte no covenante,
\npaid no hire, nor was ever like to keep covenants, yet now he goes and
\nsells him all, both ship, & all her accounts, from first to last (and in
\neffecte he might as well have given him y^e same); and not only this,
\nbut he doth as good as provide a sanctuary for him, for he gives him one
\nyears time to prepare his accounte, and then to give up y^e same to them
\nhere; and then another year for him to make paymente of what should be
\ndue upon y^t accounte. And in y^e mean time writs ernestly to them not
\nto interupte or hinder him from his bussines, or stay him aboute
\nclearing accounts, &c.; so as he in y^e mean time gathers up all monies
\ndue for fraighte, and any other debtes belonging either to her, or y^e
\nFrindship’s accounts, as his owne perticuler; and after, sells ship, &
\nordnans, fish, & what he had raised, in Spaine, according to y^e first
\ndesigne, in effecte; and who had, or what became of y^e money, he best
\nknows. In y^e mean time their hands were bound, and could doe nothing
\nbut looke on, till he had made all away into other mens hands (save a
\nfew catle & a litle land & some small maters he had here at Plimoth),
\nand so in y^e end removed, as he had allready his person, so all his
\nfrom hence. This will better appere by M^r. Sherley’s leter.<\/p>\n
S^r: These few lines are further to give you to understand, that
\nseeing you & we, that never differed yet but aboute y^e White-Angell,
\nwhich somewhat troubleth us, as I perceive it doth you. And now M^r.
\nAllerton beeing here, we have had some confferance with him about her,
\nand find him very willing to give you & us all contente y^t possiblie
\nhe can, though he burthen him selfe. He is contente to take y^e
\nWhite-Angell wholy on him selfe, notwithstanding he mett with pirates
\nnere y^e coast of Ierland, which tooke away his best sayles & other
\nprovissions from her; so as verily if we should now sell her, she
\nwould yeeld but a small price, besids her ordnance. And to set her
\nforth againe with fresh money we would not, she being now at Bristoll.
\nWherfore we thought it best, both for you & us, M^r. Allerton being
\nwilling to take her, to accepte of his bond of tow thousand pounds, to
\ngive [191] you a true & perfecte accounte, and take y^e whole charge
\nof y^e Whit-Angell wholy to him selfe, from y^e first to y^e last. The
\naccounte he is to make and perfecte within 12. months from y^e date of
\nthis letter, and then to pay you at 6. and 6. months after, what
\nsoever shall be due unto you and us upon the foote of y^t accounte.
\nAnd verily, notwithstanding all y^e disasters he hath had, I am
\nperswaded he hath enough to pay all men here and ther. Only they must
\nhave patience till he can gather in what is due to him ther. I doe not
\nwrite this slightly, but upon some ground of what I have seen (and
\nperhaps you know not of) under y^e hands & seals of some, &c. I rest<\/p>\n
Your assured friend,
\nJAMES SHERLEY.<\/p>\n
Des: 6. 1632.<\/p>\n
But heres not a word of y^e breach of former bonds & covenants, or
\npaimente of y^e ships hire; this is passt by as if no such thing had
\nbeen; besids what bonds or obligments so ever they had of him, ther
\nnever came any into y^e hands or sight of y^e partners here. And for
\nthis y^t M^r. Sherley seems to intimate (as a secrete) of his abilitie,
\nunder y^e hands & seals of some, it was but a trick, having gathered up
\nan accounte of what was owing form such base fellows as he had made
\ntraders for him, and other debts; and then got M^r. Mahue, & some
\nothers, to affirme under their hand & seale, that they had seen shuch
\naccounts y^t were due to him.<\/p>\n
Mr. Hatherley came over againe this year, but upon his owne occasions,
\nand begane to make preparation to plant & dwell in y^e countrie. He with
\nhis former dealings had wound in what money he had in y^e patnership
\ninto his owne hands, and so gave off all partnership (excepte in name),
\nas was found in y^e issue of things; neither did he medle, or take any
\ncare aboute y^e same; only he was troubled about his ingagmente aboute
\ny^e Friendship, as will after appeare. And now partly aboute y^t
\naccounte, in some reconings betweene M^r. Allerton and him, and some
\ndebts y^t M^r. Allerton otherwise owed him upon dealing between them in
\nperticuler, he drue up an accounte of above 2000^li., and would faine
\nhave ingaged y^e partners here with it, because M^r. Allerton had been
\ntheir agent. But they tould him they had been fool’d longe enough with
\nsuch things, and shewed him y^t it no way belonged to them; but tould
\nhim he must looke to make good his ingagment for y^e Freindship, which
\ncaused some trouble betweene M^r. Allerton and him.<\/p>\n
M^r. William Peirce did y^e like, M^r. Allerton being wound into his
\ndebte also upon particuler dealings; as if they had been bound to make
\ngood all mens debts. But they easily shooke off these things. But M^r.
\nAllerton herby rane into much trouble & vexation, as well as he had
\ntroubled others, for M^r. Denison sued him for y^e money he had
\ndisbursed for y^e 6. part of y^e Whit-Angell, & recovered y^e same with
\ndamages.<\/p>\n
Though y^e partners were thus pl[=u]ged into great ingagments, &
\noppresed with unjust debts, yet y^e Lord prospered their trading, that
\nthey made yearly large returnes, and had soone wound them selves out of
\nall, if yet they had otherwise been well delt with all; as will more
\nappear here after. [192] Also y^e people of y^e plantation begane to
\ngrow in their owtward estats, by reason[DG] of y^e flowing of many
\npeople into y^e cuntrie, espetially into y^e Bay of y^e Massachusets; by
\nwhich means corne & catle rose to a great prise, by w^ch many were much
\ninriched, and co[=m]odities grue plentifull; and yet in other regards
\nthis benefite turned to their hurte, and this accession of strength to
\ntheir weaknes. For now as their stocks increased, and y^e increse
\nvendible, ther was no longer any holding them togeather, but now they
\nmust of necessitie goe to their great lots; they could not other wise
\nkeep their katle; and having oxen growne, they must have land for
\nplowing & tillage. And no man now thought he could live, except he had
\ncatle and a great deale of ground to keep them; all striving to increase
\ntheir stocks. By which means they were scatered all over y^e bay,
\nquickly, and y^e towne, in which they lived compactly till now, was left
\nvery thine, and in a short time allmost desolate. And if this had been
\nall, it had been less, thoug to much; but y^e church must also be
\ndevided, and those y^t had lived so long togeather in Christian &
\ncomfortable fellowship must now part and suffer many divissions. First,
\nthose that lived on their lots on y^e other side of the bay (called
\nDuxberie) they could not long bring their wives & children to y^e
\npublick worship & church meetings here, but with such burthen, as,
\ngrowing to some competente number, they sued to be dismissed and become
\na body of them selves; and so they were dismiste (about this time),
\nthough very unwillingly. But to touch this sadd matter, and handle
\nthings together that fell out afterward. To prevent any further
\nscatering from this place, and weakning of y^e same, it was thought best
\nto give out some good farms to spetiall persons, y^t would promise to
\nlive at Plimoth, and lickly to be helpfull to y^e church or comonewelth,
\nand so tye y^e lands to Plimoth as farmes for the same; and ther they
\nmight keepe their catle & tillage by some servants, and retaine their
\ndwellings here. And so some spetiall lands were granted at a place
\ngenerall, called Greens Harbor, wher no allotments had been in y^e
\nformer divission, a plase very weell meadowed, and fitt to keep & rear
\ncatle, good store. But alass! this remedy proved worse then y^e disease;
\nfor w^{th}in a few years those that had thus gott footing ther rente
\nthem selves away, partly by force, and partly wearing y^e rest with
\nimportunitie and pleas of necessitie, so as they must either suffer them
\nto goe, or live in continuall opposition and contention. And others
\nstill, as y^ey conceived them selves straitened, or to want
\nacco[=m]odation, break away under one pretence or other, thinking their
\nowne conceived necessitie, and the example of others, a warrente
\nsufficente for them. And this, I fear, will be y^e ruine of New-England,
\nat least of y^e churches of God ther, & will provock y^e Lords
\ndispleasure against them.<\/p>\n
[193] This year, M^r. William Perce came into y^e cuntry, & brought
\ngoods and passengers, in a ship caled y^e Lyon, which belonged cheefly
\nto M^r. Sherley, and y^e rest of y^e London partners, but these hear had
\nnothing to doe with her. In this ship (besides beaver which they had
\nsent home before) they sent upwards of 800^li. in her, and some otter
\nskines; and also y^e coppies of M^r. Allertons accounts, desiring that
\nthey would also peruse & examene them, and rectifie shuch things as
\nthey should find amise in them; and rather because they were better
\nacquaynted with y^e goods bought ther, and y^e disbursments made, then
\nthey could bee here; yea, a great part were done by them selves, though
\nM^r. Allerton brougt in y^e accounte, and sundry things seemed to them
\nobscure and had need of clearing. Also they sente a booke of exceptions
\nagainst his accounts, in such things as they could manifest, and doubted
\nnot but they might adde more therunto. And also shewed them how much
\nM^r. Allerton was debtor to y^e accounte; and desired, seeing they had
\nnow put y^e ship White-Angell, and all, wholy into his power, and tyed
\ntheir hands here, that they could not call him to accounte for any
\nthinge, till y^e time was expired which they had given him, and by that
\ntime other men would get their debts of him, (as sume had done already
\nby suing him,) and he would make all away here quickly out of their
\nreach; and therfore prayed them to looke to things, and gett paymente of
\nhim ther, as it was all y^e reason they should, seeing they keept all
\ny^e bonds & covenants they made with him in their owne hands; and here
\nthey could doe nothing by y^e course they had taken, nor had any thing
\nto show if they should goe aboute it. But it pleased God, this ship,
\nbeing first to goe to Verginia before she wente home, was cast away on
\ny^t coast, not farr from Virginia, and their beaver was all lost (which
\nwas y^e first loss they sustained in that kind); but M^r. Peirce & y^e
\nmen saved their lives, and also their leters, and gott into Virginia,
\nand so safly home. Y^e accounts were now sent from hence againe to them.
\nAnd thus much of y^e passages of this year.<\/p>\n
_A part of M^r. Peirce his leter[DH] from Virginia._<\/p>\n
It was dated in Des: 25. 1632. and came to their hand y^e 7. of Aprill,
\nbefore they heard any thing from England.<\/p>\n
Dear freinds, &c. Y^e bruit of this fatall stroke that y^e Lord hath
\nbrought both on me and you all will come to your ears before this
\nco[=m]eth to your hands, (it is like,) and therfore I shall not need
\nto inlarg in perticulers, &c. My whole estate (for y^e most parte) is
\ntaken away; and so yours, in a great measure, by this and your former
\nlosses [he means by y^e French & M^r. Allerton]. It is time to looke
\naboute us, before y^e wrath of y^e Lord breake forth to utter
\ndestruction. The good Lord give us all grace to search our harts and
\ntrie our ways, and turne unto y^e Lord, and humble our selves under
\nhis mightie hand, and seeke atonemente, &c. Dear freinds, you may know
\ny^t all your beaver, and y^e books of your accounts, are swallowed up
\nin y^e sea; your letters remaine with me, and shall be delivered, if
\nGod bring me home. But what should I more say? Have we lost our
\noutward estates? yet a hapy loss if our soules may gaine; ther is yet
\nmore in y^e Lord Jehova than ever we had yet in y^e world. Oh that our
\nfoolish harts could yet be wained from y^e things here below, which
\nare vanity and vexation of spirite; and yet we fooles catch after
\nshadows, y^t flye away, & are gone in a momente, &c. Thus with my
\ncontinuall remembrance of you in my poore desires to y^e throne of
\ngrace, beseeching God to renew his love & favoure towards you all, in
\n& through y^e Lord Jesus Christ, both in spirituall & temporall good
\nthings, as may be most to the glory & praise of his name, and your
\neverlasting good. So I rest,<\/p>\n
Your afflicted brother in Christ,
\nWILLIAM PEIRCE.<\/p>\n
Virginia, Des: 25. 1632.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1633._<\/p>\n
This year M^r. Ed: Winslow was chosen Governor.<\/p>\n
By the first returne this year, they had leters from M^r. Sherley of
\nM^r. Allertons further ill success, and y^e loss by M^r. Peirce, with
\nmany sadd complaints; but litle hope of any thinge to be gott of M^r.
\nAllerton, or how their accounts might be either eased, or any way
\nrectified by them ther; but now saw plainly y^t the burthen of all would
\nbe cast on their backs. The spetiall passages of his letters I shall
\nhere inserte, as shall be pertinente to these things; for though I am
\nweary of this tedious & uncomfortable subjecte, yet for y^e clearing of
\ny^e truth I am compelled to be more larg in y^e opening of these
\nmatters, upon w^ch [194] so much trouble hath insued, and so many hard
\ncensures have passed on both sids. I would not be partiall to either,
\nbut deliver y^e truth in all, and, as nere as I can, in their owne words
\nand passages, and so leave it to the impartiall judgment of any that
\nshall come to read, or veiw these things. His leters are as folow,
\ndated June 24. 1633.<\/p>\n
[Illustration: EDWARD WINSLOW.]<\/p>\n
Loving friends, my last[DI] was sente in y^e Mary & John, by M^r.
\nWilliam Collier, &c. I then certified you of y^e great, &
\nuncomfortable, and unseasonable loss you & we had, in y^e loss of M^r.
\nPeirce his ship, y^e Lyon; but y^e Lords holy name be blessed, who
\ngives & taks as it pleaseth him; his will be done, Amen. I then
\nrelated unto you y^t fearfull accidente, or rather judgmente, y^e Lord
\npleased to lay on London Bridge, by fire, and therin gave you a touch
\nof my great loss; the Lord, I hope, will give me patience to bear it,
\nand faith to trust in him, & not in these slipery and uncertaine
\nthings of this world.<\/p>\n
I hope M^r. Allerton is nere upon sayle with you by this; but he had
\nmany disasters here before he could gett away; yet y^e last was a
\nheavie one; his ship, going out of y^e harbor at Bristoll, by stormie
\nweather was so farr driven on y^e shore, as it cost him above 100^li.
\nbefore shee could be gott off againe. Verily his case was so
\nlamentable as I could not but afford him some help therin (and so did
\nsome were strangers to him); besids, your goods were in her, and if he
\nhad not been supported, he must have broke off his viage, and so loss
\ncould not have been avoyded on all sides. When he first bought her, I
\nthinke he had made a saving match, if he had then sunck her, and never
\nset her forth. I hope he sees y^e Lords hand against him, and will
\nleave of these viages. I thinke we did well in parting with her; she
\nwould have been but a clogge to y^e accounte from time to time, and
\nnow though we shall not gett much by way of satisfaction, yet we shall
\nlose no more. And now, as before I have writte, I pray you finish all
\ny^e accounts and reconings with him there; for here he hath nothing,
\nbut many debtes that he stands ingaged to many men for. Besids, here
\nis not a man y^t will spend a day, or scarce an hower, aboute y^e
\naccounts but my selfe, and y^t bussines will require more time and
\nhelp then I can afford. I shall not need to say any more; I hope you
\nwill doe y^t which shall be best & just, to which adde mercie, and
\nconsider his intente, though he failed in many perticulers, which now
\ncannot be helped, &c.<\/p>\n
To morrow, or next day at furthest, we are to pay 300^li. and M^r.
\nBeachamp is out of y^e towne, yet y^e bussines I must doe. Oh the
\ngreefe & trouble y^t man, M^r. Allerton, hath brought upon you and us!
\nI cannot forgett it, and to thinke on it draws many a sigh from my
\nharte, and teares from my eyes. And now y^e Lord hath visited me with
\nan other great loss, yet I can undergoe it with more patience. But
\nthis I have follishly pulled upon my selfe, &c. [And in another, he
\nhath this passage:] By M^r. Allertons faire propositions and large
\n[195] promises, I have over rune my selfe; verily, at this time greefe
\nhinders me to write, and tears will not suffer me to see; wherfore, as
\nyou love those that ever loved you, and y^t plantation, thinke upon
\nus. Oh what shall I say of that man, who hath abused your trust and
\nwronged our loves! but now to complaine is too late, nither can I
\ncomplaine of your backwardnes, for I am perswaded it lys as heavie on
\nyour harts, as it doth on our purses or credites. And had y^e Lord
\nsent M^r. Peirce safe home, we had eased both you and us of some of
\nthose debts; the Lord I hope will give us patience to bear these
\ncrosses; and that great God, whose care & providence is every where,
\nand spetially over all those that desire truly to fear and serve him,
\ndirect, guid, prosper, & blesse you so, as y^t you may be able (as I
\nperswade my selfe you are willing) to discharge & take off this great
\n& heavie burthen which now lyes upon me for your saks; and I hope in
\ny^e ende for y^e good of you, and many thousands more; for had not
\nyou & we joyned & continued togeather, New-England might yet have been
\nscarce knowne, I am perswaded, not so replenished & inhabited with
\nhonest English people, as it now is. The Lord increase & blesse them,
\n&c. So, with my continuall praiers for you all, I rest<\/p>\n
Your assured loving friend,
\nJAMES SHERLEY.<\/p>\n
June 24. 1633.<\/p>\n
By this it apperes when M^r. Sherly sould him y^e ship & all her
\naccounts, it was more for M^r. Allertons advantage then theirs; and if
\nthey could get any there, well & good, for they were like to have
\nnothing here. And what course was held to hinder them there, hath
\nallready beene manifested. And though M^r. Sherley became more sinsible
\nof his owne condition, by these losses, and therby more sadly & plainly
\nto complaine of M^r. Allerton, yet no course was taken to help them
\nhere, but all left unto them selves; not so much as to examene &
\nrectifie y^e accounts, by which (it is like) some hundereds of pounds
\nmight have been taken off. But very probable it is, the more they saw
\nwas taken off, y^e less might come unto them selves. But I leave these
\nmaters, & come to other things.<\/p>\n
M^r. Roger Williams (a man godly & zealous, having many precious parts,
\nbut very unsettled in judgmente) came over first to y^e Massachusets,
\nbut upon some discontente left y^t place, and came hither, (wher he was
\nfri[=e]dly entertained, according to their poore abilitie,) and
\nexercised his gifts amongst them, & after some time was admitted a
\nmember of y^e church; and his teaching well approoved, for y^e benefite
\nwherof I still blese God, and am thankfull to him, even for his sharpest
\nadmonitions & reproufs, so farr as they agreed with truth. He this year
\nbegane to fall into some strang oppi[=i]ons, and from opinion to
\npractise; which caused some controversie betweene y^e church & him, and
\nin y^e end some discontente on his parte, by occasion wherof he left
\nthem some thing abruptly. Yet after wards sued for his dismission to y^e
\nchurch of Salem, which was granted, with some caution to them concerning
\nhim, and what care they ought to have of him. But he soone fell into
\nmore things ther, both to their and y^e governments troble and [196]
\ndisturbance. I shall not need to name perticulers, they are too well
\nknowen now to all, though for a time y^e church here wente under some
\nhard censure by his occasion, from some that afterwards smarted them
\nselves. But he is to be pitied, and prayed for, and so I shall leave y^e
\nmatter, and desire y^e Lord to shew him his errors, and reduse him into
\ny^e way of truth, and give him a setled judgment and constancie in y^e
\nsame; for I hope he belongs to y^e Lord, and y^t he will shew him
\nmercie.<\/p>\n
Having had formerly converse and famliarity with y^e Dutch, (as is
\nbefore remembred,) they, seeing them seated here in a barren quarter,
\ntould them of a river called by them y^e Fresh River, but now is known
\nby y^e name of Conightecute-River, which they often co[=m]ended unto
\nthem for a fine place both for plantation and trade, and wished them to
\nmake use of it. But their hands being full otherwise, they let it pass.
\nBut afterwards ther coming a company of banishte Indeans into these
\nparts, that were drivene out from thence by the potencie of y^e
\nPequents, which usurped upon them, and drive them from thence, they
\noften sollisited them to goe thither, and they should have much trad,
\nespetially if they would keep a house ther. And having now good store of
\ncomodities, and allso need to looke out wher they could advantage them
\nselves to help them out of their great ingagments, they now begane to
\nsend that way to discover y^e same, and trade with y^e natives. They
\nfound it to be a fine place, but had no great store of trade; but y^e
\nIndeans excused y^e same in regard of y^e season, and the fear y^e
\nIndans were in of their enemise. So they tried diverce times, not with
\nout profite, but saw y^e most certainty would be by keeping a house
\nther, to receive y^e trad when it came down out of y^e inland. These
\nIndeans, not seeing them very forward to build ther, solisited them of
\ny^e Massachusets in like sorte (for their end was to be restored to
\ntheir countrie againe); but they in y^e Bay being but latly come, were
\nnot fitte for y^e same; but some of their cheefe made a motion to joyne
\nw^th the partners here, to trad joyntly with them in y^t river, the
\nwhich they were willing to imbrace, and so they should have builte, and
\nput in equall stock togeather. A time of meeting was appointed at y^e
\nMassachusets, and some of y^e cheefe here was appointed to treat with
\nthem, and went accordingly; but they cast many fears of deanger & loss
\nand the like, which was perceived to be the maine obstacles, though they
\nalledged they were not provided of trading goods. But those hear offered
\nat presente to put in sufficiente for both, provided they would become
\ningaged for y^e halfe, and prepare against y^e nexte year. They
\nconffessed more could not be offered, but thanked them, and tould them
\nthey had no mind to it. They then answered, they hoped it would be no
\noffence unto [197] them, if them sellves wente on without them, if they
\nsaw it meete. They said ther was no reason they should; and thus this
\ntreaty broake of, and those here tooke conveniente time to made a
\nbegining ther; and were y^e first English that both discovered that
\nplace, and built in y^e same, though they were litle better then thrust
\nout of it afterward as may appeare.<\/p>\n
But y^e Dutch begane now to repente, and hearing of their purpose &
\npreparation, ind[=e]oured to prevente them, and gott in a litle before
\nthem, and made a slight forte, and planted 2. peeces of ordnance,
\nthretening to stopp their passage. But they having made a smale frame of
\na house ready, and haveing a great new-barke, they stowed their frame in
\nher hold, & bords to cover & finishe it, having nayles & all other
\nprovisions fitting for their use. This they did y^e rather that they
\nmight have a presente defence against y^e Indeans, who weare much
\noffended that they brought home & restored y^e right Sachem of y^e place
\n(called Natawanute); so as they were to incounter with a duble danger in
\nthis attempte, both y^e Dutch and y^e Indeans. When they came up y^e
\nriver, the Dutch demanded what they intended, and whither they would
\ngoe; they answered, up y^e river to trade (now their order was to goe
\nand seat above them). They bid them strike, & stay, or els they would
\nshoote them; & stood by ther ordnance ready fitted. They answered they
\nhad co[=m]ission from y^e Gov^r of Plimoth to goe up y^e river to such a
\nplace, and if they did shoote, they must obey their order and proceede;
\nthey would not molest them, but would goe one. So they passed along, and
\nthough the Dutch threatened them hard, yet they shoot not. Co[=m]ing to
\ntheir place, they clapt up their house quickly, and landed their
\nprovissions, and left y^e companie appoynted, and sent the barke home;
\nand afterwards palisadoed their house aboute, and fortified them selves
\nbetter. The Dutch sent word home to y^e Monhatas what was done: and in
\nproces of time, they sent a band of aboute 70. men, in warrlike maner,
\nwith collours displayed, to assaulte them; but seeing them strengtened,
\n& that it would cost blood, they came to parley, and returned in peace.
\nAnd this was their enterance ther, who deserved to have held it, and not
\nby freinds to have been thrust out, as in a sorte they were, as will
\nafter appere. They did y^e Dutch no wrong, for they took not a foote of
\nany land they bought, but went to y^e place above them, and bought that
\ntracte of land which belonged to these Indeans which they carried with
\nthem, and their friends, with whom y^e Dutch had nothing to doe. But of
\nthese matters more in another place.<\/p>\n
It pleased y^e Lord to visite them this year with an infectious fevoure,
\nof which many fell very sicke, and upward of 20. persons dyed, men and
\nwomen, besids children, and sundry of them of their anciente friends
\nwhich had lived in Holand; as Thomas Blossome, Richard Masterson, with
\nsundry [198] others, and in y^e end (after he had much helped others)
\nSamuell Fuller, who was their surgeon & phisition, and had been a great
\nhelp and comforte unto them; as in his facultie, so otherwise, being a
\ndeacon of y^e church, a man godly, and forward to doe good, being much
\nmissed after his death; and he and y^e rest of their brethren much
\nlamented by them, and caused much sadnes & mourning amongst them; which
\ncaused them to humble them selves, & seeke y^e Lord; and towards winter
\nit pleased the Lord y^e sicknes ceased. This disease allso swept away
\nmany of y^e Indeans from all y^e places near adjoyning; and y^e spring
\nbefore, espetially all y^e month of May, ther was such a quantitie of a
\ngreat sorte of flies, like (for bignes) to wasps, or bumble-bees, which
\ncame out of holes in y^e ground, and replenished all y^e woods, and eate
\ny^e green-things, and made such a constante yelling noyes, as made all
\ny^e woods ring of them, and ready to deafe y^e hearers. They have not by
\ny^e English been heard or seen before or since. But y^e Indeans tould
\nthem y^t sicknes would follow, and so it did in June, July, August, and
\ny^e cheefe heat of so[=m]er.<\/p>\n
It pleased y^e Lord to inable them this year to send home a great
\nquantity of beaver, besids paing all their charges, & debts at home,
\nwhich good returne did much incourage their freinds in England. They
\nsent in beaver 3366^li. waight, and much of it coat beaver, which yeeled
\n20^s. [p=]^r pound, & some of it above; and of otter-skines[DJ] 346.
\nsould also at a good prise. And thus much of y^e affairs of this year.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1634._<\/p>\n
This year M^r. Thomas Prence was chosen Gov^r.<\/p>\n
M^r. Sherleys letters were very breefe in answer of theirs this year. I
\nwill forbear to coppy any part therof, only name a head or 2. therm.
\nFirst, he desirs they will take nothing ill in what he formerly write,
\nprofessing his good affection towards them as before, &c. 2^ly. For M^r.
\nAllertons accounts, he is perswaded they must suffer, and y^t in no
\nsmall su[=m]es; and that they have cause enough to complaine, but it
\nwas now too late. And that he had failed them ther, those here, and him
\nselfe in his owne aimes. And that now, having thus left them here, he
\nfeared God had or would leave him, and it would not be strang, but a
\nwonder if he fell not into worse things, &c. 3^ly. He blesseth God and
\nis thankfull to them for y^e good returne made this year. This is y^e
\neffecte of his letters, other things being of more private nature.<\/p>\n
I am now to enter upon one of y^e sadest things that befell them since
\nthey came; but before I begine, it will be needfull to premise such
\nparte of their patente as gives them right and priviledge at Kenebeck;
\nas followeth:<\/p>\n
[199] The said Counsell hath further given, granted, barganed, sold,
\ninfeoffed, alloted, assigned, & sett over, and by these presents doe
\nclearly and absolutly give, grante, bargane, sell, alliene, enffeofe,
\nallote, assigne, and confirme unto y^e said William Bradford, his
\nheires, associates, and assignes, All that tracte of land or part of
\nNew-England in America afforesaid, which lyeth within or betweene, and
\nextendeth it selfe from y^e utmost limits of Cobiseconte, which
\nadjoyneth to y^e river of Kenebeck, towards the westerne ocean, and a
\nplace called y^e falls of Nequamkick in America, aforsaid; and y^e
\nspace of 15. English myles on each side of y^e said river, commonly
\ncalled Kenebeck River, and all y^e said river called Kenebeck that
\nlyeth within the said limits & bounds, eastward, westward, northward,
\n& southward, last above mentioned; and all lands, grounds, soyles,
\nrivers, waters, fishing, &c. And by vertue of y^e authority to us
\nderived by his said late Ma^tis Lr[=e]s patents, to take, apprehend,
\nseise, and make prise of all such persons, their ships and goods, as
\nshall attempte to inhabite or trade with y^e savage people of that
\ncountrie within y^e severall precincts and limits of his & their
\nseverall plantations, &c.<\/p>\n
Now it so fell out, that one Hocking, belonging to y^e plantation of
\nPascataway, wente with a barke and co[=m]odities to trade in that river,
\nand would needs press into their limites; and not only so, but would
\nneeds goe up y^e river above their house, (towards y^e falls of y^e
\nriver,) and intercept the trade that should come to them. He that was
\ncheefe of y^e place forbad them, and prayed him that he would not offer
\nthem that injurie, nor goe aboute to infring their liberties, which had
\ncost them so dear. But he answered he would goe up and trade ther in
\ndispite of them, and lye ther as longe as he pleased. The other tould
\nhim he must then be forced to remove him from thence, or make seasure of
\nhim if he could. He bid him doe his worste, and so wente up, and
\nanchored ther. The other tooke a boat & some men & went up to him, when
\nhe saw his time, and againe entreated him to departe by what perswasion
\nhe could. But all in vaine: he could gett nothing of him but ill words.
\nSo he considred that now was y^e season for trade to come downe, and if
\nhe should suffer him to lye, & take it from them, all ther former charge
\nwould be lost, and they had better throw up all. So, consulting with
\nhis men, (who were willing thertoe,) he resolved to put him from his
\nanchores, and let him drive downe y^e river with y^e streame; but
\nco[=m]anded y^e men y^t none should shoote a shote upon any occasion,
\nexcept he co[=m]anded them. He spoake to him againe, but all in vaine;
\nthen he sente a cuple in a canow to cutt his cable, the which one of
\nthem performes; but Hocking taks up a pece which he had layed ready, and
\nas y^e barke shered by y^e canow, he shote [200] him close under her
\nside, in y^e head, (as I take it,) so he fell downe dead instantly. One
\nof his fellows (that loved him well) could not hold, but with a muskett
\nshot Hocking, who fell downe dead and never speake word. This was y^e
\ntruth of y^e thing. The rest of y^e men carried home the vessell and y^e
\nsad tidings of these things. Now y^e Lord Saye & y^e Lord Brooks, with
\nsome other great persons, had a hand in this plantation; they write home
\nto them, as much as they could to exasperate them in y^e matter,
\nleaveing out all y^e circomstances, as if he had been kild without any
\noffenc of his parte, conceling y^t he had kild another first, and y^e
\njust occasion that he had given in offering such wrong; at w^ch their
\nLords^ps were much offended, till they were truly informed of y^e mater.<\/p>\n
The bruite of this was quickly carried all aboute, (and y^t in y^e worst
\nmaner,) and came into y^e Bay to their neighbours their. Their owne
\nbarke co[=m]ing home, and bringing a true relation of y^e matter, sundry
\nwere sadly affected with y^e thing, as they had cause. It was not long
\nbefore they had occasion to send their vessell into y^e Bay of y^e
\nMassachusetts; but they were so prepossest with this matter, and
\naffected with y^e same, as they co[=m]ited M^r. Alden to prison, who was
\nin y^e bark, and had been at Kenebeck, but was no actore in y^e
\nbussines, but wente to carie them supply. They dismist y^e barke aboute
\nher bussines, but kept him for some time. This was thought strang here,
\nand they sente Capten Standish to give them true information, (togeather
\nwith their letters,) and y^e best satisfaction they could, and to
\nprocure M^r. Alden’s release. I shall recite a letter or 2. which will
\nshow the passages of these things, as folloeth.<\/p>\n
Good S^r:<\/p>\n
I have received your [~l]r[=e]^s by Captaine Standish, & am unfainedly
\nglad of Gods mercie towards you in y^e recovery of your health, or
\nsome way thertoo. For y^e bussines you write of, I thought meete to
\nanswer a word or 2. to your selfe, leaving the answer of your Gov^or
\n[~l]re to our courte, to whom y^e same, together with my selfe is
\ndirected. I conceive (till I hear new matter to y^e contrary) that
\nyour patente may warrente your resistance of any English from trading
\nat Kenebeck, and y^t blood of Hocking, and y^e partie he slue, will be
\nrequired at his hands. Yet doe I with your selfe & others sorrow for
\ntheir deaths. I thinke likewise y^t your generall [~l]r[=e]s will
\nsatisfie our courte, and make them cease from any further inter
\nmedling in y^e mater. I have upon y^e same [~l]re sett M^r. Alden at
\nliberty, and his sureties, and yet, least I should seeme to neglecte
\ny^e opinion of our court & y^e frequente speeches of others with us,
\nI have bound Captaine Standish to appeare y^e 3. of June at our nexte
\ncourte, to make affidavid for y^e coppie of y^e patente, and to
\nmanifest the circumstances of Hockins provocations; both which will
\ntend to y^e clearing of your inocencie. If any unkindnes hath ben
\ntaken from what we have done, let it be further & better considred of,
\nI pray you; and I hope y^e more you thinke of it, the lesse blame you
\nwill impute to us. At least you ought to be just in differencing them,
\nwhose opinions concurr [201] with your owne, from others who were
\nopposites; and yet I may truly say, I have spoken w^th no man in y^e
\nbussines who taxed you most, but they are such as have many wayes
\nheretofore declared ther good affections towards your plantation. I
\nfurther referr my selfe to y^e reporte of Captaine Standish & M^r.
\nAllden; leaving you for this presente to Gods blessing, wishing unto
\nyou perfecte recovery of health, and y^e long continuance of it. I
\ndesire to be lovingly remembred to M^r. Prence, your Governor, M^r.
\nWinslow, M^r. Brewster, whom I would see if I knew how. The Lord keepe
\nyou all. Amen.<\/p>\n
Your very loving friend in our Lord Jesus,
\nTHO: DUDLEY.<\/p>\n
New-towne, y^e 22. of May, 1631.<\/p>\n
_Another of his about these things as followeth._<\/p>\n
S^r: I am right sorrie for y^e news that Captaine Standish & other of
\nyour neigbours and my beloved freinds will bring now to Plimoth,
\nwherin I suffer with you, by reason of my opinion, which differeth
\nfrom others, who are godly & wise, amongst us here, the reverence of
\nwhose judgments causeth me to suspecte myne owne ignorance; yet must I
\nremaine in it untill I be convinced therof. I thought not to have
\nshewed your letter written to me, but to have done my best to have
\nreconciled differences in y^e best season & maner I could; but
\nCaptaine Standish requiring an answer therof publickly in y^e courte,
\nI was forced to produce it, and that made y^e breach soe wide as he
\ncan tell you. I propounded to y^e courte, to answer M^r. Prences [~l]re,
\nyour Gov^r, but our courte said it required no answer, it selfe being
\nan answer to a former [~l]re of ours. I pray you certifie M^r. Prence so
\nmuch, and others whom it conce[~r]eth, that no neglecte or ill
\nma[=n]ers be imputed to me theraboute. The late [~l]res I received from
\nEngland wrought in me divere fears[DK] of some trials which are
\nshortly like to fall upon us; and this unhappie contention betweene
\nyou and us, and between you & Pascattaway, will hasten them, if God
\nwith an extraordinarie hand doe not help us. To reconcile this for y^e
\npresente will be very difficulte, but time cooleth distempers, and a
\ncomone danger to us boath approaching, will necessitate our uniting
\nagaine. I pray you therfore, S^r. set your wisdom & patience a worke,
\nand exhorte others to y^e same, that things may not proceede from bad
\nto worse, so making our contentions like y^e barrs of a pallace, but
\nthat a way of peace may be kepte open, wherat y^e God of peace may
\nhave enterance in his owne time. If you suffer wrong, it shall be your
\nhonor to bear it patiently; but I goe to farr in needles putting you
\nin mind of these things. God hath done great things for you, and I
\ndesire his blessings may be multiplied upon you more & more. I will
\ncommite no more to writing, but comending my selfe to your prayers,
\ndoe rest,<\/p>\n
Your truly loving freind in our Lord Jesus,
\nTHO: DUDLEY.<\/p>\n
June 4. 1634.<\/p>\n
By these things it appars what troubls rise herupon, and how hard they
\nwere to be reconciled; for though they hear were hartily sorrie for what
\nwas fallen out, yet they conceived they were unjustly injuried, and
\nprovoked to what was done; and that their neigbours (haveing no
\njurisdiction over them) did more then was mete, thus to imprison one of
\ntheirs, and bind them to [202] their courte. But yet being assured of
\ntheir Christian love, and perswaded what was done was out of godly
\nzeale, that religion might not suffer, nor sinne any way covered or
\nborne with, espetially y^e guilte of blood, of which all should be very
\nconsciencious in any whom soever, they did indeavore to appease &
\nsatisfie them y^e best they could; first, by informing them y^e truth in
\nall circomstances aboute y^e matter; 2^ly, in being willing to referr
\ny^e case to any indifferante and equall hearing and judgmente of the
\nthing hear, and to answere it els wher when they should be duly called
\ntherunto; and further they craved M^r. Winthrops, & other of y^e reve^d
\nmagistrats ther, their advice & direction herein. This did mollifie
\ntheir minds, and bring things to a good & comfortable issue in y^e end.<\/p>\n
For they had this advice given them by M^r. Winthrop, & others
\nconcurring with him, that from their courte, they should write to the
\nneigboure plantations, & espetially that of y^e lords, at Pascataway,
\nand theirs of y^e Massachusets, to appointe some to give them meeting
\nat some fitt place, to consulte & determine in this matter, so as y^e
\nparties meeting might have full power to order & bind, &c. And that
\nnothing be done to y^e infringing or prejudice of y^e liberties of any
\nplace. And for y^e clearing of conscience, y^e law of God is, y^t y^e
\npreist lips must be consulted with, and therfore it was desired that y^e
\nministers of every plantation might be presente to give their advice in
\npointe of conscience. Though this course seemed dangerous to some, yet
\nthey were so well assured of y^e justice of their cause, and y^e equitie
\nof their freinds, as they put them selves upon it, & appointed a time,
\nof which they gave notice to y^e severall places a month before hand;
\nviz. Massachusets, Salem, & Pascataway, or any other y^t they would give
\nnotice too, and disired them to produce any evidence they could in y^e
\ncase. The place for meeting was at Boston. But when y^e day & time came,
\nnone apered, but some of y^e magistrats and ministers of y^e
\nMassachusets, and their owne. Seeing none of Passcataway or other places
\ncame, (haveing been thus desired, & conveniente time given them for y^t
\nend,) M^r. Winthrop & y^e rest said they could doe no more then they had
\ndone thus to requeste them, y^e blame must rest on them. So they fell
\ninto a fair debating of things them selves; and after all things had
\nbeen fully opened & discussed, and y^e opinione of each one demanded,
\nboth magistrats, and ministers, though they all could have wished these
\nthings had never been, yet they could not but lay y^e blame & guilt on
\nHockins owne head; and withall gave them such grave & godly exhortations
\nand advice, as they thought meete, both for y^e presente & future; which
\nthey allso imbraced with love & thankfullnes, promising to indeavor to
\nfollow y^e same. And thus was this matter ended, and ther love and
\nconcord renewed; and also M^r. Winthrop & M^r. Dudley write in their
\nbehalfes to y^e Lord Ssay & other gentl-men that were interesed in y^t
\nplantation, very effectually, w^th which, togeather with their owne
\nleters, and M^r. Winslows furder declaration of things unto them, they
\nrested well satisfied.<\/p>\n
[203] M^r. Winslow was sente by them this year into England, partly to
\ninforme and satisfie y^e Lord Say & others, in y^e former matter, as
\nalso to make answer and their just defence for y^e same, if any thing
\nshould by any be prosecuted against them at Counsell-table, or els wher;
\nbut this matter tooke end, without any further trouble, as is before
\nnoted. And partly to signifie unto y^e partners in England, that the
\nterme of their trade with y^e company here was out, and therfore he was
\nsente to finishe y^e accounts with them, and to bring them notice how
\nmuch debtore they should remaine on y^t accounte, and that they might
\nknow what further course would be best to hold. But y^e issue of these
\nthings will appear in y^e next years passages. They now sente over by
\nhim a great returne, which was very acceptable unto them; which was in
\nbeaver 3738^li. waight, (a great part of it, being coat-beaver, sould at
\n20^s. p^r pound,) and 234. otter skines;[DL] which alltogeather rise to
\na great sume of money.<\/p>\n
This year (in y^e foreparte of y^e same) they sente forth a barke to
\ntrad at y^e Dutch-Plantation; and they mette ther with on Captaine
\nStone, that had lived in Christophers, one of y^e West-Ende Ilands, and
\nnow had been some time in Virginia, and came from thence into these
\nparts. He kept company with y^e Dutch Gove^r, and, I know not in what
\ndrunken fitt, he gott leave of y^e Gov^r to ceaise on their barke, when
\nthey were ready to come away, and had done their markett, haveing y^e
\nvalew of 500^li. worth of goods abord her; having no occasion at all, or
\nany collour of ground for such a thing, but having made y^e Gov^r
\ndrunck, so as he could scarce speake a right word; and when he urged him
\nhear aboute, he answered him, _Als ‘t u beleeft_.[DM] So he gat abord,
\n(the cheefe of their men & marchant being ashore,) and with some of his
\nowne men, made y^e rest of theirs waigh anchor, sett sayle, & carry her
\naway towards Virginia. But diverse of y^e Dutch sea-men, which had bene
\noften at Plimoth, and kindly entertayned ther, said one to another,
\nShall we suffer our freinds to be thus abused, and have their goods
\ncarried away, before our faces, whilst our Gov^r is drunke? They vowed
\nthey would never suffer it; and so gott a vessell or 2. and pursued him,
\n& brought him in againe, and delivered them their barke & goods againe.<\/p>\n
After wards Stone came into y^e Massachusets, and they sent & commensed
\nsuite against him for this facte; but by mediation of freinds it was
\ntaken up, and y^e suite lett fall. And in y^e company of some other
\ngentle-men Stone came afterwards to Plimoth, and had freindly & civill
\nentertainmente amongst them, with y^e rest; but revenge boyled within
\nhis brest, (though concelled,) for some conceived he had a purpose (at
\none time) to have staped the Gov^r, and put his hand to his dagger for
\nthat end, but by Gods providence and y^e vigilance of some was
\nprevented. He afterward returned to Virginia, in a pinass, with one
\nCaptaine Norton & some others; and, I know not for what occasion, they
\nwould needs goe up Coonigtecutt River; and how they carried themselves I
\nknow not, but y^e Indeans knoct him in y^e head, as he lay in his
\ncabine, and had thrown y^e covering over his face (whether out of fear
\nor desperation is uncertaine); this was his end. They likewise killed
\nall y^e rest, but Captaine Norton defended him selfe a long time against
\nthem all in y^e cooke-roome, till by accidente the gunpowder tooke fire,
\nwhich (for readynes) he had sett in an open thing before him, which did
\nso burne, & scald him, & blind his eyes, as he could make no longer
\nresistance, but was slaine also by them, though they much comended his
\nvallour. And having killed y^e men, they made a pray of what they had,
\nand chafered away some of their things to y^e Dutch that lived their.
\nBut it was not longe before a quarell fell betweene the Dutch & them,
\nand they would have cutt of their bark; but they slue y^e cheef sachem
\nw^th y^e shott of a murderer.[DN]<\/p>\n
I am now to relate some strang and remarkable passages. Ther was a
\ncompany of people lived in y^e country, up above in y^e river of
\nConigtecut, a great way from their trading house ther, and were enimise
\nto those Indeans which lived aboute them, and of whom they stood in some
\nfear (bing a stout people). About a thousand of them had inclosed them
\nselves in a forte, which they had strongly palissadoed about. 3. or 4.
\nDutch men went up in y^e begining of winter to live with them, to gett
\ntheir trade, and prevente them for bringing it to y^e English, or to
\nfall into amitie with them; but at spring to bring all downe to their
\nplace. But their enterprise failed, for it pleased God to visite these
\nIndeans with a great sicknes, and such a mortalitie that of a 1000.
\nabove 900. and a halfe of them dyed, and many of them did rott above
\nground for want of buriall, and y^e Dutch men allmost starved before
\nthey could gett away, for ise and snow. But about Feb: they got with
\nmuch difficultie to their trading house; whom they kindly releeved,
\nbeing allmost spente with hunger and could. Being thus refreshed by them
\ndiverce days, they got to their owne place, and y^e Dutch were very
\nthankfull for this kindnes.<\/p>\n
This spring, also, those Indeans that lived aboute their trading house
\nthere fell sick of y^e small poxe, and dyed most miserably; for a sorer
\ndisease cannot befall them; they fear it more then y^e plague; for
\nusualy they that have this disease have them in abundance, and for wante
\nof bedding & li[=n]ing and other helps, they fall into a lamentable
\ncondition, as they lye on their hard matts, y^e poxe breaking and
\nmattering, and runing one into another, their skin cleaving (by reason
\ntherof) to the matts they lye on; when they turne them, a whole side
\nwill flea of at once, [204] (as it were,) and they will be all of a gore
\nblood, most fearfull to behold; and then being very sore, what with
\ncould and other distempers, they dye like rotten sheep. The condition of
\nthis people was so lamentable, and they fell downe so generally of this
\ndiseas, as they were (in y^e end) not able to help on another; no, not
\nto make a fire, nor to fetch a litle water to drinke, nor any to burie
\ny^e dead; but would strivie as long as they could, and when they could
\nprocure no other means to make fire, they would burne y^e woden trayes
\n& dishes they ate their meate in, and their very bowes & arrowes; & some
\nwould crawle out on all foure to gett a litle water, and some times dye
\nby y^e way, & not be able to gett in againe. But those of y^e English
\nhouse, (though at first they were afraid of y^e infection,) yet seeing
\ntheir woefull and sadd condition, and hearing their pitifull cries and
\nlamentations, they had compastion of them, and dayly fetched them wood &
\nwater, and made them fires, gott them victualls whilst they lived, and
\nburied them when they dyed. For very few of them escaped,
\nnotwithstanding they did what they could for them, to y^e haszard of
\nthem selvs. The cheefe Sachem him selfe now dyed, & allmost all his
\nfreinds & kinred. But by y^e marvelous goodnes & providens of God not
\none of y^e English was so much as sicke, or in y^e least measure tainted
\nwith this disease, though they dayly did these offices for them for many
\nweeks togeather. And this mercie which they shewed them was kindly
\ntaken, and thankfully acknowledged of all y^e Indeans that knew or heard
\nof y^e same; and their m^rs here did much comend & reward them for y^e
\nsame.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1635._<\/p>\n
M^r. Winslow was very wellcome to them in England, and y^e more in
\nregard of y^e large returne he brought with him, which came all safe to
\ntheir hands, and was well sould. And he was borne in hand, (at least he
\nso apprehended,) that all accounts should be cleared before his returne,
\nand all former differences ther aboute well setled. And so he writ over
\nto them hear, that he hoped to cleare y^e accounts, and bring them over
\nwith him; and y^t the accounte of y^e White Angele would be taken of,
\nand all things fairly ended. But it came to pass [205] that, being
\noccasioned to answer some complaints made against the countrie at
\nCounsell bord, more cheefly concerning their neigbours in y^e Bay then
\nthem selves hear, the which he did to good effecte, and further
\nprosecuting such things as might tend to y^e good of y^e whole, as well
\nthem selves as others, aboute y^e wrongs and incroachments that the
\nFrench & other strangers both had and were like further to doe unto
\nthem, if not prevented, he prefered this petition following to their
\nHon^rs that were deputed Comissioners for y^e Plantations.<\/p>\n
To y^e right honorable y^e Lords Comissioners for y^e Plantations in
\nAmerica.<\/p>\n
The humble petition of Edw: Winslow, on y^e behalfe of y^e plantations
\nin New-England,<\/p>\n
Humbly sheweth unto your Lordships, y^t wheras your petitioners have
\nplanted them selves in New England under his Ma^tis most gratious
\nprotection; now so it is, right Hon^bl, that y^e French & Dutch doe
\nindeaouer to devide y^e land betweene them; for which purpose y^e
\nFrench have, on y^e east side, entered and seased upon one of our
\nhouses, and carried away the goods, slew 2. of y^e men in another
\nplace, and tooke y^e rest prisoners with their goods. And y^e Dutch,
\non y^e west, have also made entrie upon Conigtecute River, within y^e
\nlimits of his Maj^ts [~l]rs patent, where they have raised a forte,
\nand threaten to expell your petitioners thence, who are also planted
\nupon y^e same river, maintaining possession for his Ma^tie to their
\ngreat charge, & hazard both of lives & goods.<\/p>\n
In tender consideration hereof your petitioners humbly pray that your
\nLo^pps will either procure their peace w^th those foraine states, or
\nelse to give spetiall warrante unto your petitioners and y^e English
\nCollonies, to right and defend them selves against all foraigne
\nenimies. And your petitioners shall pray, &c.<\/p>\n
This petition found good acceptation with most of them, and Mr. Winslow
\nwas heard sundry times by them, and appointed further to attend for an
\nanswer from their Lo^pps, espetially, having upon conferance with them
\nlaid downe a way how this might be doone without any either charge or
\ntrouble to y^e state; only by furnishing some of y^e cheefe of y^e
\ncuntry hear with authoritie, who would undertake it at their owne
\ncharge, and in such a way as should be without any publick disturbance.
\nBut this crossed both S^r Ferdinandos Gorges’ & Cap: Masons designe, and
\ny^e arch-bishop of Counterberies by them; for S^r Ferd: Gorges (by y^e
\narch-pps favore) was to have been sent over generall Gov^r into y^e
\ncountrie, and to have had means from y^e state for y^t end, and was now
\nupon dispatch and conclude of y^e bussines. And y^e arch-bishops
\npurposs & intente was, by his means, & some he should send with him,
\n(to be furnished with Episcopall power,) [206] to disturbe y^e peace of
\ny^e churches here, and to overthrow their proceedings and further
\ngrowth, which was y^e thing he aimed at. But it so fell out (by Gods
\nprovidence) that though he in y^e end crost this petition from taking
\nany further effecte in this kind, yet by this as a cheefe means the
\nplotte and whole bussines of his & S^r Ferdinandos fell to y^e ground,
\nand came to nothing. When M^r. Winslow should have had his suit granted,
\n(as indeed upon y^e pointe it was,) and should have been confirmed, the
\narch-bishop put a stop upon it, and M^r. Winslow, thinking to gett it
\nfreed, went to y^e bord againe; but y^e bishop, S^r Ferd: and Captine
\nMasson, had, as it seemes, procured Morton (of whom mention is made
\nbefore, & his base carriage) to complaine; to whose complaints M^r.
\nWinslow made answer to y^e good satisfaction of y^e borde, who checked
\nMorton and rebuked him sharply, & allso blamed S^r Fer^d Gorges, &
\nMasson, for countenancing him. But y^e bish: had a further end & use of
\nhis presence, for he now begane to question M^r. Winslow of many things;
\nas of teaching in y^e church publickly, of which Morton accused him, and
\ngave evidence that he had seen and heard him doe it; to which M^r.
\nWinslow answered, that some time (wanting a minster) he did exercise his
\ngifte to help y^e edification of his breethren, when they wanted better
\nmeans, w^ch was not often. Then aboute mariage, the which he also
\nconfessed, that, haveing been called to place of magistracie, he had
\nsometimes maried some. And further tould their lord^ps y^t mariage was a
\nciville thinge, & he found no wher in y^e word of God y^t it was tyed to
\nministrie. Again, they were necessitated so to doe, having for a long
\ntime togeather at first no minister; besids, it was no new-thing, for he
\nhad been so maried him selfe in Holand, by y^e magistrats in their
\nStatt-house. But in y^e end (to be short), for these things, y^e bishop,
\nby vemente importunity, gott y^e bord at last to consente to his
\ncomittemente; so he was comited to y^e Fleete, and lay ther 17. weeks,
\nor ther aboute, before he could gett to be released. And this was y^e
\nend of this petition, and this bussines; only y^e others designe was
\nalso frustrated hereby, with other things concurring, which was no
\nsmalle blessing to y^e people here.<\/p>\n
But y^e charge fell heavie on them hear, not only in M^r. Winslows
\nexpences, (which could not be smale,) but by y^e hinderance of their
\nbussines both ther and hear, by his personall imploymente. For though
\nthis was as much or more for others then for them hear, and by them
\ncheefly he was put on this bussines, (for the plantation k[=e]we nothing
\nof it till they heard of his imprisonmente,) yet y^e whole charge lay on
\nthem.<\/p>\n
Now for their owne bussines; whatsoever M^r. Sherleys mind was before,
\n(or M^r. Winslow apprehension of y^e same,) he now declared him selfe
\nplainly, that he would neither take of y^e White-Angell from y^e
\naccounte, nor [207] give any further accounte, till he had received more
\ninto his hands; only a prety good supply of goods were sent over, but of
\ny^e most, no note of their prises, or so orderly an invoyce as formerly;
\nwhich M^r. Winslow said he could not help, because of his restrainte.
\nOnly now M^r. Sherley & M^r. Beachamp & M^r. Andrews sent over a letter
\nof atturney under their hands & seals, to recovere what they could of
\nM^r. Allerton for y^e Angells accounte; but sent them neither y^e bonds,
\nnor covenants, or such other evidence or accounts, as they had aboute
\nthese matters. I shall here inserte a few passages out of M^r. Sherleys
\nletters aboute these things.<\/p>\n
Your leter of y^e 22. of July, 1634, by your trustie and our loving
\nfriend M^r. Winslow, I have received, and your larg parcell of beaver
\nand otter skines. Blessed be our God, both he and it came safly to us,
\nand we have sould it in tow parcells; y^e skin at 14^s. li. & some at
\n16.; y^e coate at 20^s. y^e pound. The accounts I have not sent you
\nthem this year, I will referr you to M^r. Winslow to tell you y^e
\nreason of it; yet be assured y^t none of you shall suffer by y^e not
\nhaving of them, if God spare me life. And wheras you say y^e 6. years
\nare expired y^t y^e peopl put y^e trad into your & our hands for, for
\ny^e discharge of y^t great debte w^ch M^r. Allerton needlesly &
\nunadvisedly ran you & us into; yet it was promised it should continue
\ntill our disbursments & ingagements were satisfied. You conceive it
\nis done; we feele & know other wise, &c. I doubt not but we shall
\nlovingly agree, notwithstanding all y^t hath been writen, on boath
\nsids, aboute y^e Whit-Angell. We have now sent you a letter of
\natturney, therby giving you power in our names (and to shadow it y^e
\nmore we say for our uses) to obtaine what may be of M^r. Allerton
\ntowards y^e satisfing of that great charge of y^e White Angell. And
\nsure he hath bound him selfe, (though at present I cannot find it,)
\nbut he hath often affirmed, with great protestations, y^t neither you
\nnor we should lose a peny by him, and I hope you shall find enough to
\ndischarg it, so as we shall have no more contesting aboute it. Yet,
\nnotwithstanding his unnaturall & unkind dealing with you, in y^e
\nmidest of justice remember mercie, and doe not all you may doe, &c.
\nSet us out of debte, and then let us recone & reason togeither, &c.
\nM^r. Winslow hath undergone an unkind imprisonment, but I am perswaded
\nit will turne much to all your good. I leave him to relate
\nperticuleres, &c.<\/p>\n
Your loving freind,
\nJAMES SHERLEY.<\/p>\n
London, Sep: 7. 1635.<\/p>\n
This year they sustained an other great loss from y^e French. Monsier de
\nAulnay coming into y^e harbore of Penobscote, and having before gott
\nsome of y^e cheefe y^t belonged to y^e house abord his vessell, by
\nsutlty coming upon them in their shalop, he gott them to pilote him in;
\nand after getting y^e rest into his power, he tooke possession of y^e
\nhouse in y^e name of y^e king of France; and partly by threatening, &
\nother wise, made Mr. Willett (their agente ther) to approve of y^e sale
\nof y^e goods their unto him, of which he sett y^e price him selfe [208]
\nin effecte, and made an inventory therof, (yett leaving out sundry
\nthings,) but made no paymente for them; but tould them in convenient
\ntime he would doe it if they came for it. For y^e house & fortification,
\n&c. he would not alow, nor accounte any thing, saing that they which
\nbuild on another mans ground doe forfite y^e same. So thus turning them
\nout of all, (with a great deale of complemente, and many fine words,) he
\nlet them have their shalop and some victualls to bring them home. Coming
\nhome and relating all the passages, they here were much troubled at it,
\n& haveing had this house robbed by y^e French once before, and lost then
\nabove 500^li. (as is before remembred), and now to loose house & all,
\ndid much move them. So as they resolved to consulte with their freinds
\nin y^e Bay, and if y^ey approved of it, (ther being now many ships
\nther,) they intended to hire a ship of force, and seeke to beat out y^e
\nFrenche, and recover it againe. Ther course was well approved on, if
\nthem selves could bear y^e charge; so they hired a fair ship of above
\n300. tune, well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with y^e m^r. (one
\nGirling) to this effect: that he and his company should deliver them y^e
\nhouse, (after they had driven out, or surprised y^e French,) and give
\nthem peacable possession therof, and of all such trading comodities as
\nshould ther be found; and give y^e French fair quarter & usage, if they
\nwould yeeld. In consideration wherof he was to have 700^li. of beaver,
\nto be delivered him ther, when he had done y^e thing; but if he did not
\naccomplish it, he was to loose his labour, and have nothing. With him
\nthey also sent their owne bark, and about 20. men, with Captaine
\nStandish, to aide him (if neede weer), and to order things, if the house
\nwas regained; and then to pay him y^e beaver, which they keept abord
\ntheir owne barke. So they with their bark piloted him thither, and
\nbrought him safe into y^e harbor. But he was so rash & heady as he would
\ntake no advice, nor would suffer Captaine Standish to have time to
\nsummone them, (who had co[=m]ission & order so to doe,) neither would
\ndoe it him selfe; the which, it was like, if it had been done, & they
\ncome to affaire parley, seeing their force, they would have yeelded.
\nNeither would he have patience to bring his ship wher she might doe
\nexecution, but begane to shoot at distance like a madd man, and did them
\nno hurte at all; the which when those of y^e plantation saw, they were
\nmuch greeved, and went to him & tould him he would doe no good if he did
\nnot lay his ship beter to pass (for she might lye within pistoll shott
\nof y^e house). At last, when he saw his owne folly, he was perswaded,
\nand layed her well, and bestowed a few shott to good purposs. But now,
\nwhen he was in a way to doe some good, his powder was goone; for though
\nhe had …[DO] peece of ordnance, it did now [209] appeare he had but a
\nbarrell of powder, and a peece; so he could doe no good, but was faine
\nto draw of againe; by which means y^e enterprise was made frustrate, and
\ny^e French incouraged; for all y^e while that he shot so unadvisedly,
\nthey lay close under a worke of earth, & let him consume him selfe. He
\nadvised with y^e Captaine how he might be supplyed with powder, for he
\nhad not to carie him home; so he tould him he would goe to y^e next
\nplantation, and doe his indeour to procure him some, and so did; but
\nunderstanding, by intelligence, that he intended to ceiase on y^e barke,
\n& surprise y^e beaver, he sent him the powder, and brought y^e barke &
\nbeaver home. But Girling never assualted y^e place more, (seeing him
\nselfe disapoyented,) but went his way; and this was y^e end of this
\nbussines.<\/p>\n
Upon y^e ill success of this bussines, the Gov^r and Assistants here by
\ntheir leters certified their freinds in y^e Bay, how by this ship they
\nhad been abused and disapoynted, and y^t the French partly had, and were
\nnow likly to fortifie them selves more strongly, and likly to become ill
\nneigbours to y^e English. Upon this they thus writ to them as
\nfolloeth:–<\/p>\n
Worthy S^rs: Upon y^e reading of your leters, & consideration of y^e
\nwaightines of y^e cause therin mentioned, the courte hath joyntly
\nexpressed their willingnes to assist you with men & munition, for y^e
\naccomplishing of your desires upon y^e French. But because here are
\nnone of yours y^t have authority to conclude of any thing herein,
\nnothing can be done by us for y^e presente. We desire, therfore, that
\nyou would with all conveniente speed send some man of trust, furnished
\nwith instructions from your selves, to make such agreemente with us
\nabout this bussines as may be usefull for you, and equall for us. So
\nin hast we co[=m]ite you to God, and remaine<\/p>\n
Your assured loving freinds,<\/p>\n
JOHN HAYNES, Gov^r.
\nRI: BELLINGHAM, Dep.
\nJO: WINTHROP.
\nTHO: DUDLEY.
\nJO: HUMFRAY.
\nW^M: CODDINGTON.
\nW^M: PINCHON.
\nATHERTON HOUGHE.
\nINCREAS NOWELL.
\nRIC: DUMER.
\nSIMON BRADSTRETE.<\/p>\n
New-towne, Octo^r 9. 1635.<\/p>\n
Upon the receite of y^e above mentioned, they presently deputed 2. of
\ntheirs to treate with them, giving them full power to conclude,
\naccording to the instructions they gave them, being to this purposs:
\nthat if they would afford such assistance as, togeather with their owne,
\nwas like to effecte the thing, and allso bear a considerable parte of
\ny^e charge, they would goe on; if not, [210] they (having lost so much
\nallready) should not be able, but must desiste, and waite further
\nopportunitie as God should give, to help them selves. But this came to
\nnothing, for when it came to y^e issue, they would be at no charge, but
\nsente them this letter, and referd them more at large to their owne
\nmessengers.<\/p>\n
S^r: Having, upon y^e consideration of your letter, with y^e message
\nyou sente, had some serious consultations aboute y^e great importance
\nof your bussines with y^e French, we gave our answer to those whom you
\ndeputed to conferr w^th us aboute y^e viage to Penobscote. We shewed
\nour willingnes to help, but withall we declared our presente
\ncondition, & in what state we were, for our abilitie to help; which we
\nfor our parts shall be willing to improve, to procure you sufficiente
\nsupply of men & munition. But for matter of moneys we have no
\nauthority at all to promise, and if we should, we should rather
\ndisapoynte you, then incourage you by y^t help, which we are not able
\nto performe. We likewise thought it fitt to take y^e help of other
\nEsterne plantations; but those things we leave to your owne wisdomes.
\nAnd for other things we refer you to your owne co[=m]itties, who are
\nable to relate all y^e passages more at large. We salute you, & wish
\nyou all good success in y^e Lord.<\/p>\n
Your faithfull & loving friend,
\nRI: BELLINGHAM, Dep:
\nIn y^e name of the rest of the Comities.<\/p>\n
Boston, Octob^r 16. 1635.<\/p>\n
This thing did not only thus breake of, but some of their merchants
\nshortly after sent to trad with them, and furnished them both with
\nprovissions, & poweder & shott; and so have continued to doe till this
\nday, as they have seen opportunitie for their profite. So as in truth
\ny^e English them selves have been the cheefest supporters of these
\nFrench; for besids these, the plantation at Pemaquid (which lyes near
\nunto them) doth not only supply them with what y^ey wante, but gives
\nthem continuall intelligence of all things that passes among y^e
\nEnglish, (espetially some of them,) so as it is no marvell though they
\nstill grow, & incroach more & more upon y^e English, and fill y^e
\nIndeans with gunes & munishtion, to y^e great deanger of y^e English,
\nwho lye open & unfortified, living upon husbandrie; and y^e other closed
\nup in their forts, well fortified, and live upon trade, in good
\nsecuritie. If these things be not looked too, and remeady provided in
\ntime, it may easily be conjectured what they may come toe; but I leave
\nthem.<\/p>\n
This year, y^e 14. or 15. of August (being Saturday) was such a mighty
\nstorme of wind & raine, as none living in these parts, either English or
\nIndeans, ever saw. Being like (for y^e time it continued) to those
\nHauricanes and Tuffons that writers make mention of in y^e Indeas. It
\nbegan in y^e morning, a litle before day, and grue not by degrees, but
\ncame with violence in y^e begining, to y^e great amasmente of many. It
\nblew downe sundry [211] houses, & uncovered others; diverce vessells
\nwere lost at sea, and many more in extreme danger. It caused y^e sea to
\nswell (to y^e southward of this place) above 20. foote, right up &
\ndowne, and made many of the Indeans to clime into trees for their
\nsaftie; it tooke of y^e borded roofe of a house which belonged to the
\nplantation at Manamet, and floted it to another place, the posts still
\nstanding in y^e ground; and if it had continued long without y^e
\nshifting of y^e wind, it is like it would have drouned some parte of y^e
\ncuntrie. It blew downe many hundered thowsands of trees, turning up the
\nstronger by the roots, and breaking the hiegher pine trees of in the
\nmidle, and y^e tall yonge oaks & walnut trees of good biggnes were wound
\nlike a withe, very strang & fearfull to behould. It begane in y^e
\nsoutheast, and parted toward y^e south & east, and vered sundry ways;
\nbut y^e greatest force of it here was from y^e former quarters. It
\ncontinued not (in y^e extremitie) above 5. or 6. houers, but y^e
\nviolence begane to abate. The signes and marks of it will remaine this
\n100. years in these parts wher it was sorest. The moone suffered a great
\neclips the 2. night after it.<\/p>\n
Some of their neighbours in y^e Bay, hereing of y^e fame of Conightecute
\nRiver, had a hankering mind after it, (as was before noted,) and now
\nunderstanding that y^e Indeans were swepte away with y^e late great
\nmortalitie, the fear of whom was an obstacle unto them before, which
\nbeing now taken away, they begane now to prosecute it with great
\negernes. The greatest differances fell betweene those of Dorchester
\nplantation and them hear; for they set their minde on that place, which
\nthey had not only purchased of y^e Indeans, but wher they had builte;
\nintending only (if they could not remove them) that they should have but
\na smale moyety left to y^e house, as to a single family; whose doings
\nand proceedings were conceived to be very injurious, to attempte not
\nonly to intrude them selves into y^e rights & possessions of others, but
\nin effect to thrust them out of all. Many were y^e leters & passages
\nthat went betweene them hear aboute, which would be to long here to
\nrelate.<\/p>\n
I shall here first inserte a few lines that was write by their own
\nagente from thence.<\/p>\n
S^r: &c. Y^e Masschuset men are coming almost dayly, some by water, &
\nsome by land, who are not yet determined wher to setle, though some
\nhave a great mind to y^e place we are upon, and which was last bought.
\nMany of them look at that which this river will not afford, excepte it
\nbe at this place which we have, namly, to be a great towne, and have
\ncomodious dwellings for many togeather. So as what they will doe I
\ncannot yet resolve you; for this place ther is none of them say any
\nthing to me, but what I hear from their servants (by whom I perceive
\ntheir minds). I shall doe what I can to withstand them. I hope they
\nwill hear reason; as that we were here first, and entred with much
\ndifficulty and danger, [212] both in regard of y^e Dutch & Indeans,
\nand bought y^e land, (to your great charge, allready disbursed,) and
\nhave since held here a chargable possession, and kept y^e Dutch from
\nfurther incroaching, which would els long before this day have
\npossessed all, and kept out all others, &c. I hope these & such like
\narguments will stoppe them. It was your will we should use their
\npersons & messengers kindly, & so we have done, and doe dayly, to your
\ngreat charge; for y^e first company had well nie starved had it not
\nbeen for this house, for want of victuals; I being forced to supply
\n12. men for 9. days togeather; and those which came last, I
\nentertained the best we could, helping both them (& y^e other) with
\ncanows, & guids. They gott me to goe with them to y^e Dutch, to see if
\nI could procure some of them to have quiet setling nere them; but they
\ndid peremtorily withstand them. But this later company did not once
\nspeak therof, &c. Also I gave their goods house roome according to
\ntheir ernest request, and M^r. Pinchons letter in their behalfe (which
\nI thought good to send you, here inclosed). And what trouble & charge
\nI shall be further at I know not; for they are co[=m]ing dayly, and I
\nexpecte these back againe from below, whither they are gone to veiw
\ny^e countrie. All which trouble & charg we under goe for their
\noccasion, may give us just cause (in y^e judgmente of all wise &
\nunderstanding men) to hold and keep that we are setled upon. Thus with
\nmy duty remembred, &c. I rest<\/p>\n
Yours to be comanded
\nJOHNNATH[=A] BREWSTER.<\/p>\n
Matianuck, July 6. 1635.<\/p>\n
Amongst y^e many agitations that pased betweene them, I shal note a few
\nout of their last letters, & for y^e present omitte y^e rest, except
\nupon other occasion I may have fitter opportunity. After their thorrow
\nveiw of y^e place, they began to pitch them selves upon their land &
\nnear their house; which occasioned much expostulation betweene them.
\nSome of which are such as follow.<\/p>\n
Brethren, having latly sent 2. of our body unto you, to agitate &
\nbring to an issue some maters in difference betweene us, about some
\nlands at Conightecutt, unto which you lay challeng; upon which God by
\nhis providence cast us, and as we conceive in a faire way of
\nprovidence tendered it to us, as a meete place to receive our body,
\nnow upon removall.<\/p>\n
We shall not need to answer all y^e passages of your larg letter, &c.
\nBut wheras you say God in his providence cast you, &c., we tould you
\nbefore, and (upon this occasion) must now tell you still, that our
\nmind is other wise, and y^t you cast rather a partiall, if not a
\ncovetous eye, upon that w^ch is your neigbours, and not yours; and in
\nso doing, your way could not be faire unto it. Looke y^t you abuse not
\nGods providence in such allegations.<\/p>\n
Theirs.<\/p>\n
Now allbeite we at first judged y^e place so free y^t we might with
\nGods good leave take & use it, without just offence to any man, it
\nbeing the Lords [213] wast, and for y^e presente altogeather voyd of
\ninhabitants, that indeede minded y^e imploymente therof, to y^e right
\nends for which land was created, Gen: 1. 28. and for future intentions
\nof any, & uncertaine possibilities of this or that to be done by any,
\nwe judging them (in such a case as ours espetialy) not meete to be
\nequalled with presente actions (such as ours was) much less worthy to
\nbe prefered before them; and therfore did we make some weake beginings
\nin that good worke, in y^e place afforesaid.<\/p>\n
Ans: Their answer was to this effecte. That if it was y^e Lords wast, it
\nwas them selves that found it so, & not they; and have since bought it
\nof y^e right oweners, and maintained a chargable possession upon it al
\nthis while, as them selves could not but know. And because of present
\ningagments and other hinderances which lay at presente upon them, must
\nit therfore be lawfull for them to goe and take it from them? It was
\nwell known that they are upon a barren place, wher they were by
\nnecessitie cast; and neither they nor theirs could longe continue upon
\ny^e same; and why should they (because they were more ready, & more able
\nat presente) goe and deprive them of that which they had w^th charg &
\nhazard provided, & intended to remove to, as soone as they could & were
\nable?<\/p>\n
They had another passage in their letter; they had rather have to doe
\nwith the lords in England, to whom (as they heard it reported) some of
\nthem should say that they had rather give up their right to them, (if
\nthey must part with it,) then to y^e church of Dorchester, &c. And that
\nthey should be less fearfull to offend y^e lords, then they were them.<\/p>\n
Answer: Their answer was, that what soever they had heard, (more then
\nwas true,) yet y^e case was not so with them that they had need to give
\naway their rights & adventurs, either to y^e lords, or them; yet, if
\nthey might measure their fear of offence by their practise, they had
\nrather (in that poynte) they should deal with y^e lords, who were beter
\nable to bear it, or help them selves, then they were.<\/p>\n
But least I should be teadious, I will forbear other things, and come
\nto the conclusion that was made in y^e endd. To make any forcible
\nresistance was farr from their thoughts, (they had enough of y^t about
\nKenebeck,) and to live in continuall contention with their freinds &
\nbrethren would be uncomfortable, and too heavie a burden to bear.
\nTherfore for peace sake (though they conceived they suffered much in
\nthis thing) they thought it better to let them have it upon as good
\ntermes as they could gett; and so they fell to treaty. The first thing
\ny^t (because they had made so many & long disputs aboute it) they would
\nhave them to grante was, y^t they had right too it, or ells they would
\nnever treat aboute it. The[DP] which being acknowledged, & yeelded unto
\nby them, this was y^e conclusion they came unto in y^e end after much
\nadoe: that they should retaine their house, and have the 16. parte of
\nall they had bought of y^e Indeans; and y^e other should have all y^e
\nrest of y^e land; leaveing such a moyety to those [214] of New-towne, as
\nthey reserved for them. This 16. part was to be taken in too places; one
\ntowards y^e house, the other towards New-townes proporrtion. Also they
\nwere to pay according to proportion, what had been disbursed to y^e
\nIndeans for y^e purchass. Thus was y^e controversie ended, but the
\nunkindnes not so soone forgotten. They of New-towne delt more fairly,
\ndesireing only what they could conveniently spare, from a competancie
\nreserved for a plantation, for them selves; which made them the more
\ncarfull to procure a moyety for them, in this agreement & distribution.<\/p>\n
Amongst y^e other bussinesses that M^r. Winslow had to doe in England,
\nhe had order from y^e church to provid & bring over some able & fitt man
\nfor to be their minister. And accordingly he had procured a godly and a
\nworthy[DQ] man, one M^r. Glover; but it pleased God when he was prepared
\nfor the viage, he fell sick of a feaver and dyed. Afterwards, when he
\nwas ready to come away, he became acquainted with M^r. Norton, who was
\nwilling to come over, but would not ingage him selfe to this place,
\notherwise then he should see occasion when he came hear; and if he liked
\nbetter else wher, to repay y^e charge laid out for him, (which came to
\naboute 70^li.) and to be at his liberty. He stayed aboute a year with
\nthem, after he came over, and was well liked of them, & much desired by
\nthem; but he was invited to Ipswich, wher were many rich & able men, and
\nsundry of his aquaintance; so he wente to them, & is their minister.
\nAboute half of y^e charg was repayed, y^e rest he had for y^e pains he
\ntooke amongst them.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1636._<\/p>\n
M^R. ED: WINSLOW was chosen Gov^r this year.<\/p>\n
In y^e former year, because they perceived by M^r. Winslows later
\nletters that no accounts would be sente, they resolved to keep y^e
\nbeaver, and send no more, till they had them, or came to some further
\nagreemente. At least they would forbear till M^r. Winslow came over,
\nthat by more full conferance with him they might better understand what
\nwas meete to be done. But when he came, though he brought no accounts,
\nyet he perswaded them to send y^e beaver, & was confident upon y^e
\nreceite of y^t beaver, & his letters, they should have accounts y^e
\nnexte year; and though they thought his grounds but weake, that gave him
\nthis hope, & made him so confidente, yet by his importunitie they
\nyeelded, & sente y^e same, ther being a ship at y^e latter end of year,
\nby whom they sente 1150^li. waight of beaver, and 200. otter skins,
\nbesids sundrie small furrs, as 55. minks, 2. black foxe skins, &c. And
\nthis year, in the spring, came in a Dutch man, who thought to have
\ntraded at y^e Dutch-forte; [215] but they would not suffer him. He,
\nhaving good store of trading goods, came to this place, & tendred them
\nto sell; of whom they bought a good quantitie, they being very good &
\nfitte for their turne, as Dutch roll, ketles, &c., which goods amounted
\nto y^e valew of 500^li., for y^e paymente of which they passed bills to
\nM^r. Sherley in England, having before sente y^e forementioned parcell
\nof beaver. And now this year (by another ship) sente an other good round
\nparcell that might come to his hands, & be sould before any of these
\nbills should be due. The quantity of beaver now sent was 1809^li.
\nwaight, and of otters 10. skins, and shortly after (y^e same year) was
\nsent by another ship (Mr. Langrume maister), in beaver 0719^li. waight,
\nand of otter skins 199. concerning which M^r. Sherley thus writs.<\/p>\n
Your leters I have received, with 8. hoggsheads of beaver by Ed:
\nWilkinson, master of y^e Falcon. Blessed be God for y^e safe coming of
\nit. I have also seen & acceped 3. bills of exchainge, &c. But I must
\nnow acquainte you how the Lords heavie hand is upon this kingdom in
\nmany places, but cheefly in this cittie, with his judgmente of y^e
\nplague. The last weeks bill was 1200. & odd, I fear this will be more;
\nand it is much feared it will be a winter sicknes. By reason wherof it
\nis incredible y^e number of people y^t are gone into y^e cuntry & left
\ny^e citie. I am perswaded many more then went out y^e last sicknes; so
\nas here is no trading, carriers from most places put downe; nor no
\nreceiving of any money, though long due. M^r. Hall ows us more then
\nwould pay these bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in y^e cuntrie,
\n60. miles from London. I write to him, he came up, but could not pay
\nus. I am perswaded if I should offer to sell y^e beaver at 8s. p^r
\npound, it would not yeeld money; but when y^e Lord shall please to
\ncease his hand, I hope we shall have better & quicker markets; so it
\nshall lye by. Before I accepted y^e bills, I acquainted M^r. Beachamp
\n& M^r. Andrews with them, & how ther could be no money made nor
\nreceived; and that it would be a great discredite to you, which never
\nyet had any turned back, and a shame to us, haveing 1800^li. of beaver
\nlying by us, and more oweing then y^e bills come too, &c. But all was
\nnothing; neither of them both will put too their finger to help. I
\noffered to supply my 3. parte, but they gave me their answer they
\nneither would nor could, &c. How ever, your bils shall be satisfied to
\ny^e parties good contente; but I would not have thought they would
\nhave left either you or me at this time, &c. You will and may expect I
\nshould write more, & answer your leters, but I am not a day in y^e
\nweeke at home at towne, but carry my books & all to Clapham; for here
\nis y^e miserablest time y^t I thinke hath been known in many ages. I
\nhave kno[=w] 3. great sickneses, but none like this. And that which
\nshould be a means to pacifie y^e Lord, & help us, that is taken away,
\npreaching put downe in many places, not a sermone in Westminster on
\ny^e saboth, nor in many townes aboute us; y^e Lord in mercie looke
\nuppon us. In the begining of y^e year was a great [216] drought, & no
\nraine for many weeks togeather, so as all was burnte up, haye, at
\n5^li. a load; and now all raine, so as much sommer come & later haye
\nis spoyled. Thus y^e Lord sends judgmente after judgmente, and yet we
\ncannot see, nor humble our selves; and therfore may justly fear
\nheavier judgments, unless we speedyly repente, & returne unto him,
\nwhich y^e Lord give us grace to doe, if it be his blessed will. Thus
\ndesiring you to remember us in your prayers, I ever rest<\/p>\n
Your loving friend,
\nJAMES SHERLEY.<\/p>\n
Sep^t: 14. 1636.<\/p>\n
This was all the answer they had from M^r. Sherley, by which M^r.
\nWinslow saw his hops failed him. So they now resoloved to send no more
\nbeaver in y^t way which they had done, till they came to some issue or
\nother aboute these things. But now came over letters from M^r. Andrews &
\nM^r. Beachamp full of complaints, that they marveled y^t nothing was
\nsent over, by which any of their moneys should be payed in; for it did
\nappear by y^e accounte sente in An^o 1631. that they were each of them
\nout, aboute a leven hundered pounds a peece, and all this while had not
\nreceived one penie towards y^e same. But now M^r. Sherley sought to draw
\nmore money from them, and was offended because they deneyed him; and
\nblamed them hear very much that all was sent to M^r. Sherley, & nothing
\nto them. They marvelled much at this, for they conceived that much of
\ntheir moneis had been paid in, & y^t yearly each of them had received a
\nproportionable quantity out of y^e larg returnes sent home. For they had
\nsente home since y^t accounte was received in An^o 1631. (in which all &
\nmore then all their debts, w^th y^t years supply, was charged upon them)
\nthese sumes following.<\/p>\n
Nov^br 8. An^o 1631. By M^r. Peirce 0400^li. waight of
\nbeaver, & otters 20.
\nJuly 13. An^o 1632. By M^r. Griffin 1348^li. beaver, & otters 147.
\nAn^o 1633. By M^r. Graves 3366^li. bever, & otters 346.
\nAn^o 1634. By M^r. Andrews 3738^li. beaver, & otters 234.
\nAn^o 1635. By M^r. Babb 1150^li. beaver, & otters 200.
\nJune 24. An^o 1636. By M^r. Wilkinson 1809^li. beaver, & otters 010.
\nIbidem. By M^r. Langrume 0719^li. beaver, & otters 199.
\n——– —–
\n12150^li.[DR] 1156.<\/p>\n
All these sumes were safly rceived & well sould, as appears by leters.
\nThe coat beaver usualy at 20^s. p^r pound, and some at 24^s.; the skin
\nat 15. & sometimes 16. I doe not remember any under 14. It may be y^e
\nlast year might be something lower, so also ther were some small furrs
\nthat are not recconed in this accounte, & some black beaver at higer
\nrates, to make up y^e defects. [217] It was conceived that y^e former
\nparcells of beaver came to litle less then 10000^li. sterling, and y^e
\notter skins would pay all y^e charge, & they w^th other furrs make up
\nbesids if any thing wanted of y^e former sume. When y^e former accounte
\nwas passed, all their debts (those of White-Angelle & Frendship
\nincluded) came but to 4770^li. And they could not estimate that all y^e
\nsupplies since sent them, & bills payed for them, could come to above
\n2000^li. so as they conceived their debts had been payed, with advantage
\nor intrest. But it may be objected, how comes it that they could not as
\nwell exactly sett downe their receits, as their returnes, but thus
\nestimate it. I answer, 2. things were y^e cause of it; the first &
\nprincipall was, that y^e new accountante, which they in England would
\nneeds presse upon them, did wholy faile them, & could never give them
\nany accounte; but trusting to his memorie, & lose papers, let things
\nrune into such confusion, that neither he, nor any with him, could bring
\nthings to rights. But being often called upon to perfecte his accounts,
\nhe desired to have such a time, and such a time of leasure, and he would
\ndoe it. In y^e intrime he fell into a great sicknes, and in conclusion
\nit fell out he could make no accounte at all. His books were after a
\nlitle good begining left altogeather unperfect; and his papers, some
\nwere lost, & others so confused, as he knew not what to make of them him
\nselfe, when they came to be searched & examined. This was not unknowne
\nto M^r. Sherley; and they came to smarte for it to purposs, (though it
\nwas not their faulte,) both thus in England, and also here; for they
\nconceived they lost some hundreds of pounds for goods trusted out in y^e
\nplace, which were lost for want of clear accounts to call them in.
\nAnother reason of this mischeefe was, that after M^r. Winslow was sente
\ninto England to demand accounts, and to excepte against y^e Whit-Angell,
\nthey never had any price sent with their goods, nor any certaine invoyce
\nof them; but all things stood in confusion, and they were faine to
\nguesse at y^e prises of them.<\/p>\n
They write back to M^r. Andrews & M^r. Beachamp, and tould them they
\nmarveled they should write they had sent nothing home since y^e last
\naccounts; for they had sente a great deale; and it might rather be
\nmarveled how they could be able to send so much, besids defraying all
\ncharg at home, and what they had lost by the French, and so much cast
\naway at sea, when M^r. Peirce lost his ship on y^e coast of Virginia.
\nWhat they had sente was to them all, and to them selves as well as M^r.
\nSherley, and if they did not looke after it, it was their owne falts;
\nthey must referr them to M^r. Sherley, who had received [218] it, to
\ndemand it of him. They allso write to M^r. Sherley to y^e same purposs,
\nand what the others complaints were.<\/p>\n
This year 2. shallops going to Coonigtecutt with goods from y^e
\nMassachusetts of such as removed theither to plante, were in an easterly
\nstorme cast away in coming into this harbore in y^e night; the boats men
\nwere lost, and the goods were driven all alonge the shore, and strowed
\nup & downe at high-water marke. But y^e Gov^r caused them to be gathered
\nup, and drawn togeather, and appointed some to take an inventory of
\nthem, and others to wash & drie such things as had neede therof; by
\nwhich means most of y^e goods were saved, and restored to y^e owners.
\nAfterwards anotheir boate of theirs (going thither likwise) was cast
\naway near unto Manoanscusett, and such goods as came a shore were
\npreserved for them. Such crosses they mette with in their beginings;
\nwhich some imputed as a correction from God for their intrution (to y^e
\nwrong of others) into y^t place. But I dare not be bould with Gods
\njudgments in this kind.<\/p>\n
In y^e year 1634, the Pequents (a stoute and warlike people), who had
\nmade warrs with sundry of their neigbours, and puft up with many
\nvictories, grue now at varience with y^e Narigansets, a great people
\nbordering upon them. These Narigansets held correspondance and termes of
\nfreindship with y^e English of y^e Massachusetts. Now y^e Pequents,
\nbeing conscious of y^e guilte of Captain-Stones death, whom they knew to
\nbe an-English man, as also those y^t were with him, and being fallen out
\nwith y^e Dutch, least they should have over many enemies at once, sought
\nto make freindship with y^e English of y^e Massachusetts; and for y^t
\nend sent both messengers & gifts unto them, as appears by some letters
\nsent from y^e Gov^r hither.<\/p>\n
Dear & worthy S^r: &c. To let you know somwhat of our affairs, you may
\nunderstand that y^e Pequents have sent some of theirs to us, to desire
\nour freindship, and offered much wampam & beaver, &c. The first
\nmessengers were dismissed without answer; with y^e next we had diverce
\ndayes conferance, and taking y^e advice of some of our ministers, and
\nseeking the Lord in it, we concluded a peace & freindship with them,
\nupon these conditions: that they should deliver up to us those men who
\nwere guilty of Stones death, &c. And if we desired to plant in
\nConightecute, they should give up their right to us, and so we would
\nsend to trade with them as our freinds (which was y^e cheefe thing we
\naimed at, being now in warr with y^e Dutch and y^e rest of their
\nneigbours). To this they readily agreed; and that we should meadiate a
\npeace betweene them and the Narigansetts; for which end they were
\ncontente we should give the Narigansets parte of y^t presente, they
\nwould bestow on us (for they stood [219][DS] so much on their honour,
\nas they would not be seen to give any thing of them selves). As for
\nCaptein Stone, they tould us ther were but 2. left of those who had
\nany hand in his death; and that they killed him in a just quarell, for
\n(say they) he surprised 2. of our men, and bound them, to make them by
\nforce to shew him y^e way up y^e river;[DT] and he with 2. other
\ncoming on shore, 9. Indeans watched him, and when they were a sleepe
\nin y^e night, they kiled them, to deliver their owne men; and some of
\nthem going afterwards to y^e pinass, it was suddainly blowne up. We
\nare now preparing to send a pinass unto them, &c.<\/p>\n
In an other of his, dated y^e 12. of y^e first month, he hath this.<\/p>\n
Our pinass is latly returned from y^e Pequents; they put of but litle
\ncomoditie, and found them a very false people, so as they mean to have
\nno more to doe with them. I have diverce other things to write unto
\nyou, &c.<\/p>\n
Yours ever assured,
\nJO: WINTHROP.<\/p>\n
Boston, 12. of y^e 1. month, 1634.<\/p>\n
After these things, and, as I take, this year, John Oldom, (of whom much
\nis spoken before,) being now an inhabitant of y^e Massachusetts, went
\nw^th a small vessell, & slenderly mand, a trading into these south
\nparts, and upon a quarell betweene him & y^e Indeans was cutt of by them
\n(as hath been before noted) at an iland called by y^e Indeans Munisses,
\nbut since by y^e English Block Iland. This, with y^e former about the
\ndeath of Stone, and the baffoyling of y^e Pequents with y^e English of
\ny^e Massachusetts, moved them to set out some to take revenge, and
\nrequire satisfaction for these wrongs; but it was done so superfitially,
\nand without their acquainting of those of Conightecute & other
\nneighbours with y^e same, as they did litle good. But their neigbours
\nhad more hurt done, for some of y^e murderers of Oldome fled to y^e
\nPequents, and though the English went to y^e Pequents, and had some
\nparley with them, yet they did but delude them, & y^e English returned
\nwithout doing any thing to purpose, being frustrate of their
\noppertunitie by y^e others deceite. After y^e English were returned, the
\nPequents tooke their time and oppertunitie to cut of some of y^e English
\nas they passed in boats, and went on fouling, and assaulted them y^e
\nnext spring at their habytations, as will appear in its place. I doe but
\ntouch these things, because I make no question they wall be more fully &
\ndistinctly handled by them selves, who had more exacte knowledg of them,
\nand whom they did more properly concerne.<\/p>\n
This year M^r. Smith layed downe his place of ministrie, partly by his
\nowne willingnes, as thinking it too heavie a burthen, and partly at the
\ndesire, and by y^e perswasion, of others; and the church sought out for
\n[220][DU] some other, having often been disappointed in their hops and
\ndesires heretofore. And it pleased the Lord to send them an able and a
\ngodly man,[DV] and of a meeke and humble spirite, sound in y^e truth,
\nand every way unreproveable in his life & conversation; whom, after some
\ntime of triall, they chose for their teacher, the fruits of whose
\nlabours they injoyed many years with much comforte, in peace, & good
\nagreemente.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1637._<\/p>\n
In y^e fore parte of this year, the Pequents fell openly upon y^e
\nEnglish at Conightecute, in y^e lower parts of y^e river, and slew
\nsundry of them, (as they were at work in y^e feilds,) both men & women,
\nto y^e great terrour of y^e rest; and wente away in great prid &
\ntriumph, with many high threats. They allso assalted a fort at y^e
\nrivers mouth, though strong and well defended; and though they did not
\ntheir prevaile, yet it struk them with much fear & astonishmente to see
\ntheir bould attempts in the face of danger; which made them in all
\nplaces to stand upon their gard, and to prepare for resistance, and
\nernestly to solissite their freinds and confederats in y^e Bay of
\nMassachusets to send them speedy aide, for they looked for more forcible
\nassaults. M^r. Vane, being then Gov^r, write from their Generall Courte
\nto them hear, to joyne with them in this warr; to which they were
\ncordially willing, but tooke opportunitie to write to them aboute some
\nformer things, as well as presente, considerable hereaboute. The which
\nwill best appear in y^e Gov^r answer which he returned to y^e same,
\nwhich I shall here inserte.<\/p>\n
S^r: The Lord having so disposed, as that your letters to our late
\nGov^r is fallen to my lott to make answer unto, I could have wished I
\nmight have been at more freedome of time & thoughts also, that I might
\nhave done it more to your & my owne satisfaction. But what shall be
\nwanting now may be supplyed hereafter. For y^e matters which from your
\nselfe & counsell were propounded & objected to us, we thought not
\nfitte to make them so publicke as y^e cognizance of our Generall
\nCourte. But as they have been considered by those of our counsell,
\nthis answer we thinke fitt to returne unto you. (1.) Wereas you
\nsignifie your willingnes to joyne with us in this warr against y^e
\nPequents, though you cannot ingage your selves without y^e consente of
\nyour Generall Courte, we acknowledg your good affection towards us,
\n(which we never had cause to doubt of,) and are willing to attend your
\nfull resolution, when it may most seasonably be ripened. (2^ly.)
\nWheras you make this warr to be our peopls, and not [221] to conceirne
\nyour selves, otherwise then by consequence, we do in parte consente to
\nyou therin; yet we suppose, that, in case of perill, you will not
\nstand upon such terms, as we hope we should not doe towards you; and
\nwithall we conceive that you looke at y^e Pequents, and all other
\nIndeans, as a co[=m]one enimie, who, though he may take occasion of
\ny^e begining of his rage, from some one parte of y^e English, yet if
\nhe prevaile, will surly pursue his advantage, to y^e rooting out of
\ny^e whole nation. Therfore when we desired your help, we did it not
\nwithout respecte to your owne saftie, as ours. (3^ly.) Wheras you
\ndesire we should be ingaged to aide you, upon all like occasions; we
\nare perswaded you doe not doubte of it; yet as we now deale with you
\nas a free people, and at libertie, so as we cannot draw you into this
\nwarr with us, otherwise then as reason may guid & provock you; so we
\ndesire we may be at y^e like freedome, when any occasion may call for
\nhelp from us. And wheras it is objected to us, that we refused to aide
\nyou against y^e French; we conceive y^e case was not alicke; yet we
\ncannot wholy excuse our failing in that matter. (4^ly.) Weras you
\nobjecte that we began y^e warr without your privitie, & managed it
\ncontrary to your advise; the truth is, that our first intentions being
\nonly against Block Iland, and y^e interprice seeming of small
\ndifficultie, we did not so much as consider of taking advice, or
\nlooking out for aide abroad. And when we had resolved upon y^e
\nPequents, we sent presently, or not long after, to you aboute it; but
\ny^e answer received, it was not seasonable for us to chaing our
\ncounsells, excepte we had seen and waighed your grounds, which might
\nhave out wayed our owne.<\/p>\n
(5^ly.) For our peoples trading at Kenebeck, we assure you (to our
\nknowledge) it hath not been by any allowance from us; and what we have
\nprovided in this and like cases, at our last Courte, M^r. E. W. can
\ncertifie you.<\/p>\n
And (6^ly); wheras you objecte to us y^t we should hold trade &
\ncorrespondancie with y^e French, your enemise; we answer, you are
\nmisinformed, for, besids some letters which hath passed betweene our
\nlate Gov^r and them, to which we were privie, we have neither sente
\nnor incouraged ours to trade with them; only one vessell or tow, for
\ny^e better conve[=a]ce of our letters, had licens from our Gov^r to
\nsayle thither.[DW]<\/p>\n
Diverce other things have been privatly objected to us, by our worthy
\nfreind, wherunto he received some answer; but most of them concerning
\ny^e apprehention of perticuler discurteseis, or injueries from some
\nperticuler persons amongst us. It concernes us not to give any other
\nanswer to them then this; that, if y^e offenders shall be brought
\nforth in a right way, we shall be ready to doe justice as y^e case
\nshall require. In the meane time, we desire you to rest assured, that
\nsuch things are without our privity, and not a litle greeveous to us.<\/p>\n
Now for y^e joyning with us in this warr, which indeed concerns us no
\nother wise then it may your selves, viz.: the releeving of our freinds
\n& Christian [222] breethren, who are now first in y^e danger; though
\nyou may thinke us able to make it good without you, (as, if y^e Lord
\nplease to be with us, we may,) yet 3. things we offer to your
\nconsideration, which (we conceive) may have some waight with you.
\n(First) y^t if we should sinck under this burden, your opportunitie of
\nseasonable help would be lost in 3. respects. 1. You cannot recover
\nus, or secure your selves ther, with 3. times y^e charge & hazard
\nwhich now y^e may. 2^ly. The sorrowes which we should lye under (if
\nthrough your neglect) would much abate of y^e acceptablenes of your
\nhelp afterwards. 3^ly. Those of yours who are now full of courage and
\nforwardnes, would be much damped, and so less able to undergoe so
\ngreat a burden. The (2.) thing is this, that it concernes us much to
\nhasten this warr to an end before y^e end of this somer, otherwise y^e
\nnewes of it will discourage both your & our freinds from coming to us
\nnext year; with what further hazard & losse it may expose us unto,
\nyour selves may judge.<\/p>\n
The (3.) thing is this, that if y^e Lord shall please to blesse our
\nendeaours, so as we end y^e warr, or put it in a hopefull way without
\nyou, it may breed such ill thoughts in our people towards yours, as
\nwill be hard to entertaine such opinione of your good will towards
\nus, as were fitt to be nurished among such neigbours & brethren as we
\nare. And what ill consequences may follow, on both sids, wise men may
\nfear, & would rather prevente then hope to redress. So with my harty
\nsalutations to you selfe, and all your counsell, and other our good
\nfreinds with you, I rest<\/p>\n
Yours most assured in y^e Lord,
\nJO: WINTHROP.<\/p>\n
Boston, y^e 20. of y^e 3. month, 1637.<\/p>\n
In y^e mean time, the Pequents, espetially in y^e winter before, sought
\nto make peace with y^e Narigansets, and used very pernicious arguments
\nto move them therunto: as that y^e English were stranegers and begane to
\noverspred their countrie, and would deprive them therof in time, if they
\nwere suffered to grow & increse; and if y^e Narigansets did assist y^e
\nEnglish to subdue them, they did but make way for their owne overthrow,
\nfor if they were rooted out, the English would soone take occasion to
\nsubjugate them; and if they would harken to them, they should not neede
\nto fear y^e strength of y^e English; for they would not come to open
\nbattle with them, but fire their houses, kill their katle, and lye in
\nambush for them as they went abroad upon their occasions; and all this
\nthey might easily doe without any or litle danger to them selves. The
\nwhich course being held, they well saw the English could not long
\nsubsiste, but they would either be starved with hunger, or be forced to
\nforsake the countrie; with many y^e like things; insomuch that y^e
\nNarigansets were once wavering, and were halfe minded to have made peace
\nwith them, and jo[=y]ed against y^e English. But againe when they
\nconsidered, how much wrong they had received from the Pequents, and what
\nan oppertunitie they now had by y^e help of y^e English to right them
\nselves, revenge was so sweete unto them, as it prevailed above all y^e
\nrest; so as they resolved to joyne with y^e English against them, & did.
\n[223] The Court here agreed forwith to send 50. men at their owne charg;
\nand w^th as much speed as posiblie they could, gott them armed, and had
\nmade them ready under sufficiente leaders, and provided a barke to
\ncarrie them provisions & tend upon them for all occasions; but when they
\nwere ready to march (with a supply from y^e Bay) they had word to stay,
\nfor y^e enimy was as good as vanquished, and their would be no neede.<\/p>\n
I shall not take upon me exactly to describe their proceedings in these
\nthings, because I expecte it will be fully done by them selves, who best
\nknow the carrage & circumstances of things; I shall therfore but touch
\nthem in generall. From Connightecute (who were most sencible of y^e hurt
\nsustained, & y^e present danger), they sett out a partie of men, and an
\nother partie mett them from y^e Bay, at y^e Narigansets, who were to
\njoyne with them. Y^e Narigansets were ernest to be gone before y^e
\nEnglish were well rested and refreshte, espetially some of them which
\ncame last. It should seeme their desire was to come upon y^e enemie
\nsudenly, & undiscovered. Ther was a barke of this place, newly put in
\nther, which was come from Conightecutte, who did incourage them to lay
\nhold of y^e Indeans forwardnes, and to shew as great forwardnes as they,
\nfor it would incorage them, and expedition might prove to their great
\nadvantage. So they went on, and so ordered their march, as the Indeans
\nbrought them to a forte of y^e enimies (in which most of their cheefe
\nmen were) before day. They approached y^e same with great silence, and
\nsurrounded it both with English & Indeans, that they might not breake
\nout; and so assualted them with great courage, shooting amongst them,
\nand entered y^e forte with all speed; and those y^t first entered found
\nsharp resistance from the enimie, who both shott at & grapled with them;
\nothers rane into their howses, & brought out fire, and sett them on
\nfire, which soone tooke in their matts, &, standing close togeather,
\nwith y^e wind, all was quickly on a flame, and therby more were burnte
\nto death then was otherwise slain; it burnte their bowstrings, and made
\nthem unservisable. Those y^t scaped y^e fire were slaine with y^e sword;
\nsome hewed to peeces, others rune throw with their rapiers, so as they
\nwere quickly dispatchte, and very few escaped. It was conceived they
\nthus destroyed about 400. at this time. It was a fearfull sight to see
\nthem thus frying in y^e fyer, and y^e streams of blood quenching y^e
\nsame, and horrible was y^e stinck & sente ther of; but y^e victory
\nseemed a sweete sacrifice, and they gave the prays therof to God, who
\nhad wrought so wonderfuly for them, thus to inclose their enimise in
\ntheir hands, and give them so speedy a victory over so proud & insulting
\nan enimie. The Narigansett Indeans, all this while, stood round aboute,
\nbut aloofe from all danger, and left y^e whole [224] execution to y^e
\nEnglish, exept it were y^e stoping of any y^t broke away, insulting over
\ntheir enimies in this their ruine & miserie, when they saw them dancing
\nin y^e flames, calling them by a word in their owne language, signifing,
\nO brave Pequents! which they used familierly among them selves in their
\nown prayes, in songs of triumph after their victories. After this servis
\nwas thus happily accomplished, they marcht to the water side, wher they
\nmett with some of their vesells, by which they had refreishing with
\nvictualls & other necessaries. But in their march y^e rest of y^e
\nPequents drew into a body, and acoasted them, thinking to have some
\nadvantage against them by[DX] reason of a neck of land; but when they
\nsaw the English prepare for them, they kept a loofe, so as they neither
\ndid hurt, nor could receive any. After their refreishing & repair to
\ngeather for further counsell & directions, they resolved to pursue their
\nvictory, and follow y^e warr against y^e rest, but y^e Narigansett
\nIndeans most of them forsooke them, and such of them as they had with
\nthem for guids, or otherwise, they found them very could and backward in
\ny^e bussines, ether out of envie, or y^t they saw y^e English would make
\nmore profite of y^e victorie then they were willing they should, or els
\ndeprive them of such advantage as them selves desired by having them
\nbecome tributaries unto them, or y^e like.<\/p>\n
For y^e rest of this bussines, I shall only relate y^e same as it is in
\na leter which came from M^r. Winthrop to y^e Gov^r hear, as followeth.<\/p>\n
Worthy S^r: I received your loving letter, and am much provocked to
\nexpress my affections towards you, but straitnes of time forbids me;
\nfor my desire is to acquainte you with y^e Lords greate mercies
\ntowards us, in our prevailing against his & our enimies; that you may
\nrejoyce and praise his name with us. About 80. of our men, haveing
\ncosted along towards y^e Dutch plantation, (some times by water, but
\nmost by land,) mett hear & ther with some Pequents, whom they slew or
\ntooke prisoners. 2. sachems they tooke, & beheaded; and not hearing of
\nSassacous, (the cheefe sachem,) they gave a prisoner his life, to goe
\nand find him out. He wente and brought them word where he was, but
\nSassacouse, suspecting him to be a spie, after he was gone, fled away
\nwith some 20. more to y^e Mowakes, so our men missed of him. Yet,
\ndeviding them selves, and ranging up & downe, as y^e providence of God
\nguided them (for y^e Indeans were all gone, save 3. or 4. and they
\nknew not whither to guid them, or els would not), upon y^e 13. of this
\nmonth, they light upon a great company of them, viz. 80. strong men, &
\n200. women & children, in a small Indean towne, fast by a hideous
\nswamp, which they all slipped into before our men could gett to them.
\nOur captains were not then come togeither, but ther was M^r. Ludlow
\nand Captaine Masson, with some 10. [225] of their men, & Captaine
\nPatrick with some 20. or more of his, who, shooting at y^e Indeans,
\nCaptaine Trask with 50. more came soone in at y^e noyse. Then they
\ngave order to surround y^e swampe, it being aboute a mile aboute; but
\nLevetenante Davenporte & some 12. more, not hearing that co[=m]and,
\nfell into y^e swampe among y^e Indeans. The swampe was so thicke with
\nshrub-woode, & so boggie with all, that some of them stuck fast, and
\nreceived many shott. Levetenant Davenport was dangerously wounded
\naboute his armehole, and another shott in y^e head, so as, fainting,
\nthey were in great danger to have been taken by y^e Indeans. But
\nSargante Rigges, & Jeffery, and 2. or 3. more, rescued them, and slew
\ndiverse of y^e Indeans with their swords. After they were drawne out,
\nthe Indeans desired parley, & were offered (by Thomas Stanton, our
\ninterpretour) that, if they would come out, and yeeld them selves,
\nthey should have their lives, all that had not their hands in y^e
\nEnglish blood. Wherupon y^e sachem of y^e place came forth, and an old
\nman or 2. & their wives and children, and after that some other women
\n& children, and so they spake 2. howers, till it was night. Then
\nThomas Stanton was sente into them againe, to call them forth; but
\nthey said they would selle their lives their, and so shott at him so
\nthicke as, if he had not cried out, and been presently rescued, they
\nhad slaine him. Then our men cutt of a place of y^e swampe with their
\nswords, and cooped the Indeans into so narrow a compass, as they could
\neasier kill them throw y^e thickets. So they continued all y^e night,
\nstanding aboute 12. foote one from an other, and y^e Indeans, coming
\nclose up to our men, shot their arrows so thicke, as they pierced
\ntheir hatte brimes, & their sleeves, & stockins, & other parts of
\ntheir cloaths, yet so miraculously did the Lord preserve them as not
\none of them was wounded, save those 3. who rashly went into y^e
\nswampe. When it was nere day, it grue very darke, so as those of them
\nwhich were left dropt away betweene our men, though they stood but 12.
\nor 14. foote assunder; but were presenly discovered, & some killed in
\ny^e pursute. Upon searching of y^e swampe, y^e next morning, they
\nfound 9. slaine, & some they pulled up, whom y^e Indeans had buried in
\ny^e mire, so as they doe thinke that, of all this company, not 20. did
\nescape, for they after found some who dyed in their flight of their
\nwounds received. The prisoners were devided, some to those of y^e
\nriver, and the rest to us. Of these we send y^e male children to
\nBermuda,[DY] by M^r. William Peirce, & y^e women & maid children are
\ndisposed aboute in the townes. Ther have been now slaine & taken, in
\nall, aboute 700. The rest are dispersed, and the Indeans in all
\nquarters so terrified as all their friends are affraid to receive
\nthem. 2. of y^e sachems of Long Iland came to M^r. Stoughton and
\ntendered them selves to be tributaries under our protection. And 2. of
\ny^e Neepnett sachems have been with me to seeke our frendship. Amonge
\nthe prisoners we have y^e wife & children of Mononotto, a womon of a
\nvery modest countenance and behaviour. It was by her mediation that
\nthe[DZ] 2. English [226] maids were spared from death, and were kindly
\nused by her; so that I have taken charge of her. One of her first
\nrequests was, that the English would not abuse her body, and that her
\nchildren might not be taken from her. Those which were wounded were
\nfetched of soone by John Galopp, who came with his shalop in a happie
\nhoure, to bring them victuals, and to carrie their wounded men to y^e
\npinass, wher our cheefe surgeon was, w^th M^r. Willson, being aboute
\n8. leagues off. Our people are all in health, (y^e Lord be praised,)
\nand allthough they had marched in their armes all y^e day, and had
\nbeen in fight all y^e night, yet they professed they found them selves
\nso fresh as they could willingly have gone to such another bussines.<\/p>\n
This is y^e substance of that which I received, though I am forced to
\nomite many considerable circomstances. So, being in much straitnes of
\ntime, (the ships being to departe within this 4. days, and in them the
\nLord Lee and M^r. Vane,) I hear breake of, and with harty saluts to,
\n&c., I rest<\/p>\n
Yours assured,
\nJO: WINTHROP.<\/p>\n
The 28. of y^e 5. month, 1637.<\/p>\n
The captains reporte we have slaine 13. sachems; but Sassacouse &
\nMonotto are yet living.<\/p>\n
That I may make an end of this matter: this Sassacouse (y^e Pequents
\ncheefe sachem) being fled to y^e Mowhakes, they cutt of his head, with
\nsome other of y^e cheefe of them, whether to satisfie y^e English, or
\nrather y^e Narigansets, (who, as I have since heard, hired them to doe
\nit,) or for their owne advantage, I well know not; but thus this warr
\ntooke end. The rest of y^e Pequents were wholy driven from their place,
\nand some of them submitted them selves to y^e Narigansets, & lived under
\nthem; others of them betooke them selves to y^e Monhiggs, under Uncass,
\ntheir sachem, w^th the approbation of y^e English of Conightecutt, under
\nwhose protection Uncass lived, and he and his men had been faithful to
\nthem in this warr, & done them very good service. But this did so vexe
\nthe Narrigansetts, that they had not y^e whole sweay over them, as they
\nhave never ceased plotting and contriving how to bring them under, and
\nbecause they cannot attaine their ends, because of y^e English who have
\nprotected them, they have sought to raise a generall conspiracie against
\ny^e English, as will appear in an other place.<\/p>\n
They had now letters againe out of England from M^r. Andrews & M^r.
\nBeachamp, that M^r. Sherley neither had nor would pay them any money, or
\ngive them any accounte, and so with much discontent desired them hear to
\nsend them some, much blaming them still, that they had sent all to M^r.
\nSherley, & none to them selves. Now, though they might have justly
\nreferred them to their former answer, and insisted ther upon, & some
\nwise men counselled them so to doe, yet because they beleeved that [227]
\nthey were realy out round sumes of money, (espetialy M^r. Andrews,) and
\nthey had some in their hands, they resolved to send them what bever they
\nhad.[EA] M^r. Sherleys letters were to this purpose: that, as they had
\nleft him in y^e paiment of y^e former bills, so he had tould them he
\nwould leave them in this, and beleeve it, they should find it true. And
\nhe was as good as his word, for they could never gett peney from him,
\nnor bring him to any accounte, though Mr. Beachamp sued him in y^e
\nChancerie. But they all of them turned their complaints against them
\nhere, wher ther was least cause, and who had suffered most unjustly;
\nfirst from M^r. Allerton & them, in being charged with so much of y^t
\nwhich they never had, nor drunke for; and now in paying all, & more then
\nall (as they conceived), and yet still thus more demanded, and that with
\nmany heavie charges. They now discharged M^r. Sherley from his agencie,
\nand forbad him to buy or send over any more goods for them, and prest
\nhim to come to some end about these things.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1638._<\/p>\n
This year M^r. Thomas Prence was chosen Gov^r.<\/p>\n
Amongst other enormities that fell out amongst them, this year 3. men
\nwere (after due triall) executed for robery & murder which they had
\ncommitted; their names were these, Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and
\nRichard Stinnings; ther was a 4., Daniel Crose, who was also guilty, but
\nhe escaped away, and could not be found. This Arthur Peach was y^e
\ncheefe of them, and y^e ring leader of all y^e rest. He was a lustie and
\na desperate yonge man, and had been one of y^e souldiers in y^e Pequente
\nwarr, and had done as good servise as y^e most ther, and one of y^e
\nforwardest in any attempte. And being now out of means, and loath to
\nworke, and falling to idle courses & company, he intended to goe to y^e
\nDutch plantation; and had alured these 3., being other mens servants and
\napprentices, to goe with him. But another cause ther was allso of his
\nsecret going away in this maner; he was not only rune into debte, but he
\nhad gott a maid with child, (which was not known till after his death,)
\na mans servante in y^e towne, and fear of punishmente made him gett
\naway. The other 3. complotting with him, ranne away from their maisters
\nin the night, and could not be heard of, for they went not y^e ordinarie
\nway, but shaped such a course as they thought to avoyd y^e pursute of
\nany [228]. But falling into y^e way that lyeth betweene y^e Bay of
\nMassachusetts and the Narrigansets, and being disposed to rest them
\nselves, struck fire, and took tobaco, a litle out of y^e way, by y^e way
\nside. At length ther came a Narigansett Indean by, who had been in y^e
\nBay a trading, and had both cloth & beads aboute him. (They had meett
\nhim y^e day before, & he was now returning.) Peach called him to drinke
\ntobaco with them, and he came & sate downe with them. Peach tould y^e
\nother he would kill him, and take what he had from him. But they were
\nsome thing afraid; but he said, Hang him, rogue, he had killed many of
\nthem. So they let him alone to doe as he would; and when he saw his
\ntime, he tooke a rapier and rane him through the body once or twise, and
\ntooke from him 5. fathume of wampam, and 3. coats of cloath, and wente
\ntheir way, leaving him for dead. But he scrabled away, when they were
\ngone, and made shift to gett home, (but dyed within a few days after,)
\nby which means they were discovered; and by subtilty the Indeans tooke
\nthem. For they desiring a canow to sett them over a water, (not thinking
\ntheir facte had been known,) by y^e sachems command they were carried to
\nAquidnett Iland, & ther accused of y^e murder, and were examend &
\ncomitted upon it by y^e English ther. The Indeans sent for M^r.
\nWilliams, & made a greeveous complainte; his freinds and kinred were
\nready to rise in armes, and provock the rest therunto, some conceiving
\nthey should now find y^e Pequents words trew: that y^e English would
\nfall upon them. But M^r. Williams pacified them, & tould them, they
\nshould see justice done upon y^e offenders; & wente to y^e man, & tooke
\nM^r. James, a phisition, with him. The man tould him who did it, & in
\nwhat maner it was done; but the phisition found his wounds mortall, and
\nthat he could not live, (as he after testified upon othe, before the
\njurie in oppen courte,) and so he dyed shortly after, as both Mr.
\nWilliams, M^r. James, & some Indeans testified in courte. The Gov^rt in
\nthe Bay were aquented with it, but refferrd it hither, because it was
\ndone in this jurisdiction;[EB] but pressed by all means y^t justice
\nmight be done in it; or els y^e countrie must rise & see justice done,
\notherwise it would raise a warr. Yet some of y^e rude & ignorante sorte
\nmurmured that any English should be put to death for y^e Indeans. So at
\nlast they of y^e iland brought them hither, and being often examened,
\nand y^e evidence prodused, they all in the end freely confessed in
\neffect all y^t the Indean accused them of, & that they had done it, in
\ny^e maner afforesaid; and so, upon y^e forementioned evidence, were cast
\nby y^e jurie, & condemned, & executed for the same. And some of y^e
\nNarigansett Indeans, & of y^e parties freinds, were presente when it was
\ndone, which gave them & all y^e countrie good satisfaction. But it was a
\nmatter of much sadnes to them hear, and was y^e 2. execution which they
\nhad since they came; being both for wilfull murder, as hath bene before
\nrelated. Thus much of this mater.<\/p>\n
[229] They received this year more letters from England full of reneued
\ncomplaints, on y^e one side, that they could gett no money nor accounte
\nfrom M^r. Sherley; & he againe, y^t he was pressed therto, saying he was
\nto accounte with those hear, and not with them, &c. So, as was before
\nresolved, if nothing came of their last letters, they would now send
\nthem what they could, as supposing, when some good parte was payed them,
\nthat M^r. Sherley & they would more easily agree aboute y^e remainder.<\/p>\n
So they sent to M^r. Andrews and M^r. Beachamp, by M^r. Joseph Yonge, in
\ny^e Mary & Anne, 1325^li. waight of beaver, devided betweene them. M^r.
\nBeachamp returned an accounte of his moyety, that he made 400^li.
\nstarling of it, fraight and all charges paid. But M^r. Andrews, though
\nhe had y^e more and beter parte, yet he made not so much of his, through
\nhis owne indiscretion; and yet turned y^e loss[EC] upon them hear, but
\nwithout cause.<\/p>\n
They sent them more by bills & other paimente, which was received &
\nacknowledged by them, in money[ED] & y^e like; which was for katle sould
\nof M^r. Allertons, and y^e price of a bark sold, which belonged to y^e
\nstock, and made over to them in money, 434^li. sterling. The whole sume
\nwas 1234^li. sterling, save what M^r. Andrews lost in y^e beaver, which
\nwas otherwise made good. But yet this did not stay their clamors, as
\nwill apeare here after more at large.<\/p>\n
It pleased God, in these times, so to blesse y^e cuntry with such access
\n& confluance of people into it, as it was therby much inriched, and
\ncatle of all kinds stood at a high rate for diverce years together. Kine
\nwere sould at 20^li. and some at 25^li. a peece, yea, some times at
\n28^li. A cow-calfe usually at 10^li. A milch goate at 3^li. & some at
\n4^li. And femall kids at 30^s. and often at 40^s. a peece. By which
\nmeans y^e anciente planters which had any stock begane to grow in their
\nestats. Corne also wente at a round rate, viz. 6^s. a bushell. So as
\nother trading begane to be neglected; and the old partners (having now
\nforbidden M^r. Sherley to send them any more goods) broke of their trade
\nat Kenebeck, and, as things stood, would follow it no longer. But some
\nof them, (with other they joyned with,) being loath it should be lost by
\ndiscontinuance, agreed with y^e company for it, and gave them aboute y^e
\n6. parte of their gaines for it; [230][EE] with y^e first fruits of
\nwhich they builte a house for a prison; and the trade ther hath been
\nsince continued, to y^e great benefite of y^e place; for some well
\nfore-sawe that these high prises of corne and catle would not long
\ncontinue, and that then y^e co[=m]odities ther raised would be much
\nmissed.<\/p>\n
This year, aboute y^e 1. or 2. of June, was a great & fearfull
\nearthquake; it was in this place heard before it was felte. It came with
\na rumbling noyse, or low murmure, like unto remoate thunder; it came
\nfrom y^e norward, & pased southward. As y^e noyse aproched nerer, they
\nearth begane to shake, and came at length with that violence as caused
\nplatters, dishes, & such like things as stoode upon shelves, to clatter
\n& fall downe; yea, persons were afraid of y^e houses them selves. It so
\nfell oute y^t at y^e same time diverse of y^e cheefe of this towne were
\nmett together at one house, conferring with some of their freinds that
\nwere upon their removall from y^e place, (as if y^e Lord would herby
\nshew y^e signes of his displeasure, in their shaking a peeces &
\nremovalls one from an other.) How ever it was very terrible for y^e
\ntime, and as y^e men were set talking in y^e house, some women & others
\nwere without y^e dores, and y^e earth shooke with y^t violence as they
\ncould not stand without catching hould of y^e posts & pails y^t stood
\nnext them; but y^e violence lasted not long. And about halfe an hower,
\nor less, came an other noyse & shaking, but nether so loud nor strong as
\ny^e former, but quickly passed over; and so it ceased. It was not only
\non y^e sea coast, but y^e Indeans felt it within land; and some ships
\nthat were upon y^e coast were shaken by it. So powerfull is y^e mighty
\nhand of y^e Lord, as to make both the earth & sea to shake, and the
\nmountaines to tremble before him, when he pleases; and who can stay his
\nhand? It was observed that y^e so[=m]ers, for divers years togeather
\nafter this earthquake, were not so hotte & seasonable for y^e ripning of
\ncorne & other fruits as formerly; but more could & moyst, & subjecte to
\nerly & untimly frosts, by which, many times, much Indean corne came not
\nto maturitie; but whether this was any cause, I leave it to naturallists
\nto judge.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1639. & Anno Dom: 1640._<\/p>\n
These 2. years I joyne togeather, because in them fell not out many
\nthings more then y^e ordinary passages of their co[=m]one affaires,
\nwhich are not needfull to be touched. [231] Those of this plantation
\nhaving at sundrie times granted lands for severall townships, and
\namongst y^e rest to y^e inhabitants of Sityate, some wherof issewed from
\nthem selves, and allso a large tracte of land was given to their 4.
\nLondon partners in y^e place, viz. M^r. Sherley, M^r. Beacham, M^r.
\nAndrews, & M^r. Hatherley. At M^r. Hatherley’s request and choys it was
\nby him taken for him selfe and them in y^t place; for the other 3. had
\ninvested him with power & trust to chose for them. And this tracte of
\nland extended to their utmoste limets that way, and bordered on their
\nneigbours of y^e Massachusets, who had some years after seated a towne
\n(called Hingam) on their lands next to these parts. So as now ther grue
\ngreat differance betweene these 2. townships, about their bounds, and
\nsome meadow grownds that lay betweene them. They of Hingam presumed to
\nalotte parte of them to their people, and measure & stack them out. The
\nother pulled up their stacks, & threw them. So it grew to a controversie
\nbetweene the 2. goverments, & many letters and passages were betweene
\nthem aboute it; and it hunge some 2. years in suspense. The Courte of
\nMassachusets, appointed some to range their line according to y^e bounds
\nof their patente, and (as they wente to worke) they made it to take in
\nall Sityate, and I know not how much more. Againe, on y^e other hand,
\naccording to y^e line of the patente of this place, it would take in
\nHingame and much more within their bounds.<\/p>\n
In y^e end boath Courts agreed to chose 2. comissioners of each side,
\nand to give them full & absolute power to agree and setle y^e bounds
\nbetwene them; and what they should doe in y^e case should stand
\nirrevocably. One meeting they had at Hingam, but could not conclude; for
\ntheir comissioners stoode stiffly on a clawes in their graunte, That
\nfrom Charles-river, or any branch or parte therof, they were to extend
\ntheir limits, and 3. myles further to y^e southward; or from y^e most
\nsouthward parte of y^e Massachusets Bay, and 3. mile further. But they
\nchose to stand on y^e former termes, for they had found a smale river,
\nor brooke rather, that a great way with in land trended southward, and
\nissued into some part of y^t river taken to be Charles-river, and from
\ny^e most southerly part of this, & 3. mile more southward of y^e same,
\nthey would rune a line east to y^e sea, aboute 20. mile; which will (say
\nthey) take in a part of Plimoth itselfe. Now it is to be knowne y^t
\nthough this patente & plantation were much the ancienter, yet this
\ninlargemente of the same (in which Sityate stood) was granted after
\ntheirs, and so theirs were first to take place, before this inlargmente.
\nNow their answer was, first, that, however according to their owne plan,
\nthey could noway come upon any part of their ancieante grante. [232]
\nSecondly. They could never prove y^t to be a parte of Charles-river, for
\nthey knew not which was Charles-river, but as y^e people of this place,
\nwhich came first, imposed such a name upon y^t river, upon which, since,
\nCharles-towne is builte (supposing y^t was it, which Captaine Smith in
\nhis mapp so named). Now they y^t first named it have best reason to know
\nit, and to explaine which is it. But they only tooke it to be Charles
\nriver, as fare as it was by them navigated, and y^t was as farr as a
\nboate could goe. But y^t every runlett or small brooke, y^t should, farr
\nwithin land, come into it, or mixe their stremes with it, and were by
\ny^e natives called by other & differente names from it, should now by
\nthem be made Charles-river, or parts of it, they saw no reason for it.
\nAnd gave instance in Humber, in Old England, which had y^e Trente, Ouse,
\nand many others of lesser note fell into it, and yet were not counted
\nparts of it; and many smaler rivers & broks fell into y^e Trente, &
\nOuse, and no parts of them, but had nams aparte, and divisions &
\nnominations of them selves. Againe, it was pleaded that they had no east
\nline in their patente, but were to begine at y^e sea, and goe west by a
\nline, &c. At this meeting no conclution was made, but things discussed &
\nwell prepared for an issue. The next year y^e same co[=m]issioners had
\ntheir power continued or renewed, and mett at Sityate, and concluded y^e
\nmater, as followeth.<\/p>\n
_The agreemente of y^e bounds betwixte Plimoth and Massachusetts._<\/p>\n
Wheras ther were tow comissiones granted by y^e 2. jurisdictions, y^e
\none of Massachsets Govermente, granted unto John Endecott, gent: and
\nIsraell Stoughton, gent: the other of New-Plimoth Govermente, to
\nWilliam Bradford, Gov^r, and Edward Winslow, gent: and both these for
\ny^e setting out, setling, & determining of y^e bounds & limitts of y^e
\nlands betweene y^e said jurisdictions, wherby not only this presente
\nage, but y^e posteritie to come may live peaceably & quietly in y^t
\nbehalfe. And for as much as y^e said comissioners on both sids have
\nfull power so to doe, as appeareth by y^e records of both
\njurisdictions; we therfore, y^e said comissioners above named, doe
\nhearby with one consente & agreemente conclude, detirmine, and by
\nthese presents declare, that all y^e marshes at Conahasett y^t lye of
\ny^e one side of y^e river next to Hingam, shall belong to y^e
\njurisdition of Massachusetts Plantation; and all y^e marshes y^t lye
\non y^e other side of y^e river next to Sityate, shall be long to y^e
\njurisdiction of New-Plimoth; excepting 60. acers of marsh at y^e mouth
\nof y^e river, on Sityate side next to the sea, which we doe herby
\nagree, conclude, & detirmine shall belong to y^e jurisdition of
\nMassachusetts. And further, we doe hearby agree, determine, and
\nconclude, y^t the bounds of y^e limites betweene both y^e said
\njurisditions are as followeth, viz. from y^e mouth of y^e brook y^t
\nruneth into Chonahasett marches (which we call by y^e name of
\nBound-brooke) with a stright & directe line to y^e midle of a great
\nponde, y^t lyeth on y^e right hand of y^e uper path, or commone way,
\ny^t leadeth betweene Waimoth and Plimoth, close to y^e path as [233]
\nwe goe alonge, which was formerly named (and still we desire may be
\ncaled) Accord pond, lying aboute five or 6. myles from Weimoth
\nsoutherley; and from thence with a straight line to y^e souther-most
\npart of Charles-river,[EF] & 3. miles southerly, inward into y^e
\ncountrie, according as is expresed in y^e patente granted by his
\nMa^tie to y^e Company of y^e Massachusetts Plantation. Provided
\nallways and never y^e less concluded & determined by mutuall
\nagreemente betweene y^e said comissioners, y^t if it fall out y^t the
\nsaid line from Accord-pond to y^e sothermost parte of Charles-river, &
\n3. myles southerly as is before expresed, straiten or hinder any parte
\nof any plantation begune by y^e Gove^rt of New-Plimoth, or hereafter
\nto be begune within 10. years after y^e date of these ps^{nts}, that
\nthen, notwithstanding y^e said line, it shall be lawfull for y^e said
\nGov^rt of New-Plimoth to assume on y^e northerly side of y^e said
\nline, wher it shall so intrench as afforesaid, so much land as will
\nmake up y^e quantity of eight miles square, to belong to every shuch
\nplantation begune, or to [be] begune as afforesaid; which we agree,
\ndetermine, & conclude to appertaine & belong to y^e said Gov^rt of
\nNew-Plimoth. And wheras y^e said line, from y^e said brooke which
\nruneth into Choahassett saltmarshes, called by us Bound-brooke, and
\ny^e pond called Accord-pond, lyeth nere y^e lands belonging to y^e
\ntounships of Sityate & Hingam, we doe therfore hereby determine &
\nconclude, that if any devissions allready made and recorded, by either
\ny^e said townships, doe crose the said line, that then it shall stand,
\n& be of force according to y^e former intents and purposes of the said
\ntownes granting them (the marshes formerly agreed on exepted). And y^t
\nno towne in either jurisdiction shall hereafter exceede, but containe
\nthem selves within y^e said lines expressed. In witnes wherof we, the
\ncomissioners of both jurisdictions, doe by these presents indented set
\nour hands & scales y^e ninth day of y^e 4. month in 16. year of our
\nsoveraine lord, king Charles; and in y^e year of our Lord, 1640.<\/p>\n
WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOV^R.
\nED: WINSLOW.
\nJO: ENDECOTT.
\nISRAELL STOUGHTON.<\/p>\n
Wheras y^e patente was taken in y^e name of William Bradford, (as in
\ntrust,) and rane in these termes: To him, his heires, and associats &
\nassignes; and now y^e noumber of free-men being much increased, and
\ndiverce tounships established and setled in severall quarters of y^e
\ngovermente, as Plimoth, Duxberie, Sityate, Tanton, Sandwich, Yarmouth,
\nBarnstable, Marchfeeld, and not longe after, Seacunke (called afterward,
\nat y^e desire of y^e inhabitants, Rehoboth) and Nawsett, it was by y^e
\nCourte desired that William Bradford should make a surrender of the same
\ninto their hands. The which he willingly did, in this maner following.<\/p>\n
Wheras William Bradford, and diverce others y^e first instruments of
\nGod in the begi[=n]ing of this great work of plantation, togeather
\nwith such as y^e allordering hand of God in his providence soone added
\nunto them, have been at very great charges to procure y^e lands,
\npriviledges, & freedoms from all intanglments, as may appeare by
\ndiverse & sundrie deeds, inlargments of grants, purchases, and
\npayments of debts, &c., by reason wherof y^e title to y^e day of these
\npresents [234] remaineth in y^e said William Bradford, his heires,
\nassociats, and assignes: now, for y^e better setling of y^e estate of
\nthe said lands (contained in y^e grant or pattente), the said William
\nBradford, and those first instruments termed & called in sondry orders
\nupon publick recorde, Y^e Purchasers, or Old comers; witnes 2. in
\nspetiall, the one bearing date y^e 3. of March, 1639. the other in
\nDes: the 1. An^o 1640. wherunto these presents have spetiall relation
\n& agreemente, and wherby they are distinguished from other y^e freemen
\n& inhabitants of y^e said corporation. Be it knowne unto all men,
\ntherfore, by these presents, that the said William Bradford, for him
\nselfe, his heires, together with y^e said purchasers, doe only reserve
\nunto them selves, their heires, and assignes those 3. tractes of land
\nmentioned in y^e said resolution, order, and agreemente, bearing date
\ny^e first of Des: 1640. viz. first, from y^e bounds of Yarmouth, 3.
\nmiles to y^e eastward of Naemschatet, and from sea to sea, crose the
\nneck of land. The 2. of a place called Acoughcouss, which lyeth in y^e
\nbotome of y^e bay adjoyning to y^e west-side of Pointe Perill, and 2.
\nmyles to y^e westerne side of y^e said river, to an other place called
\nAcushente river, which entereth at y^e westerne end of Nacata, and 2.
\nmiles to y^e eastward therof, and to extend 8. myles up into y^e
\ncountrie. The 3. place, from Sowansett river to Patucket river, (with
\nCawsumsett neck,) which is y^e cheefe habitation of y^e Indeans, &
\nreserved for them to dwell upon, extending into y^e land 8. myles
\nthrough y^e whole breadth therof. Togeather with such other small
\nparcells of lands as they or any of them are personally possessed of
\nor intressed in, by vertue of any former titles or grante whatsoever.
\nAnd y^e said William Bradford doth, by y^e free & full consente,
\napprobation, and agreemente of y^e said old-planters, or purchasers,
\ntogether with y^e liking, approbation, and acceptation of y^e other
\nparte of y^e said corporation, surrender into y^e hands of y^e whole
\ncourte, consisting of y^e free-men of this corporation of New-Plimoth,
\nall y^t other right & title, power, authority, priviledges,
\nimmunities, & freedomes granted in y^e said letters patents by y^e
\nsaid right Honb^le Counsell for New-England; reserveing his & their
\npersonall right of freemen, together w^th the said old planters
\nafforesaid, excepte y^e said lands before excepted, declaring the
\nfreemen of this corporation, togeather with all such as shal be
\nlegally admitted into y^e same, his associats. And y^e said William
\nBradford, for him, his heiers, & assignes, doe hereby further promise
\nand grant to doe & performe whatsoever further thing or things, acte
\nor actes, which in him lyeth, which shall be needfull and expediente
\nfor y^e better confirming and establishing the said premises, as by
\ncounsel lerned in y^e lawes shall be reasonably advised and devised,
\nwhen he shall be ther unto required. In witness wherof, the said
\nWilliam Bradford hath in publick courte surrendered the said letters
\npatents actually into y^e hands & power of y^e said courte, binding
\nhim selfe, his heires, executors, administrators, and assignes to
\ndeliver up whatsoever spetialties are in his hands that doe or may
\nconcerne the same.<\/p>\n
[235] In these 2. years they had sundry letters out of England to send
\none over to end the buissines and accounte with M^r. Sherley; who now
\nprofessed he could not make up his accounts without y^e help of some
\nfrom hence, espetialy M^r. Winslows. They had serious thoughts of it,
\nand y^e most parte of y^e partners hear thought it best to send; but
\nthey had formerly written such bitter and threatening letters as M^r.
\nWinslow was neither willing to goe, nor y^t any other of y^e partners
\nshould; for he was perswaded, if any of them wente, they should be
\narested, and an action of such a su[=m]e layed upon them as they should
\nnot procure baele, but must lye in prison, and then they would bring
\nthem to what they liste; or other wise they might be brought into
\ntrouble by y^e arch-bishops means, as y^e times then stood. But,
\nnotwithstanding, they weer much inclined to send, & Captaine Standish
\nwas willing to goe, but they resolved, seeing they could not all agree
\nin this thing, and that it was waighty, and y^e consequence might prove
\ndangerous, to take M^r. Winthrops advise in y^e thing, and y^e rather,
\nbecause M^r. Andrews had by many letters acquaynted him with y^e
\ndifferences betweene them, and appoynted him for his assigne to receive
\nhis parte of y^e debte. (And though they deneyed to pay him any as a
\ndebte, till y^e controversie was ended, yet they had deposited 110^li.
\nin money in his hands for M^r. Andrews, to pay to him in parte as soone
\nas he would come to any agreement with y^e rest.) But M^r. Winthrop was
\nof M^r. Winslows minde, and disswaded them from sending; so they broak
\nof their resolution from sending, and returned this answer: that the
\ntimes were dangerous as things stood with them, for they knew how M^r.
\nWinslow had suffered formerley, and for a small matter was clapte up in
\ny^e Fleete, & it was long before he could gett out, to both his & their
\ngreat loss and damage; and times were not better, but worse, in y^t
\nrespecte. Yet, that their equall & honest minds might appeare to all
\nmen, they made them this tender: to refferr y^e case to some gentle-men
\nand marchants in y^e Bay of y^e Massachusetts, such as they should
\nchuse, and were well knowne unto them selves, (as they perceived their
\nwer many of their aquaintance and freinds ther, better knowne to them
\nthen y^e partners hear,) and let them be informed in y^e case by both
\nsids, and have all y^e evidence y^t could be prodused, in writing, or
\nother wise; and they would be bound to stand to their determination, and
\nmake good their award, though it should cost them all they had in y^e
\nworld. But this did not please them, but they were offended at it,
\nwithout any great reasone for ought I know, (seeing nether side could
\ngive in clear accountes, y^e partners here could not, by reason they (to
\ntheir smarte) were failed by y^e accountante they sent them, and M^r.
\nSherley pretened he could not allso,) save as they conceived it a
\ndisparagmente to yeeld to their inferiours in respecte of y^e place and
\nother concurring circomstances. So this came to nothing; and afterward
\nM^r. Sherley write, y^t if M^r. Winslow would mett him in France, y^he
\nLow-Countries, or Scotland, let y^e place be knowne, and he [236] come
\nto him ther. But in regard of y^e troubles that now begane to arise in
\nour owne nation, and other reasons, this did not come to any effecte.
\nThat which made them so desirous to bring things to an end was partly to
\nstope y^e clamours and aspertions raised & cast upon them hereaboute;
\nthough they conceived them selves to sustaine the greatest wrong, and
\nhad most cause of complainte; and partly because they feared y^e fall of
\ncatle, in which most parte of their estats lay. And this was not a vaine
\nfeare; for they fell indeede before they came to a conclusion, and that
\nso souddanly, as a cowe that but a month before was worth 20^li., and
\nwould so have passed in any paymente, fell now to 5^li. and would yeeld
\nno more; and a goate that wente at 3^li. or 50^s. would now yeeld but
\n8. or 10^s. at most. All men feared a fall of catle, but it was thought
\nit would be by degrees; and not to be from y^e highest pitch at once to
\ny^e lowest, as it did, which was greatly to y^e damage of many, and y^e
\nundoing of some. An other reason was, they many of them grew aged, (and
\nindeed a rare thing it was that so many partners should all live
\ntogether so many years as these did,) and saw many changes were like to
\nbefall; so as they were loath to leave these intanglments upon their
\nchildren and posteritie, who might be driven to remove places, as they
\nhad done; yea, them selves might doe it yet before they dyed. But this
\nbussines must yet rest; y^e next year gave it more ripnes, though it
\nrendred them less able to pay, for y^e reasons afforesaid.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1641._<\/p>\n
M^r. Sherley being weary of this controversie, and desirous of an end,
\n(as well as them selves,) write to M^r. John Atwode and M^r. William
\nCollier, 2. of y^e inhabitants of this place, and of his speatiall
\naquaintance, and desired them to be a means to bring this bussines to an
\nend, by advising & counselling the partners hear, by some way to bring
\nit to a composition, by mutuall agreemente. And he write to them selves
\nallso to y^t end, as by his letter may apear; so much therof as
\nconcernse y^e same I shall hear relate.<\/p>\n
S^r. My love remembered, &c. I have writte so much concerning y^e
\nending of accounts betweexte us, as I profess I know not what more to
\nwrite, &c. If you desire an end, as you seeme to doe, ther is (as I
\nconceive) but 2. waise; that is, to parfecte all accounts, from y^e
\nfirst to y^e last, &c. Now if we find this difficulte, and tedious,
\nhaveing not been so stricte & carefull as we should and oughte to have
\ndone, as for my owne parte I doe confess I have been somewhat to
\nremisse, and doe verily thinke so are you, &c. I fear you can never
\nmake a perfecte accounte of all your pety viages, out, & home too &
\nagaine, &c.[EG] So then y^e second way must be, by biding, or [237]
\ncompounding; and this way, first or last, we must fall upon, &c. If we
\nmust warr at law for it, doe not you expecte from me, nether will I
\nfrom you, but to cleave y^e heare, and then I dare say y^e lawyers
\nwill be most gainers, &c. Thus let us set to y^e worke, one way or
\nother, and end, that I may not allways suffer in my name & estate. And
\nyou are not free; nay, y^e gospell suffers by your delaying, and
\ncauseth y^e professors of it to be hardly spoken of, that you, being
\nmany, & now able, should combine & joyne togeather to oppress & burden
\nme, &c. Fear not to make a faire & reasonable offer; beleeve me, I
\nwill never take any advantage to plead it against you, or to wrong
\nyou; or else let M^r. Winslow come over, and let him have such full
\npower & authority as we may ende by compounding; or else, y^e accounts
\nso well and fully made up, as we may end by reconing. Now, blesed be
\nGod, y^e times be much changed here, I hope to see many of you returne
\nto you^r native countrie againe, and have such freedome & libertie as
\ny^e word of God prescribs. Our bishops were never so near a downfall
\nas now; God hath miraculously confounded them, and turned all their
\npopish & Machavillian plots & projects on their owne heads, &c. Thus
\nyou see what is fitt to be done concerning our perticulere greevances.
\nI pray you take it seriously into consideration; let each give way a
\nlitle that we may meete, &c. Be you and all yours kindly saluted, &c.
\nSo I ever rest,<\/p>\n
Your loving friend,
\nJAMES SHERLEY.<\/p>\n
Clapham, May 18, 1641.<\/p>\n
Being thus by this leter, and allso by M^r. Atwodes & M^r. Colliers
\nmediation urged to bring things to an end, (and y^e continuall clamors
\nfrom y^e rest,) and by none more urged then by their own desires, they
\ntooke this course (because many scandals had been raised upon them).
\nThey apoynted these 2. men before mentioned to meet on a certaine day,
\nand called some other freinds on both sids, and M^r. Free-man, brother
\nin law to M^r. Beachamp, and having drawne up a collection of all y^e
\nremains of y^e stock, in what soever it was, as housing, boats, bark,
\nand all implements belonging to y^e same, as they were used in y^e time
\nof y^e trad, were they better or worce, with y^e remaines of all
\nco[=m]odities, as beads, knives, hatchetts, cloth, or any thing els, as
\nwell y^e refuse as y^e more vendible, with all debts, as well those y^t
\nwere desperate as others more hopefull; and having spent diverce days to
\nbring this to pass, having y^e helpe of all bookes and papers, which
\neither any of them selves had, or Josias Winslow, who was their
\naccountante; and they found y^e sume in all to arise (as y^e things were
\nvalued) to aboute 1400^li. And they all of them tooke a voluntary but a
\nsollem oath, in y^e presence one of an other, and of all their frends,
\ny^e persons abovesaid y^t were now presente, that this was all that any
\nof them knew of, or could remember; and Josias Winslow did y^e like for
\nhis parte. But y^e truth is they wrongd them selves much in y^e
\nvaluation, for they reconed some catle as they were taken of M^r.
\nAllerton, as for instance a cowe in y^e hands of one cost 25^li. and so
\nshe was valued in this accounte; but when she came to be past away in
\nparte of paymente, after y^e agreemente, she would be accepted but a
\n4^li. 15^s. [238] Also being tender of their oaths, they brought in all
\nthey know owing to y^e stock; but they had not made y^e like diligente
\nsearch what y^e stocke might owe to any, so as many scattering debts
\nfell upon afterwards more then now they know of.<\/p>\n
Upon this they drew certaine articles of agreemente betweene M^r.
\nAtwode, on M^r. Sherleys behalfe, and them selves. The effecte is as
\nfolloeth.<\/p>\n
_Articles of agreemente made and concluded upon y^e 15. day of
\nOctober, 1641. &c._<\/p>\n
Imp: Wheras ther was a partnership for diverce years agreed upon
\nbetweene James Sherley, John Beacham, and Richard Andrews, of London,
\nmarchants, and William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles
\nStandish, William Brewster, John Aldon, & John Howland, w^th Isaack
\nAllerton, in a trade of beaver skines & other furrs arising in
\nNew-England; the terme of which said partnership being expired, and
\ndiverse su[=m]es of money in goods adventured into New-England by y^e
\nsaid James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, and many large
\nreturnes made from New-England by y^e said William Bradford, Ed:
\nWinslow, &c.; and differance arising aboute y^e charge of 2. ships,
\nthe one called y^e White Angele, of Bristow, and y^e other y^e
\nFrindship, of Barnstable, and a viage intended in her, &c.; which said
\nships & their viages, y^e said William Bradford, Ed: W. &c. conceive
\ndoe not at all appertaine to their accounts of partnership; and weras
\ny^e accounts of y^e said partnership are found to be confused, and
\ncannot orderley appeare (through y^e defaulte of Josias Winslow, y^e
\nbooke keeper); and weras y^e said W. B. &c. have received all their
\ngoods for y^e said trade from the foresaid James Sherley, and have
\nmade most of their returnes to him, by consente of y^e said John
\nBeachamp & Richard Andrews; and wheras also y^e said James Sherley
\nhath given power & authoritie to M^r. John Atwode, with y^e advice &
\nconsente of William Collier, of Duxborow, for and on his behalfe, to
\nput such an absolute end to y^e said partnership, with all and every
\naccounts, reconings, dues, claimes, demands, whatsoever, to y^e said
\nJames Sherley, John Beacham, & Richard Andrews, from y^e said W. B.
\n&c. for and concerning y^e said beaver trade, & also y^e charge y^e
\nsaid 2. ships, and their viages made or pretended, whether just or
\nunjuste, from y^e worlds begining to this presente, as also for y^e
\npaimente of a purchas of 1800^li. made by Isaack Allerton, for and on
\ny^e behalfe of y^e said W. B., Ed: W., &c., and of y^e joynt stock,
\nshares, lands, and adventurs, what soever in New-England aforesaid, as
\napeareth by a deede bearing date y^e 6. Nov^br. 1627; and also for and
\nfrom such sume and sumes of money or goods as are received by William
\nBradford, Tho: Prence, & Myles Standish, for y^e recovery of dues, by
\naccounts betwexte them, y^e said James Sherly, John Beachamp, &
\nRichard Andrews, and Isaack Allerton, for y^e ship caled y^e White
\nAngell. Now y^e said John Attwode, with advice & counsell of y^e said
\nWilliam Collier, having had much comunication & spente diverse days in
\nagitation of all y^e said differances & accounts with y^e said W. B.,
\nE. W., &c.; and y^e said W. B., E. W., &c. have also, with y^e said
\nbook-keeper spente much time in collecting & gathering togeither y^e
\nremainder of y^e stock of partnership for y^e said trade, and what
\nsoever hath beene received, or is due by y^e said attorneyship before
\nexpresed, and all, and all manner of goods, debts, and dues therunto
\nbelonging, as well those debts that are weake and doubtfull [239] and
\ndesperate, as those y^t are more secure, which in all doe amounte to
\ny^e sume of 1400^li. or ther aboute; and for more full satisfaction of
\ny^e said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, the said W.
\nB. and all y^e rest of y^e abovesaid partners, togeither with Josias
\nWinslow y^e booke keeper, have taken a voluntarie oath, y^t within y^e
\nsaid sume of 1400^li. or theraboute, is contained whatsoever they
\nknew, to y^e utmost of their rememberance.<\/p>\n
In consideration of all which matters & things before expressed, and
\nto y^e end y^t a full, absolute, and finall end may be now made, and
\nall suits in law may be avoyded, and love & peace continued, it is
\ntherfore agreed and concluded betweene y^e said John Attwode, with y^e
\nadvice & consent of y^e said William Colier, for & on y^e behalfe of
\ny^e said James Sherley, to and with y^e said W. B., &c. in maner and
\nforme following: viz. that y^e said John Attwode shall procure a
\nsufficiente release and discharge, under y^e hands & seals of y^e said
\nJames Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, to be delivered fayer
\n& unconcealed unto y^e said William Bradford, &c., at or before y^e
\nlast day of August, next insuing y^e date hereof, whereby y^e said
\nWilliam Bradford &c., their heires, executors, & administrators, &
\nevery of them shall be fully and absolutly aquited & discharged of
\nall actions, suits, reconings, accounts, claimes, and demands
\nwhatsoever concerning y^e generall stock of beaver trade, paymente of
\ny^e said 1800^li. for y^e purchass, and all demands, reckonings, and
\naccounts, just or unjuste, concerning the tow ships Whit-Angell and
\nFrendship aforesaid, togeather with whatsoever hath been received by
\ny^e said William Bradford, of y^e goods or estate of Isaack Allerton,
\nfor satisfaction of y^e accounts of y^e said ship called y^e Whit
\nAngele, by vertue of a [~l]re of attourney to him, Thomas Prence, & Myles
\nStandish, directed from y^e said James Sherley, John Beachamp, &
\nRichard Andrews, for y^t purpose as afforesaid.<\/p>\n
It is also agreed & concluded upon betweene the said parties to these
\npresents, that the said W. B., E. W., &c. shall now be bound in
\n2400^li. for paymente of 1200^li. in full satisfaction of all demands
\nas afforesaid; to be payed in maner & forme following; that is to say,
\n400^li. within 2. months next after y^e receite of the aforesaid
\nreleases and discharges, one hundred and ten pounds wherof is allready
\nin y^e hands of John Winthrop senior of Boston, Esquire, by the means
\nof M^r. Richard Andrews afforesaid, and 80^li. waight of beaver now
\ndeposited into y^e hands of y^e said John Attwode, to be both in part
\nof paimente of y^e said 400^li. and y^e other 800^li. to be payed by
\n200^li. [p=]^r a[=n]ume, to such assignes as shall be appointed,
\ninhabiting either in Plimoth or Massachusetts Bay, in such goods &
\ncomodities, and at such rates, as the countrie shall afford at y^e
\ntime of delivery & paymente; and in y^e mean time y^e said bond of
\n2400^li. to be deposited into y^e hands of y^e said John Attwode. And
\nit is agreed upon by & betweene y^e said parties to these presents,
\nthat if y^e said John Attwode shall not or cannot procure such said
\nreleases & discharges as afforesaid from y^e said James Sherley, John
\nBachamp, & Richard Andrews, at or before y^e last day of August next
\ninsuing y^e date hear of, y^t then y^e said John Attwode shall, at y^e
\nsaid day precisely, redeliver, or cause to [240] be delivered unto ye
\nsaid W. B., E. W., &c. their said bond of 2400^li. and y^e said 80^li.
\nwaight of beaver, or y^e due valew therof, without any fraud or
\nfurther delay; and for performance of all & singuler y^e covenants and
\nagreements hearin contained and expressed, which on y^e one parte and
\nbehalfe of y^e said James Sherley are to be observed & performed,
\nshall become bound in y^e su[=m]e of 2400^li. to them, y^e said
\nWilliam Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish,
\nWilliam Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland. And it is lastly
\nagreed upon betweene y^e said parties, that these presents shall be
\nleft in trust, to be kepte for boath parties, in y^e hands of Mr. John
\nReanour, teacher of Plimoth. In witnes wherof, all y^e said parties
\nhave hereunto severally sett their hands, y^e day and year first above
\nwriten.<\/p>\n
JOHN ATWODE, WILLIAM BRADFORD, EDWARD WINSLOW, &c. In y^e presence of<\/p>\n
EDMOND FREEMAN,
\nWILLIAM THOMAS,
\nWILLIAM PADY,
\nNATHANIELL SOUTHER.<\/p>\n
The nexte year this long and tedious bussines came to some issue, as
\nwill then appeare, though not to a finall ende with all y^e parties; but
\nthis much for y^e presente.<\/p>\n
I had forgoten to inserte in its place how y^e church here had invited
\nand sent for M^r. Charles Chansey,[EH] a reverend, godly, and very
\nlarned man, intending upon triall to chose him pastor of y^e church
\nhear, for y^e more comfortable performance of y^e ministrie with Mr.
\nJohn Reinor, the teacher of the same. But ther fell out some differance
\naboute baptising, he holding it ought only to be by diping, and putting
\ny^e whole body under water, and that sprinkling was unlawfull. The
\nchurch yeelded that immersion, or dipping, was lawfull, but in this
\ncould countrie not so conveniente. But they could not nor durst not
\nyeeld to him in this, that sprinkling (which all y^e churches of Christ
\ndoe for y^e most parte use at this day) was unlawfull, & an humane
\ninvention, as y^e same was prest; but they were willing to yeeld to him
\nas far as y^ey could, & to y^e utmost; and were contented to suffer him
\nto practise as he was perswaded; and when he came to minister that
\nordnance, he might so doe it to any y^t did desire it in y^t way,
\nprovided he could peacably suffer Mr. Reinor, and such as desired to
\nhave theirs otherwise baptised by him, by sprinkling or powering on of
\nwater upon them; so as ther might be no disturbance in y^e church
\nhereaboute. But he said he could not yeeld herunto. Upon which the
\nchurch procured some other ministers to dispute y^e pointe with him
\npublikly; as Mr. Ralfe Partrich, of Duxberie, who did it sundrie times,
\nvery ablie and sufficently, as allso some other ministers within this
\ngovermente. But he was not satisfied; so y^e church sent to many other
\nchurches to crave their help and advise in [241] this mater, and, with
\nhis will & consente, sent them his arguments writen under his owne hand.
\nThey sente them to y^e church at Boston in y^e Bay of Massachusets, to
\nbe comunicated with other churches ther. Also they sent y^e same to the
\nchurches of Conightecutt and New-Haven, with sundrie others; and
\nreceived very able & sufficent answers, as they conceived, from them and
\ntheir larned ministers, who all concluded against him. But him selfe was
\nnot satisfied therw^th. Their answers are too large hear to relate. They
\nconceived y^e church had done what was meete in y^e thing, so M^r.
\nChansey, having been y^e most parte of 3. years here, removed him selfe
\nto Sityate, wher he now remaines a minister to y^e church ther. Also
\nabout these times, now y^t catle & other things begane greatly to fall
\nfrom their former rates, and persons begane to fall into more straits,
\nand many being allready gone from them, (as is noted before,) both to
\nDuxberie, Marshfeeld, and other places, & those of y^e cheefe sorte, as
\nM^r. Winslow, Captaine Standish, Mr. Allden, and many other, & stille
\nsome dropping away daly, and some at this time, and many more unsetled,
\nit did greatly weaken y^e place, and by reason of y^e straitnes and
\nbarrennes of y^e place, it sett y^e thoughts of many upon removeall; as
\nwill appere more hereafter.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1642._<\/p>\n
Marvilous it may be to see and consider how some kind of wickednes did
\ngrow & breake forth here, in a land wher the same was so much witnesed
\nagainst, and so narrowly looked unto, & severly punished when it was
\nknowne; as in no place more, or so much, that I have known or heard of;
\ninsomuch as they have been somewhat censured, even by moderate and good
\nmen, for their severitie in punishments. And yet all this could not
\nsuppress y^e breaking out of sundrie notorious sins, (as this year,
\nbesids other, gives us too many sad presidents and instances,)
\nespetially drunkennes and unclainnes; not only incontinencie betweene
\npersons unmaried, for which many both men & women have been punished
\nsharply enough, but some maried persons allso. But that which is worse,
\neven sodomie and bugerie, (things fearfull to name,) have broak forth in
\nthis land, oftener then once. I say it may justly be marveled at, and
\ncause us to fear & tremble at the consideration of our corrupte natures,
\nwhich are so hardly bridled, subdued, & mortified; nay, cannot by any
\nother means but y^e powerfull worke & grace of Gods spirite. But (besids
\nthis) one reason may be, that y^e Divell may carrie a greater spite
\nagainst the churches of Christ and y^e gospell hear, by how much y^e
\nmore they indeaour to preserve holynes and puritie amongst them, and
\nstrictly punisheth the contrary when it ariseth either in church or
\ncomone wealth; that he might cast a [242] blemishe & staine upon them in
\ny^e eyes of [y^e] world, who use to be rash in judgmente. I would rather
\nthinke thus, then that Satane hath more power in these heathen lands, as
\nsom have thought, then in more Christian nations, espetially over Gods
\nservants in them.<\/p>\n
2. An other reason may be, that it may be in this case as it is with
\nwaters when their streames are stopped or da[=m]ed up, when they gett
\npassage they flow with more violence, and make more noys and
\ndisturbance, then when they are suffered to rune quietly in their owne
\nchanels. So wikednes being here more stopped by strict laws, and y^e
\nsame more nerly looked unto, so as it cannot rune in a comone road of
\nliberty as it would, and is inclined, it searches every wher, and at
\nlast breaks out wher it getts vente.<\/p>\n
3. A third reason may be, hear (as I am verily perswaded) is not more
\nevills in this kind, nor nothing nere so many by proportion, as in other
\nplaces; but they are here more discoverd and seen, and made publick by
\ndue serch, inquisition, and due punishment; for y^e churches looke
\nnarrowly to their members, and y^e magistrats over all, more strictly
\nthen in other places. Besids, here the people are but few in comparison
\nof other places, which are full & populous, and lye hid, as it were, in
\na wood or thickett, and many horrible evills by y^t means are never seen
\nnor knowne; wheras hear, they are, as it were, brought into y^e light,
\nand set in y^e plaine feeld, or rather on a hill, made conspicuous to
\ny^e veiw of all.<\/p>\n
But to proceede; y^er came a letter from y^e Gov^r in y^e Bay to them
\nhere, touching matters of y^e forementioned nature, which because it may
\nbe usefull I shall hear relate it, and y^e passages ther aboute.<\/p>\n
S^r: Having an opportunitie to signifie y^e desires of our Generall
\nCourt in toow things of spetiall importance, I willingly take this
\noccasion to imparte them to you, y^t you may imparte them to y^e rest
\nof your magistrats, and also to your Elders, for counsell; and give us
\nyour advise in them. The first is concerning heinous offences in point
\nof uncleannes; y^e perticuler cases, with y^e circomstances, and y^e
\nquestions ther upon, you have hear inclosed. The 2. thing is
\nconcerning y^e Ilanders at Aquidnett; y^t seeing the cheefest of them
\nare gone from us, in offences, either to churches, or co[=m]one welth,
\nor both; others are dependants on them, and y^e best sorte are such as
\nclose with them in all their rejections of us. Neither is it only in a
\nfaction y^t they are devided from us, but in very deed they rend them
\nselves from all y^e true churches of Christ, and, many of them, from
\nall y^e powers of majestracie. We have had some experience hereof by
\nsome of their underworkers, or emissaries, who have latly come amongst
\nus, and have made publick defiance against magistracie, ministrie,
\nchurches, & church covenants, &c. as antichristian; secretly also
\nsowing y^e seeds of Familisme, and Anabaptistrie, to y^e infection of
\nsome, and danger of others; so that we are not willing to joyne with
\nthem in any league or confederacie at all, but rather that you would
\nconsider & advise with us how we may avoyd them, and keep ours from
\nbeing infected by them. Another thing I should mention to you, for
\ny^e maintenance of y^e trad of beaver; if ther be not a company to
\norder it in every jurisdition among y^e English, which companies
\nshould agree in generall of their way in trade, I supose that y^e
\ntrade will be overthrowne, and the Indeans will abuse us. For this
\ncause we have latly put it into order amongst us, hoping of
\nincouragmente from you (as we have had) y^t we may continue y^e same.
\nThus not further to trouble you, I rest, with my loving remembrance to
\nyour selfe, &c.<\/p>\n
Your loving friend,
\nRI: BELLINGHAM.<\/p>\n
Boston, 28. (1.) 1642.<\/p>\n
The note inclosed follows on y^e other side.[EI]<\/p>\n
[244] Worthy & beloved S^r:<\/p>\n
Your letter (with y^e questions inclosed) I have comunicated with our
\nAssistants, and we have refered y^e answer of them to such Rev[=e]^d
\nElders as are amongst us, some of whose answers thertoo we have here
\nsent you inclosed, under their owne hands; from y^e rest we have not
\nyet received any. Our farr distance hath bene y^e reason of this long
\ndelay, as also y^t they could not conferr their counsells togeather.<\/p>\n
For our selves, (you know our breedings & abillities,) we rather
\ndesire light from your selves, & others, whom God hath better inabled,
\nthen to presume to give our judgments in cases so difficulte and of so
\nhigh a nature. Yet under correction, and submission to better
\njudgments, we propose this one thing to your prudent considerations.
\nAs it seems to us, in y^e case even of willfull murder, that though a
\nman did smite or wound an other, with a full pourpose or desire to
\nkill him, (w^ch is murder in a high degree, before God,) yet if he
\ndid not dye, the magistrate was not to take away y^e others life.[EJ]
\nSo by proportion in other grosse & foule sines, though high attempts &
\nnere approaches to y^e same be made, and such as in the sight &
\naccount of God may be as ill as y^e accomplishmente of y^e foulest
\nacts of y^t sine, yet we doute whether it may be safe for y^e
\nmagistrate to proceed to death; we thinke, upon y^e former grounds,
\nrather he may not. As, for instance, in y^e case of adultrie, (if it
\nbe admitted y^t it is to be punished w^{th} death, which to some of us
\nis not cleare,) if y^e body be not actually defiled, then death is not
\nto be inflicted. So in sodomie, & beastialitie, if ther be not
\npenetration. Yet we confess foulnes of circomstances, and frequencie
\nin y^e same, doth make us remaine in y^e darke, and desire further
\nlight from you, or any, as God shall give.<\/p>\n
As for y^e 2. thing, concerning y^e Ilanders? we have no conversing
\nwith them, nor desire to have, furder then necessitie or humanity may
\nrequire.<\/p>\n
And as for trade? we have as farr as we could ever therin held an
\norderly course, & have been sory to see y^e spoyle therof by others,
\nand fear it will hardly be recovered. But in these, or any other
\nthings which may concerne y^e co[=m]one good, we shall be willing to
\nadvise & concure with you in what we may. Thus w^{th} my love
\nremembered to your selfe, and y^e rest of our worthy friends, your
\nAssistants, I take leave, & rest,<\/p>\n
Your loving friend,
\nW. B.<\/p>\n
Plim: 17. 3. month, 1642.<\/p>\n
Now follows y^e ministers answers. And first Mr. Reynors.<\/p>\n
Qest: What sodmiticall acts are to be punished with death, & what very
\nfacte (ipso facto) is worthy of death, or, if y^e fact it selfe be not
\ncapitall, what circomstances concurring may make it capitall?<\/p>\n
Ans: In y^e judiciall law (y^e moralitie wherof concerneth us) it is
\nmanyfest y^t carnall knowledg of man, or lying w^{th} man, as with
\nwoman, cum penetratione corporis, was sodomie, to be punished with
\ndeath; what els can be understood by Levit: 18. 22. & 20. 13. & Gen: 19.
\n5? 2^ly. It seems allso y^t this foule sine might be capitall, though
\nther was not penitratio corporis, but only contactus & fricatio us[q~]
\nad effusionem seminis, for these reasons: [245] 1. Because it was sin to
\nbe punished with death, Levit. 20. 13. in y^e man who was lyen withall,
\nas well as in him y^t lyeth with him; now his sin is not mitigated wher
\nther is not penitration, nor augmented wher it is; wheras its charged
\nupon y^e women, y^t they were guilty of this unnaturall sine, as well as
\nmen, Rom. 1. 26. 27. Y^e same thing doth furder apeare, 2. because of
\ny^t proportion betwexte this sin & beastialitie, wherin if a woman did
\nstand before, or aproach to, a beast, for y^t end, to lye downe therto,
\n(whether penetration was or not,) it was capitall, Levit: 18. 23. & 20.
\n16. 3^{ly}. Because something els might be equivalent to penetration
\nwher it had not been, viz. y^e fore mentioned acts with frequencie and
\nlong continuance with a high hand, utterly extinguishing all light of
\nnature; besids, full intention and bould attempting of y^e foulest acts
\nmay seeme to have been capitall here, as well as coming presumptuously
\nto slay with guile was capitall. Exod: 21. 14.<\/p>\n
Yet it is not so manyfest y^t y^e same acts were to be punished with
\ndeath in some other sines of uncleannes, w^ch yet by y^e law of God were
\ncapitall crimes; besids other reasons, (1.) because sodomie, & also
\nbeastialitie, is more against y^e light of nature then some other
\ncapitall crimes of unclainnes, which reason is to be attended unto, as
\ny^t which most of all made this sin capitall; (2.) because it might be
\nco[=m]ited with more secrecie & less suspition, & therfore needed y^e
\nmore to be restrained & suppresed by y^e law; (3^ly) because ther was
\nnot y^e like reason & degree of si[=n]ing against family & posteritie in
\nthis sin as in some other capitall sines of uncleannes.<\/p>\n
2. Quest: How farr a magistrate may extracte a confession from a
\ndelinquente, to acuse him selfe of a capitall crime, seeing Nemo tenetur
\nprodere seipsum.<\/p>\n
Ans: A majestrate cannot without sin neglecte diligente inquision into
\ny^e cause brought before him. Job 29. 16. Pro: 24. 11. 12. & 25. 2.
\n(2^ly.) If it be manifest y^t a capitall crime is committed, & y^t
\ncomone reporte, or probabilitie, suspition, or some complainte, (or y^e
\nlike,) be of this or y^t person, a magistrate ought to require, and by
\nall due means to procure from y^e person (so farr allready bewrayed) a
\nnaked confession of y^e fact, as apears by y^t which is morall & of
\nperpetuall equitie, both in y^e case of uncertaine murder, Deut: 21. 1.
\n9. and slander, Deut: 22. 13. 21; for though nemo tenetur prodere
\nseipsum, yet by that w^ch may be known to y^e magistrat by y^e forenamed
\nmeans, he is bound thus to doe, or els he may betray his countrie &
\npeople to y^e heavie displeasure of God, Levit: 18. 24. 25. Jos: 22. 18.
\nPsa: 106. 30; such as are i[=n]ocente to y^e sinfull, base, cruell lusts
\nof y^e profane, & such as are delinquents, and others with them, into
\ny^e hands of y^e stronger temptations, & more bouldness, & hardnes of
\nharte, to co[=m]ite more & worse villany, besids all y^e guilt & hurt he
\nwill bring upon him selfe. (3^ly.) To inflicte some punishmente meerly
\nfor this reason, to extracte a conffession of a capitall crime, is
\ncontrary to y^e nature of vindictive justice, which always hath respecte
\nto a kno[=w] crime co[=m]itited by y^e person punished; and it will
\ntherfore, for any thing which can before be knowne, be y^e provocking
\nand forcing of wrath, compared to y^e wringing of y^e nose, Pro: 30. 33.
\nwhich is as well forbiden y^e fathers of y^e countrie as of y^e family,
\nEphe. 6. 4. as produsing many sad & dangerous effects. That an oath (ex
\nofficio) for such a purpose is no due means, hath been abundantly proved
\nby y^e godly learned, & is well known.<\/p>\n
Q. 3. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with other
\ncircomstances shall be sufficiente to convince? or is ther no conviction
\nwithout 2. witneses?<\/p>\n
Ans: In taking away y^e life of man, one witnes alone will not suffice,
\nther must be tow, or y^t which is instar; y^e texts are manifest, Numb:
\n35. 30. Deut: 17. 6. & 19. 15. 2^ly. Ther may be conviction by one
\nwitnes, & some thing y^t hath y^e force of another, as y^e evidencie of
\ny^e fact done by such an one, & not an other; unforced confession when
\nther was no fear or danger of suffering for y^e fact, hand writings
\nacknowledged & confessed.<\/p>\n
JOHN REYNOR.<\/p>\n
[246] _M^r. Partrich his writing, in ans: to y^e questions._<\/p>\n
What is y^t sodomiticall acte which is to be punished with death?<\/p>\n
Though I conceive probable y^t a voluntary effusion of seed per modum
\nconcubitus of man with man, as of a man with woman, though in
\nconcubitu ther be not penetratio corporis, is y^t sin which is
\nforbiden, Levit: 18. 22. & adjudged to be punished with death, Levit:
\n20. 13. because, though ther be not penetratio corporis, yet ther may
\nbe similitudo concubitus muliebris, which is y^t the law specifieth;
\nyet I dar not be con-[EK] (1.) because, Gen: 19. 5. y^e intended acte
\nof y^e Sodomits (who were y^e first noted maisters of this unnaturall
\nact of more then brutish filthines) is expressed by carnall copulation
\nof man with woman: Bring them out unto us, y^t we may know them;
\n(2^ly.) because it is observed among y^e nations wher this unnaturall
\nunclainnes is co[=m]ited, it is w^th penetration of y^e body; (3^ly.)
\nbecause, in y^e judiciall proceedings of y^e judges in England, y^e
\nindict: so rune (as I have been informed).<\/p>\n
Q. How farr may a magistrat extracte a confession of a capitall crime
\nfrom a suspected and an accused person?<\/p>\n
Ans. I conceive y^t a magistrate is bound, by carfull examenation of
\ncircomstances & waighing of probabilities, to sifte y^e accused, and
\nby force of argumente to draw him to an acknowledgment of y^e truth;
\nbut he may not extracte a confession of a capitall crime from a
\nsuspected person by any violent means, whether it be by an oath
\nimposed, or by any punishmente inflicted or threatened to be
\ninflicted, for so he may draw forth an acknowledgmente of a crime from
\na fearfull i[=n]ocente; if guilty, he shall be compelled to be his
\nowne accuser, when no other can, which is against y^e rule of justice.<\/p>\n
Q. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with other
\ncircomstances shall be sufficente to convicte; or is ther no
\nconviction without two witnesses?<\/p>\n
Ans: I conceive y^t, in y^e case of capitall crimes, ther can be no
\nsafe proceedings unto judgmente without too witnesses, as Numb: 35.
\n30. Deut: 19. 15. excepte ther can some evidence be prodused as
\naveilable & firme to prove y^e facte as a witnes is, then one witnes
\nmay suffice; for therin y^e end and equitie of y^e law is attained.
\nBut to proceede unto sentence of death upon presumptions, wher
\nprobably ther may subesse falsum, though ther be y^e testimony of one
\nwittnes, I supose it cannot be a safe way; better for such a one to be
\nheld in safe custodie for further triall, I conceive.<\/p>\n
RALPH PARTRICH.<\/p>\n
_The Answer of M^r. Charles Chancy._<\/p>\n
An contactus et fricatio us[q~] ad seminis effusi[=o]nem sine
\npenetratione corporis sit sodomia morte plectenda?<\/p>\n
Q. The question is what sodomiticall acts are to be punished w^th
\ndeath, & what very facte committed, (ipso facto,) is worthy of death,
\nor if y^e facte it selfe be not capitall, what circomstances concuring
\nmay make it capitall. The same question may be asked of rape, inceste,
\nbeastialitie, unnaturall sins, presumtuous sins. These be y^e words of
\ny^e first question.<\/p>\n
Ans: The answer unto this I will lay downe (as God shall directe by
\nhis word & spirite) in these following conclusions: (1.) That y^e
\njudicials of Moyses, that are appendances to y^e morall law, &
\ngrounded on y^e law of nature, or y^e decalogue, are i[=m]utable, and
\nppetuall, w^ch all orthodox devines acknowledge; see y^e authors
\nfollowing. Luther, Tom. 1. Whitenberge: fol. 435. & fol. 7.
\nMelanethon, in loc: com loco de conjugio. Calvin, 1. 4. Institu. c. 4.
\nsect. 15. Junious de politia Moysis, thes. 29. & 30. Hen: Bulin:
\nDecad. 3. sermo. 8. Wolf: Muscu. loc: com: in 6. precepti explicaci:
\nBucer de regno Christi, 1. 2. c. 17. Theo: Beza, vol: 1. de hereti:
\npuniendis, fol. 154. Zanch: in 3. pr\u00e6cept: Ursin: Pt. 4. explicat.
\ncontra John. Piscat: in Aphorismi Loc. de lege dei aphorism. 17. And
\nmore might be added. I forbear, for brevities sake, to set downe their
\nvery words; this being y^e constante & generall oppinion of y^e best
\ndevines, I will rest in this as undoubtedly true, though much more
\nmight be said to confirme it.<\/p>\n
2. That all y^e si[=n]es mentioned in y^e question were punished with
\ndeath by y^e judiciall law of Moyses, as adultry, Levit: 20. 10. Deut:
\n22. 22. Esech: 16. 38. Jhon. 8. 5. which is to be understood not only
\nof double adultrie, when as both parties are maried, (as some
\nconceive,) but whosoever (besids her husband) lyes with a married
\nwoman, whether y^e man be maried or not, as in y^e place, Deut: 22.
\n22. or whosoever, being a maried man, lyeth with another woman (besids
\nhis wife), as P. Martire saith, loc: com: which in diverce respects
\nmaks y^e sine worse on y^e maried mans parte; for y^e Lord in this
\nlaw hath respect as well to publick honesty, (the sin being so
\nprejudicall to y^e church & state,) as y^e private wrongs (saith
\nJunious). So incest is to be punished with death, Levit: 20. 11. 22.
\nBeastiality likwise, Lev: 20. 15. Exod: 22. 19. Raps in like maner,
\nDeut: 22. 25. Sodomie in like sort, Levit: 18. 22. & 20. 13. And all
\npresumptuous sins, Numb: 15. 30. 31.<\/p>\n
3. That y^e punishmente of these foule sines w^th death is grounded on
\ny^e law of nature, & is agreeable to the morall law. (1.) Because y^e
\nreasons a[=n]exed shew them to be perpetuall. Deut. 22. 22. So shalt
\nthou put away evill. Incest, beastiality, are caled confusion, &
\nwickednes. (2.) Infamie to y^e whole humane nature, Levit: 22. 12.
\nLevit: 18. 23. Raps are as murder, Deut: 22. 25. Sodomie is an
\nabomination, Levit: 22. 22. [247] No holier & juster laws can be
\ndevised by any man or angele then have been by y^e Judg of all y^e
\nworld, the wisdome of y^e Father, by whom kings doe raigne, &c. (3.)
\nBecause, before y^e giving of y^e Law, this punishmente was anciently
\npractised, Gen: 26. 11. 38. 29. 39. 20. & even by the heathen, by y^e
\nvery light of nature, as P. Martire shews. (4^ly.) Because y^e land is
\ndefiled by such sins, and spews out y^e inhabitants, Levit: 18. 24,
\n25. & that in regard of those nations y^t were not acquainted w^th the
\nlaw of Moyses. 5. All y^e devins above specified consent in this, that
\ny^e unclean acts punishable with death by y^e law of God are not only
\ny^e grose acts of uncleannes by way of carnall copulation, but all y^e
\nevidente attempts therof, which may appeare by those severall words
\ny^t are used by y^e spirite of God, expressing y^e sins to be punished
\nwith death; as y^e discovering of nakednes, Levit: 18. 20. which is
\nretegere pudenda, as parts p^r euphemismum (saith Junius), or detegere
\nad cubandum (saith Willett), to uncover y^e shamefull parts of y^e
\nbody (saith Ainsworth), which, though it reaches to y^e grose acts,
\nyet it is plaine it doth comprehend ye other foregoing immodest
\nattempts, as contactum, fricationem, &c.; likwise ye phrase of lying
\nwith, so often used, doth not only signifie carnall copulation, but
\nother obscene acts, p^{r}ceding y^e same, is implyed in Pauls word
\n[Greek: arsenokoitai], 1. Cor: 6. 9. & men lying with men, 1. Tim: 1.
\n9. men defiling them selves w^th mankind, men burning with lust
\ntowards men, Rom: 1. 26. & Levit: 18.[EL] 22. sodom & sin going after
\nstrange flesh, Jud: v. 7. 8. and lying with mankind as with a woman,
\nLevit: 18. 22. Abulentis says y^t it signifies omnes modos quibus
\nmasculus masculo abutatur, changing y^e naturall use into y^t which is
\nagainst nature, Rom: 1. 26. arrogare sibi cubare, as Junius well
\ntranslats Levit: 20. 15. to give consente to lye withall, so
\napproaching to a beast, & lying downe therto, Levit: 20. 16. ob solum
\nconat\u00fa[EM] (saith Willett) or for going about to doe it. Add to this a
\nnotable speech of Zepperus de legibus (who hath enough to end
\ncontroversies of this nature). L. 1. he saith: In crimine adulterii
\nvoluntas (understanding manifeste) sine effectu subsecuto de jure
\nattenditur; and he proves it out of good laws, in these words:
\nSolicitatores[EN] alie[=n]um nupti[=a]m item[q~] matrimon[=i]um
\ninterpellatores, etsi effectu sceleris potiri non possunt, propter
\nvoluntatem tamen pernicios\u00e6 libidinis extra ordinem puniuntur; nam
\ngenerale est quidem affect[=u] sine effectu [non] puniri, sed
\ncontrarium observatur in atrocioribus & horum similibus.<\/p>\n
5. In concluding punishments from y^e judiciall law of Moyses y^t is
\nperpetuall, we must often p^{r}ceed by analogicall proportion &
\ninterpretation, as a paribus similibus, minore ad majus, &c.; for ther
\nwill still fall out some cases, in every co[=m]one-wealth, which are
\nnot in so many words extante in holy write, yet y^e substance of y^e
\nmatter in every kind (I conceive under correction) may be drawne and
\nconcluded out of y^e scripture by good consequence of an equevalent
\nnature; as, for example, ther is no express law against destroying
\nconception in y^e wombe by potions, yet by anologie with Exod: 21. 22,
\n23. we may reason y^t life is to be given for life. Againe, y^e
\nquestion, An contactus & fricatio, &c., and methinks y^t place Gen:
\n38. 9. in y^e punishmente of Onans sin, may give some cleare light to
\nit; it was (saith Pareus) beluina crudelitas quam Deus pari loco cum
\nparricidio habuit, nam semen corrumpere, quid fuit aliud quam hominem
\nex semine generandum occidere? Propterea juste a Deo occisus est.
\nObserve his words. And againe, Discamus quantopere Deus abominetur
\nomnem seminis genitalis abusum, illicit[=a] effusionem, &
\ncorruption[=e], &c., very pertinente to this case. That allso is
\nconsiderable, Deut: 25. 11, 12. God comanded y^t, if any wife drue
\nnigh to deliver her husband out of y^e hand of him y^t smiteth him,
\n&c., her hand should be cutt off. Yet such a woman in y^t case might
\nsay much for her selfe, y^t what she did was in trouble & perplexitie
\nof her minde, & in her husbands defence; yet her hand must be cutt of
\nfor such impuritie (and this is morall, as I conceive). Then we may
\nreason from y^e less to y^e greater, what greevous sin in y^e sight of
\nGod it is, by y^e instigation of burning lusts, set on fire of hell,
\nto proceede to contactum & fricationem ad emissionem seminis, &c., &
\ny^t contra naturam, or to attempte y^e grosse acts of unnaturall
\nfilthines. Againe, if y^t unnaturall lusts of men with men, or woman
\nwith woman, or either with beasts, be to be punished with death, then
\na pari naturall lusts of men towards children under age are so to be
\npunished.<\/p>\n
6. Circumstanti\u00e6 variant vis e actiunes, (saith y^e lawiers,) &
\ncircomstances in these cases cannot possibly be all reck[=e]d up; but
\nGod hath given laws for those causes & cases that are of greatest
\nmomente, by which others are to be judged of, as in y^e differance
\nbetwixte chanc medley, & willfull murder; so in y^e sins of
\nuncleannes, it is one thing to doe an acte of uncleannes by sudden
\ntemptation, & another to lye in waite for it, yea, to make a co[=m]une
\npractise of it; this mightily augments & multiplies y^e sin. Againe,
\nsome si[=n]es of this nature are simple, others compound, as y^t is
\nsimple adultrie, or inceste, or simple sodomie; but when ther is a
\nmixture of diverce kinds of lust, as when adultery & sodomie &
\n[p=]^{r}ditio seminis goe togeather in y^e same acte of uncleannes,
\nthis is capitall, double, & trible. Againe, when adultrie or sodomie
\nis co[=m]ited by [p=]fessors or church members, I fear it coms too
\nnear y^e sine of y^e preists daughters, forbidden, & comanded to be
\npunished, Levit: 21. 9. besids y^e presumption of y^e si[=n]es of
\nsuch. Againe, when uncleannes is comited with those whose chastity
\nthey are bound to [*)p]serve, this coms very nere the incestious
\ncopulation, I feare; but I must hasten to y^e other questions.<\/p>\n
[248] 2. Question y^e second, upon y^e pointe of examination, how farr
\na magistrate may extracte a confession from a delinquente to accuse
\nhim selfe in a capitall crime, seeing Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum.<\/p>\n
Ans: The words of y^e question may be understood of extracting a
\nconfession from a delinquente either by oath or bodily tormente. If it
\nbe mente of extracting by requiring an oath, (ex officio, as some call
\nit,) & that in capitall crimes, I fear it is not safe, nor warented by
\nGods word, to extracte a confession from a delinquente by an oath in
\nmatters of life and death. (1.) Because y^e practise in y^e Scripturs
\nis other wise, as in y^e case of Achan, Jos: 7. 19. Give, I pray y^e,
\nglorie to y^e Lord God of Israll, and make a confession to him, & tell
\nme how thou hast done. He did not compell him to sweare. So when as
\nJohnathans life was indangered, 1. Sam. 14. 43. Saule said unto
\nJohnathan, Tell me what thou hast done; he did not require an oath.
\nAnd notable is y^t, Jer: 38. 14. Jeremiah was charged by Zedechias,
\nwho said, I will aske the a thing, hide it not from me; & Jeremiah
\nsaid, If I declare it unto y^e, wilt thou not surely put me to death?
\nimpling y^t, in case of death, he would have refused to answer him.
\n(2.) Reason shews it, & experience; Job: 2. 4. Skin for skin, &c. It
\nis to be feared y^t those words (whatsoever a man hath) will
\ncomprehend also y^e conscience of an oath, and y^e fear of God, and
\nall care of religion; therfore for laying a snare before y^e guiltie,
\nI think it ought not to be donn. But now, if y^e question be mente of
\ninflicting bodyly torments to extracte a confession from a
\nmallefactor, I conceive y^t in maters of higest consequence, such as
\ndoe conceirne y^e saftie or ruine of stats or countries, magistrats
\nmay proceede so farr to bodily torments, as racks, hote-irons, &c., to
\nextracte a conffession, espetially wher presumptions are strounge; but
\notherwise by no means. God sometims hids a sinner till his wickednes
\nis filled up.<\/p>\n
Question 3. In what cases of capitall crimes, one witnes with other
\ncircumstances shall be sufficente to convicte, or is ther no
\nconviction without 2. witneses?<\/p>\n
Deut: 19. 25. God hath given an express rule y^t in no case one
\nwitness shall arise in judgmente, espetially not in capitall cases.
\nGod would not put our lives into y^e power of any one toungue. Besids,
\nby y^e examination of more wittneses agreeing or disagreeing, any
\nfalshood ordenarilly may be discovered; but this is to be understood
\nof one witnes of another; but if a man witnes against him selfe, his
\nowne testimony is sufficente, as in y^e case of y^e Amalakite, 2. Sam:
\n1. 16. Againe, when ther are sure & certaine signes & evidences by
\ncircumstances, ther needs no witnes in this case, as in y^e bussines
\nof Adoniah desiring Abishage y^e Shunamite to wife, that therby he
\nmight make way for him selfe unto y^e kingdome, 1. King: 2. 23, 24.
\nAgaine, probably by many concurring circumstances, if probability may
\nhave y^e strength of a witnes, somthing may be this way gathered, me
\nthinks, from Sallomons judging betweexte y^e true mother, and y^e
\nharlote, 1. King. 3. 25. Lastly, I see no cause why in waighty
\nmatters, in defecte of witneses & other proofes, we may not have
\nrecourse to a lott, as in y^e case of Achan, Josu: 7. 16. which is a
\nclearer way in such doubtfull cases (it being solemnely & religiously
\nperformed) then any other that I know, if it be made y^e last refuge.
\nBut all this under correction.<\/p>\n
The Lord in mercie directe & prosper y^e desires of his servants that
\ndesire to walk before him in truth & righteousnes in the
\nadministration of justice, and give them wisdome and largnes of harte.<\/p>\n
CHARLES CHANNCY.<\/p>\n
Besids y^e occation before mentioned in these writings concerning the
\nabuse of those 2. children, they had aboute y^e same time a case of
\nbuggerie fell out amongst them, which occasioned these questions, to
\nwhich these answers have been made.<\/p>\n
And after y^e time of y^e writ[=i]g of these things befell a very sadd
\naccidente of the like foule nature in this govermente, this very year,
\nwhich I shall now relate. Ther was a youth whose name was Thomas
\nGranger; he was servant to an honest man of Duxbery, being aboute 16. or
\n17. years of age. (His father & mother lived at the same time at
\nSityate.) He was this year detected of buggery (and indicted for y^e
\nsame) with a mare, a cowe, tow goats, five sheep, 2. calves, and a
\nturkey. Horrible [249] it is to mention, but y^e truth of y^e historie
\nrequires it. He was first discovered by one y^t accidentally saw his
\nlewd practise towards the mare. (I forbear perticulers.) Being upon it
\nexamined and co[=m]itted, in y^e end he not only confest y^e fact with
\nthat beast at that time, but sundrie times before, and at severall times
\nwith all y^e rest of y^e forenamed in his indictmente; and this his
\nfree-confession was not only in private to y^e magistrats, (though at
\nfirst he strived to deney it,) but to sundrie, both ministers & others,
\nand afterwards, upon his indictmente, to y^e whole court & jury; and
\nconfirmed it at his execution. And wheras some of y^e sheep could not so
\nwell be knowne by his description of them, others with them were brought
\nbefore him, and he declared which were they, and which were not. And
\naccordingly he was cast by y^e jury, and condemned, and after executed
\nabout y^e 8. of Sept^r, 1642. A very sade spectakle it was; for first
\nthe mare, and then y^e cowe, and y^e rest of y^e lesser catle, were kild
\nbefore his face, according to y^e law, Levit: 20. 15. and then he him
\nselfe was executed. The catle were all cast into a great & large pitte
\nthat was digged of purposs for them, and no use made of any part of
\nthem.<\/p>\n
Upon y^e examenation of this person, and also of a former that had made
\nsome sodomiticall attempts upon another, it being demanded of them how
\nthey came first to y^e knowledge and practice of such wickednes, the one
\nconfessed he had long used it in old England; and this youth last
\nspoaken of said he was taught it by an other that had heard of such
\nthings from some in England when he was ther, and they kept catle
\ntogeather. By which it appears how one wicked person may infecte many;
\nand what care all ought to have what servants they bring into their
\nfamilies.<\/p>\n
But it may be demanded how came it to pass that so many wicked persons
\nand profane people should so quickly come over into this land, & mixe
\nthem selves amongst them? seeing it was religious men y^t begane y^e
\nwork, and they came for religions sake. I confess this may be marveilled
\nat, at least in time to come, when the reasons therof should not be
\nknowne; and y^e more because here was so many hardships and wants mett
\nwithall. I shall therfore indeavor to give some answer hereunto. And
\nfirst, according to y^t in y^e gospell, it is ever to be remembred that
\nwher y^e Lord begins to sow good seed, ther y^e envious man will
\nendeavore to sow tares. 2. Men being to come over into a wildernes, in
\nwhich much labour & servise was to be done aboute building & planting,
\n&c., such as wanted help in y^t respecte, when they could not have such
\nas y^ey would, were glad to take such as they could; and so, many
\nuntoward servants, sundry of them proved, that were thus brought over,
\nboth men & women kind: who, when their times were expired, became
\nfamilies of them selves, which gave increase hereunto. 3. An other and a
\nmaine reason hearof was, that men, finding so many godly disposed
\npersons willing to come into these parts, some begane to make a trade of
\nit, to transeport passengers & their goods, and hired ships for that
\nend; and then, to make up their fraight and advance their profite, cared
\nnot who y^e persons were, so they had money to pay them. And by this
\nmeans the cuntrie became pestered with many unworthy persons, who, being
\ncome over, crept into one place or other. 4. Againe, the Lords blesing
\nusually following his people, as well in outward as spirituall things,
\n(though afflictions be mixed withall,) doe make many to adhear to y^e
\npeople of God, as many followed Christ, for y^e loaves sake, John 6. 26.
\nand a mixed multitud came into y^e willdernes with y^e people of God out
\nof Eagipte of old, Exod. 12. 38; so allso ther were sente by their
\nfreinds some under hope y^t they would be made better; others that they
\nmight be eased of such burthens, and they kept from shame at home y^t
\nwould necessarily follow their dissolute courses. And thus, by one means
\nor other, in 20. years time, it is a question whether y^e greater part
\nbe not growne y^e worser.<\/p>\n
[250] I am now come to y^e conclusion of that long & tedious bussines
\nbetweene y^e partners hear, & them in England, the which I shall
\nmanifest by their owne letters as followeth, in such parts of them as
\nare pertinente to y^e same.<\/p>\n
_M^r. Sherleys to M^r. Attwood._<\/p>\n
M^r. Attwood, my approved loving friend: Your letter of y^e 18. of
\nOctober last I have received, wherin I find you have taken a great
\ndeall of paines and care aboute y^t troublesome bussines betwixte our
\nPlimoth partners & freinds, & us hear, and have deeply ingaged your
\nselfe, for which complements & words are no reall satisfaction, &c.
\nFor y^e agreemente you have made with M^r. Bradford, M^r. Winslow, &
\ny^e rest of y^e partners ther, considering how honestly and justly I
\nam perswaded they have brought in an accounte of y^e remaining stock,
\nfor my owne parte I am well satisfied, and so I thinke is M^r.
\nAndrewes, and I supose will be M^r. Beachampe, if most of it might
\nacrew to him, to whom y^e least is due, &c. And now for peace sake,
\nand to conclud as we began, lovingly and freindly, and to pass by all
\nfailings of all, the conclude is accepted of; I say this agreemente
\ny^t you have made is condesended unto, and M^r. Andrews hath sent his
\nrelease to M^r. Winthrop, with such directions as he conceives fitt;
\nand I have made bould to trouble you with mine, and we have both
\nsealed in y^e presence of M^r. Weld, and M^r. Peeters, and some
\nothers, and I have also sente you an other, for the partners ther, to
\nseale to me; for you must not deliver mine to them, excepte they seale
\n& deliver one to me; this is fitt and equall, &c.<\/p>\n
Yours to co[=m]and in what I may or can,
\nJAMES SHERLEY.<\/p>\n
June 14. 1642.<\/p>\n
_His to y^e partners as followeth._<\/p>\n
Loving freinds,<\/p>\n
M^r. Bradford, M^r. Winslow, M^r. Prence, Captaine Standish, M^r.
\nBrewster, M^r. Alden, & M^r. Howland, give me leave to joyne you all
\nin one letter, concerning y^e finall end & conclude of y^t tedious &
\ntroublsome bussines, & I thinke I may truly say uncomfurtable &
\nunprofitable to all, &c. It hath pleased God now to put us upon a way
\nto sease all suits, and disquieting of our spirites, and to conclude
\nwith peace and love, as we began. I am contented to yeeld & make good
\nwhat M^r. Attwood and you have agreed upon; and for y^t end have sente
\nto my loving friend, M^r. Attwood, an absolute and generall release
\nunto you all, and if ther wante any thing to make it more full, write
\nit your selves, & it shall be done, provided y^t all you, either
\njoyntly or severally, seale y^e like discharge to me. And for y^t end
\nI have drawne one joyntly, and sent it to M^r. Attwood, with y^t I
\nhave sealed to you. Mr. Andrews hath sealed an aquitance also, & sent
\nit to M^r. Winthrop, whith such directions as he conceived fitt, and,
\nas I hear, hath given his debte, which he maks 544^li. unto y^e
\ngentlemen of y^e Bay. Indeed, M^r. Welld, M^r. Peters, & M^r. Hibbens
\nhave taken a great deale of paines with M^r. Andrews, M^r. Beachamp, &
\nmy selfe, to bring us to agree, and to y^t end we have had many
\nmeetings and spent much time aboute it. But as they are very religious
\n& honest gentle-men, yet they had an end y^t they drove at & laboured
\nto accomplish (I meane not any private end, but for y^e generall good
\nof their patente). It had been very well you had sent one over. M^r.
\nAndrew wished you might have one 3. parte of y^e 1200^li. & the Bay 2.
\nthirds; but then we 3. must have agreed togeather, which were a hard
\nmater now. But M^r. Weld, M^r. Peters, & M^r. Hibbens, & I, have
\nagreed, they giving you bond (so to compose with M^r. Beachamp, as) to
\nprocure his generall release, & free you from all trouble & charge y^t
\nhe may put you too; which indeed is nothing, for I am perswaded M^r.
\nWeld will in time gaine him to give them all that is dew to [251] him,
\nwhich in some sorte is granted allready; for though his demands be
\ngreat, yet M^r. Andrewes hath taken some paines in it, and makes it
\nappear to be less then I thinke he will consente to give them for so
\ngood an use; so you neede not fear, that for taking bond ther to save
\nyou harmles, you be safe and well. Now our accord is, y^t you must pay
\nto y^e gentle-men of y^e Bay 900^li.; they are to bear all chargs y^t
\nmay any way arise concerning y^e free & absolute clearing of you from
\nus three. And you to have y^e other 300^li. &c.<\/p>\n
Upon y^e receiving of my release from you, I will send you your bonds
\nfor y^e purchass money. I would have sent them now, but I would have
\nM^r. Beachamp release as well as I, because you are bound to him in
\nthem. Now I know if a man be bound to 12. men, if one release, it is
\nas if all released, and my discharge doth cutt them of; wherfore
\ndoubte you not but you shall have them, & your commission, or any
\nthing els that is fitt. Now you know ther is tow years of y^e purchass
\nmoney, that I would not owne, for I have formerley certified you y^t
\nwould but pay 7. years; but now you are discharged of all, &c.<\/p>\n
Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can,
\nJAMES SHERLEY.<\/p>\n
June 14. 1642.<\/p>\n
The coppy of his release is as followeth.<\/p>\n
Wheras diverce questions, differences, & demands have arisen &
\ndepended betweene William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence,
\nMylest Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland,
\ngent: now or latly inhabitants or resident at New-Plimoth, in
\nNew-England, on y^e one party, and James Sherley of London, marchante,
\nand others, in th’ other parte, for & concerning a stocke & partable
\ntrade of beaver & other comodities, and fraighting of ships, as y^e
\nWhite Angell, Frindship, or others, and y^e goods of Isaack Allerton
\nwhich were seazed upon by vertue of a leter of atturney made by y^e
\nsaid James Sherley and John Beachamp and Richard Andrews, or any other
\nmaters concerning y^e said trade, either hear in Old-England or ther
\nin New-England or elsewher, all which differences are since by
\nmediation of freinds composed, compremissed, and all y^e said parties
\nagreed. Now know all men by these presents, that I, the said James
\nSherley, in performance of y^e said compremise & agreemente, have
\nremised, released, and quite claimed, & doe by these presents remise,
\nrelease, and for me, myne heires, executors, & Administrators, and for
\nevery of us, for ever quite claime unto y^e said William Bradford,
\nEdward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John
\nAllden, & John Howland, and every of them, their & every of their
\nheires, executors, and administrators, all and all maner of actions,
\nsuits, debts, accounts, rekonings, comissions, bonds, bills,
\nspecialties, judgments, executions, claimes, challinges, differences,
\nand demands whatsoever, with or against y^e said William Bradford,
\nEdward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John
\nAllden, and John Howland, or any of them, ever I had, now have, or in
\ntime to come can, shall, or may have, for any mater, cause, or thing
\nwhatsoever from y^e begining of y^e world untill y^e day of y^e date
\nof these presents. In witnes wherof I have hereunto put my hand &
\nseale, given the second day of June, 1642, and in y^e eighteenth year
\nof y^e raigne of our soveraigne lord, king Charles, &c.<\/p>\n
JAMES SHERLEY.<\/p>\n
Sealed and delivered in y^e presence of
\nTHOMAS WELD,
\nHUGH PETERS,
\nWILLIAM HIBBINS.
\nARTHUR TIRREY, Scr.
\nTHO: STURGS, his servante.<\/p>\n
M^r. Andrews his discharg was to y^e same effecte; he was by
\nagreem[=e]te to have 500^li. of y^e money, the which he gave to them in
\ny^e Bay, who brought his discharge and demanded y^e money. And they
\ntooke in his release and paid y^e money according to agreem[=e]te, viz.
\none third of the 500^li. they paid downe in hand, and y^e rest in 4.
\nequall payments, to be paid yearly, for which they gave their bonds. And
\nwheras 44^li. was more demanded, they conceived they could take it of
\nwith M^r. Andrews, and therfore it was not in the bonde. [252] But M^r.
\nBeachamp would not parte with any of his, but demanded 400^li. of y^e
\npartners here, & sent a release to a friend, to deliver it to them upon
\ny^e receite of y^e money. But his relese was not perfecte, for he had
\nleft out some of y^e partners names, with some other defects; and
\nbesids, the other gave them to understand he had not near so much due.
\nSo no end was made with him till 4. years after; of which in it plase.
\nAnd in y^t regard, that them selves did not agree, I shall inserte some
\npart of M^r. Andrews letter, by which he conceives y^e partners here
\nwere wronged, as followeth. This leter of his was write to M^r. Edmond
\nFreeman, brother in law to M^r. Beachamp.<\/p>\n
M^r. Freeman,<\/p>\n
My love remembred unto you, &c. I then certified y^e partners how I
\nfound M^r. Beachamp & M^r. Sherley, in their perticuler demands, which
\nwas according to mens principles, of getting what they could;
\nallthough y^e one will not shew any accounte, and y^e other a very
\nunfaire and unjust one; and both of them discouraged me from sending
\ny^e partners my accounte, M^r. Beachamp espetially. Their reason, I
\nhave cause to conceive, was, y^t allthough I doe not, nor ever
\nintended to, wrong y^e partners or y^e bussines, yet, if I gave no
\naccounte, I might be esteemed as guiltie as they, in some degree at
\nleast; and they might seeme to be y^e more free from taxation in not
\ndelivering their accounts, who have both of them charged y^e accounte
\nwith much intrest they have payed forth, and one of them would likwise
\nfor much intrest he hath not paid forth, as appeareth by his accounte,
\n&c. And seeing y^e partners have now made it appear y^t ther is
\n1200^li. remaining due between us all, and that it may appear by my
\naccounte I have not charged y^e bussines with any intrest, but doe
\nforgive it unto y^e partners, above 200^li. if M^r. Sherley & M^r.
\nBeachamp, who have betweene them wronged y^e bussines so many 100^li.
\nboth in principall & intrest likwise, and have therin wronged me as
\nwell and as much as any of y^e partners; yet if they will not make &
\ndeliver faire & true accounts of y^e same, nor be contente to take
\nwhat by computation is more then can be justly due to either, that is,
\nto M^r. Beachamp 150^li. as by M^r. Allertons accounte, and M^r.
\nSherleys accounte, on oath in chancerie; and though ther might be
\nnothing due to M^r. Sherley, yet he requirs 100^li. &c. I conceive,
\nseing y^e partners have delivered on their oaths y^e su[=m]e remaining
\nin their hands, that they may justly detaine y^e 650^li. which may
\nremaine in their hands, after I am satisfied, untill M^r. Sherley &
\nM^r. Beachamp will be more fair & just in their ending, &c. And as I
\nintend, if y^e partners fayrly end with me, in satisfing in parte and
\ningaging them selves for y^e rest of my said 544^li. to returne back
\nfor y^e poore my parte of y^e land at Sityate, so likwise I intend to
\nrelinquish my right & intrest in their dear patente, on which much of
\nour money was laid forth, and also my right & intrest in their cheap
\npurchass, the which may have cost me first & last 350^li.[EO] But I
\ndoubte whether other men have not charged or taken on accounte what
\nthey have disbursed in y^e like case, which I have not charged,
\nneither did I conceive any other durst so doe, untill I saw y^e
\naccounte of the one and heard y^e words of y^e other; the which gives
\nme just cause to suspecte both their accounts to be unfaire; for it
\nseemeth they consulted one with another aboute some perticulers
\ntherin. Therfore I conceive y^e partners ought y^e rather to require
\njust accounts from each of them before they parte with any money to
\neither of them. For marchants understand how to give an acounte; if
\nthey mean fairley, they will not deney to give an accounte, for they
\nkeep memorialls to helpe them to give exacte acounts in all
\nperticulers, and memoriall cannot forget his charge, if y^e man will
\nremember. I desire not to wrong M^r. Beachamp or M^r. Sherley, nor may
\nbe silente in such apparente probabilities of their wronging y^e
\npartners, and me likwise, either in deneying to deliver or shew any
\naccounte, or in delivering one very unjuste in some perticulers, and
\nvery suspitious in many more; either of which, being from
\nunderstanding marchants, cannot be from weaknes or simplisitie, and
\ntherfore y^e more unfaire. So comending you & yours, and all y^e
\nLord’s people, unto y^e gratious protection and blessing of y^e Lord,
\nand rest your loving friend,<\/p>\n
RICHARD ANDREWES.<\/p>\n
Aprill 7. 1643.<\/p>\n
This leter was write y^e year after y^e agreement, as doth appear; and
\nwhat his judgmente was herein, y^e contents doth manifest, and so I
\nleave it to y^e equall judgmente of any to consider, as they see cause.<\/p>\n
Only I shall adde what M^r. Sherley furder write in a leter of his,
\nabout y^e same time, and so leave this bussines. His is as followeth on
\ny^e other side.[EP]<\/p>\n
[253] Loving freinds, M^r. Bradford, M^r. Winslow, Cap: Standish, M^r.
\nPrence, and y^e rest of y^e partners w^th you; I shall write this
\ngenerall leter to you all, hoping it will be a good conclude of a
\ngenerall, but a costly & tedious bussines I thinke to all, I am sure
\nto me, &c.<\/p>\n
I received from M^r. Winslow a letter of y^e 28. of Sept: last, and so
\nmuch as concernes y^e generall bussines I shall answer in this, not
\nknowing whether I shall have opportunitie to write perticuler letters,
\n&c. I expected more letters from you all, as some perticuler
\nwrits,[EQ] but it seemeth no fitt opportunity was offered. And now,
\nthough y^e bussines for y^e maine may stand, yet some perticulers is
\nalltered; I say my former agreemente with M^r. Weld & M^r. Peters,
\nbefore they[ER] could conclude or gett any grante of M^r. Andrews,
\nthey sought to have my release; and ther upon they sealed me a bond
\nfor a 110^li. So I sente my acquittance, for they said without mine
\nther would be no end made (& ther was good reason for it). Now they
\nhoped, if y^ey ended with me, to gaine M^r. Andrews parte, as they did
\nholy, to a pound, (at which I should wonder, but y^t I observe some
\npassages,) and they also hoped to have gotten M^r. Beachamps part, & I
\ndid thinke he would have given it them. But if he did well understand
\nhim selfe, & that acounte, he would give it; for his demands make a
\ngreat sound.[ES] But it seemeth he would not parte with it, supposing
\nit too great a sume, and y^t he might easily gaine it from you. Once
\nhe would have given them 40^li. but now they say he will not doe that,
\nor rather I suppose they will not take it; for if they doe, & have
\nM^r. Andrewses, then they must pay me their bond of 110^li. 3 months
\nhence. Now it will fall out farr better for you, y^t they deal not
\nwith Mr. Beachamp, and also for me, if you be as kind to me as I have
\nbeen & will be to you; and y^t thus, if you pay M^r. Andrews, or y^e
\nBay men, by his order, 544^li. which is his full demande; but if
\nlooked into, perhaps might be less. The man is honest, & in my
\nconscience would not wittingly doe wronge, yett he may forgett as well
\nas other men; and M^r. Winslow may call to minde wherin he forgetts;
\n(but some times it is good to buy peace.) The gentlemen of y^e Bay may
\nabate 100^li. and so both sids have more right & justice then if they
\nexacte all, &c. Now if you send me a 150^li. then say M^r. Andrews
\nfull sume, & this, it is nere 700^li. M^r. Beachamp he demands 400^li.
\nand we all know that, if a man demands money, he must shew wherfore,
\nand make proofe of his debte; which I know he can never make good
\nproafe of one hunderd pound dew unto him as principall money; so till
\nhe can, you have good reason to keep y^e 500^li. &c. This I proteste I
\nwrite not in malice against M^r. Beachamp, for it is a reall truth.
\nYou may partly see it by M^r. Andrews making up his accounte, and I
\nthink you are all perswaded I can say more then M^r. Andrews
\nconcerning that accounte. I wish I could make up my owne as plaine &
\neasily, but because of former discontents, I will be sparing till I be
\ncalled; & you may injoye y^e 500^li. quietly till he begine; for let
\nhim take his course hear or ther, it shall be all one, I will doe him
\nno wronge; and if he have not on peney more, he is less loser then
\neither M^r. Andrews or I. This I conceive to be just & honest; y^e
\nhaving or not having of his release matters not; let him make such
\nproafe of his debte as you cannot disprove, and according to your
\nfirst agreemente you will pay it, &c.<\/p>\n
Your truly affectioned friend,
\nJAMES SHERLEY.<\/p>\n
London, Aprill 27. 1643.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1643._<\/p>\n
I am to begine this year whith that which was a mater of great saddnes
\nand mo[=u]ring unto them all. Aboute y^e 18. of Aprill dyed their Reve^d
\nElder, and my dear & loving friend, M^r. William Brewster; a man that
\nhad done and suffered much for y^e Lord Jesus and y^e gospells sake, and
\nhad bore his parte in well and woe with this poore persecuted church
\nabove 36. years [254] in England, Holand, and in this wildernes, and
\ndone y^e Lord & them faithfull service in his place & calling. And
\nnotwithstanding y^e many troubls and sorrows he passed throw, the Lord
\nupheld him to a great age. He was nere fourskore years of age (if not
\nall out) when he dyed. He had this blesing added by y^e Lord to all y^e
\nrest, to dye in his bed, in peace, amongst y^e mids of his freinds, who
\nmourned & wepte over him, and ministered what help & comforte they could
\nunto him, and he againe recomforted them whilst he could. His sicknes
\nwas not long, and till y^e last day therof he did not wholy keepe his
\nbed. His speech continued till somewhat more then halfe a day, & then
\nfailed him; and aboute 9. or 10. a clock that ev[=i]ng he dyed, without
\nany pangs at all. A few howers before, he drew his breath shorte, and
\nsome few minuts before his last, he drew his breath long, as a man falen
\ninto a sound slepe, without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly
\ndeparted this life unto a better.<\/p>\n
I would now demand of any, what he was y^e worse for any former
\nsufferings? What doe I say, worse? Nay, sure he was y^e better, and they
\nnow added to his honour. _It is a manifest token_ (saith y^e Apostle, 2.
\nThes: 1. 5, 6, 7.) _of y^e righeous judgmente of God that you may be
\ncounted worthy of y^e kingdome of God, for which ye allso suffer; seing
\nit is a righteous thing with God to recompence tribulation to them y^t
\ntrouble you: and to you who are troubled, rest with us, when y^e Lord
\nJesus shall be revealed from heaven, with his mighty angels._ 1. Pet. 4.
\n14. _If you be reproached for y^e name of Christ, hapy are ye, for y^e
\nspirite of glory and of God resteth upon you._ What though he wanted y^e
\nriches and pleasurs of y^e world in this life, and pompous monuments at
\nhis funurall? yet y^e memoriall of y^e just shall be blessed, when y^e
\nname of y^e wicked shall rott (with their marble monuments). Pro: 10. 7.<\/p>\n
I should say something of his life, if to say a litle were not worse
\nthen to be silent. But I cannot wholy forbear, though hapily more may be
\ndone hereafter. After he had attained some learning, viz. y^e knowledg
\nof y^e Latine tongue, & some insight in y^e Greeke, and spent some small
\ntime at Cambridge, and then being first seasoned with y^e seeds of grace
\nand vertue, he went to y^e Courte, and served that religious and godly
\ngentlman, M^r. Davison, diverce years, when he was Secretary of State;
\nwho found him so discreete and faithfull as he trusted him above all
\nother that were aboute him, and only imployed him in all matters of
\ngreatest trust and secrecie. He esteemed him rather as a sonne then a
\nservante, and for his wisdom & godlines (in private) he would converse
\nwith him more like a freind & familier then a maister. He attended his
\nm^r. when he was sente in ambassage by the Queene into y^e
\nLow-Countries, in y^e Earle of Leicesters time, as for other waighty
\naffaires of state, so to receive possession of the cautionary townes,
\nand in token & signe therof the keyes of Flushing being delivered to
\nhim, in her ma^tis name, he kepte them some time, and co[=m]itted them
\nto this his servante, who kept them under his pilow, on which he slepte
\ny^e first night. And, at his returne, y^e States honoured him with a
\ngould chaine, and his maister co[=m]itted it to him, and co[=m]anded him
\nto wear it when they arrived in England, as they ridd thorrow the
\ncountry, till they came to y^e Courte. He afterwards remained with him
\ntill his troubles, that he was put from his place aboute y^e death of
\ny^e Queene of Scots; and some good time after, doeing him manie
\nfaithfull offices of servise in y^e time of his troubles. Afterwards he
\nwente and lived in y^e country, in good esteeme amongst his freinds and
\ny^e gentle-men of those parts, espetially the godly & religious. He did
\nmuch good in y^e countrie wher he lived, in promoting and furthering
\nreligion, not only by his practiss & example, and provocking and
\nincouraging of others, but by procuring of good preachers to y^e places
\ntheraboute, and, drawing on of others to assiste & help forward in such
\na worke; he him selfe most comonly deepest in y^e charge, & some times
\nabove his abillitie. And in this state he continued many years, doeing
\ny^e best good he could, and walking according to y^e light he saw, till
\ny^e Lord reveiled further unto him. And in y^e end, by y^e tirrany of
\ny^e bishops against godly preachers & people, in silenceing the one &
\npersecuting y^e other, he and many more of those times begane to looke
\nfurther into things, and to see into y^e unlawfullnes of their callings,
\nand y^e burthen of many anti-christian corruptions, which both he and
\nthey endeavored to cast of; as y^ey allso did, as in y^e begining of
\nthis treatis is to be seene. [255] After they were joyned togither in
\ncomunion, he was a spetiall stay & help unto them. They ordinarily mett
\nat his house on y^e Lords day, (which was a manor of y^e bishops,) and
\nwith great love he entertained them when they came, making provission
\nfor them to his great charge. He was y^e cheefe of those that were taken
\nat Boston, and suffered y^e greatest loss; and of y^e seven that were
\nkept longst in prison, and after bound over to y^e assises. Affter he
\ncame into Holland he suffered much hardship, after he had spente y^e
\nmost of his means, haveing a great charge, and many children; and, in
\nregard of his former breeding & course of life, not so fitt for many
\nimployments as others were, espetially such as were toylesume &
\nlaborious. But yet he ever bore his condition with much cherfullnes and
\ncontentation. Towards y^e later parte of those 12. years spente in
\nHolland, his outward condition was mended, and he lived well &
\nplentifully; for he fell into a way (by reason he had y^e Latine tongue)
\nto teach many students, who had a disire to lerne y^e English tongue, to
\nteach them English; and by his method they quickly attained it with
\ngreat facilitie; for he drew rules to lerne it by, after y^e Latine
\nmaner; and many gentlemen, both Danes & Germans, resorted to him, as
\nthey had time from other studies, some of them being great mens
\nso[=n]es. He also had means to set up printing, (by y^e help of some
\nfreinds,) and so had imploymente inoughg, and by reason of many books
\nwhich would not be alowed to be printed in England, they might have had
\nmore then they could doe. But now removeing into this countrie, all
\nthese things were laid aside againe, and a new course of living must be
\nframed unto; in which he was no way unwilling to take his parte, and to
\nbear his burthen with y^e rest, living many times without bread, or
\ncorne, many months together, having many times nothing but fish, and
\noften wanting that also; and drunke nothing but water for many years
\ntogeather, yea, till within 5. or 6. years of his death. And yet he
\nlived (by y^e blessing of God) in health till very old age. And besids
\ny^t, he would labour with his hands in y^e feilds as long as he was
\nable; yet when the church had no other minister, he taught twise every
\nSaboth, and y^t both powerfully and profitably, to y^e great contentment
\nof y^e hearers, and their comfortable edification; yea, many were
\nbrought to God by his ministrie. He did more in this behalfe in a year,
\nthen many that have their hundreds a year doe in all their lives. For
\nhis personall abilities, he was qualified above many; he was wise and
\ndiscreete and well spoken, having a grave & deliberate utterance, of a
\nvery cherfull spirite, very sociable & pleasante amongst his freinds, of
\nan humble and modest mind, of a peaceable disposition, under vallewing
\nhim self & his owne abilities, and some time over valewing others;
\ninoffencive and i[=n]ocente in his life & conversation, w^ch gained him
\ny^e love of those without, as well as those within; yet he would tell
\nthem plainely of their faults & evills, both publickly & privatly, but
\nin such a maner as usually was well taken from him. He was tender
\nharted, and compassionate of such as were in miserie, but espetialy of
\nsuch as had been of good estate and ranke, and were fallen unto want &
\npoverty, either for goodnes & religions sake, or by y^e injury &
\noppression of others; he would say, of all men these deserved to be
\npitied most. And none did more offend & displease him then such as would
\nhautily and proudly carry & lift up themselves, being rise from nothing,
\nand haveing litle els in them to comend them but a few fine cloaths, or
\na litle riches more then others. In teaching, he was very moving &
\nstirring of affections, also very plaine & distincte in what he taught;
\nby which means he became y^e more profitable to y^e hearers. He had a
\nsinguler good gift in prayer, both publick & private, in ripping up y^e
\nhart & conscience before God, in the humble confession of sinne, and
\nbegging y^e mercies of God in Christ for y^e pardon of y^e same. He
\nalways thought it were better for ministers to pray oftener, and devide
\ntheir prears, then be longe & tedious in the same (excepte upon sollemne
\n& spetiall occations, as in days of humiliation & y^e like). His reason
\nwas, that y^e harte & spirits of all, espetialy y^e weake, could hardly
\ncontinue & stand bente (as it were) so long towards God, as they ought
\nto doe in y^t duty, without flagging and falling of. For y^e govermente
\nof y^e church, (which was most [256] proper to his office,) he was
\ncarfull to preserve good order in y^e same, and to preserve puritie,
\nboth in y^e doctrine & comunion of y^e same; and to supress any errour
\nor contention that might begine to rise up amongst them; and accordingly
\nGod gave good success to his indeavors herein all his days, and he saw
\ny^e fruite of his labours in that behalfe. But I must breake of, having
\nonly thus touched a few, as it were, heads of things.<\/p>\n
I cannot but here take occasion, not only to mention, but greatly to
\nadmire y^e marvelous providence of God, that notwithstanding y^e many
\nchanges and hardships that these people wente throwgh, and y^e many
\nenemies they had and difficulties they mette with all, that so many of
\nthem should live to very olde age! It was not only this reve^d mans
\ncondition, (for one swallow maks no summer, as they say,) but many more
\nof them did y^e like, some dying aboute and before this time, and many
\nstill living, who attained to 60. years of age, and to 65. diverse to
\n70. and above, and some nere 80. as he did. It must needs be more then
\nordinarie, and above naturall reason, that so it should be; for it is
\nfound in experience, that chaing of aeir, famine, or unholsome foode,
\nmuch drinking of water, sorrows & troubls, &c., all of them are enimies
\nto health, causes of many diseaces, consumers of naturall vigoure and
\ny^e bodys of men, and shortners of life. And yet of all these things
\nthey had a large parte, and suffered deeply in y^e same. They wente from
\nEngland to Holand, wher they found both worse air and dyet then that
\nthey came from; from thence (induring a long imprisonmente, as it were,
\nin y^e ships at sea) into New-England; and how it hath been with them
\nhear hath allready beene showne; and what crosses, troubls, fears,
\nwants, and sorrowes they had been lyable unto, is easie to conjecture;
\nso as in some sorte they may say with y^e Apostle, 2. Cor: 11. 26, 27.
\nthey were _in journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perills of
\nrobers, in perills of their owne nation, in perils among y^e heathen, in
\nperills in y^e willdernes, in perills in y^e sea, in perills among
\nfalse breethern; in wearines & painfullnes, in watching often, in hunger
\nand thirst, in fasting often, in could and nakednes._ What was it then
\nthat upheld them? It was Gods vissitation that preserved their spirits.
\nJob 10. 12. _Thou hast given me life and grace, and thy vissitation hath
\npreserved my spirite._ He that upheld y^e Apostle upheld them. _They
\nwere persecuted, but not forsaken, cast downe, but perished not._ 2.
\nCor: 4. 9. _As unknowen, and yet knowen; as dying, and behold we live;
\nas chastened, and yett not kiled._ 2. Cor: 6. 9. God, it seems, would
\nhave all men to behold and observe such mercies and works of his
\nprovidence as these are towards his people, that they in like cases
\nmight be incouraged to depend upon God in their trials, & also blese his
\nname when they see his goodnes towards others. Man lives not by bread
\nonly, Deut: 8. 3. It is not by good & dainty fare, by peace, & rest, and
\nharts ease, in injoying y^e contentments and good things of this world
\nonly, that preserves health and prolongs life. God in such examples
\nwould have y^e world see & behold that he can doe it without them; and
\nif y^e world will shut ther eyes, and take no notice therof, yet he
\nwould have his people to see and consider it. Daniell could be better
\nliking with pulse then others were with y^e kings dainties. Jaacob,
\nthough he wente from one nation to another people, and passed thorow
\nfamine, fears, & many afflictions, yet he lived till old age, and dyed
\nsweetly, & rested in y^e Lord, as infinite others of Gods servants have
\ndone, and still shall doe, (through Gods goodnes,) notwithstanding all
\ny^e malice of their enemies; _when y^e branch of y^e wicked shall be cut
\nof before his day_, Job. 15. 32. _and the bloody and deceitfull men
\nshall not live out halfe their days_. Psa: 55. 23.<\/p>\n
By reason of y^e plottings of the Narigansets, (ever since y^e Pequents
\nwarr,) the Indeans were drawne into a generall conspiracie against y^e
\nEnglish in all parts, as was in part discovered y^e yeare before; and
\nnow made more plaine and evidente by many discoveries and
\nfree-conffessions of sundrie Indeans (upon severall occasions) from
\ndiverse places, concuring in one; with such other concuring
\ncircomstances as gave them suffissently to understand the trueth therof,
\nand to thinke of means, how to prevente y^e same, and secure them
\nselves. Which made them enter into this more nere union & confederation
\nfollowing.<\/p>\n
[257] Articles of Confederation betweene y^e Plantations under y^e
\nGovermente of Massachusets, y^e Plantations under y^e Govermente of
\nNew-Plimoth, y^e Plantations under y^e Govermente of Conightecute, and
\ny^e Govermente of New-Haven, with y^e Plantations in combination
\ntherwith.<\/p>\n
Wheras we all came into these parts of America with one and y^e same
\nend and aime, namly; to advance the kingdome of our Lord Jesus Christ,
\n& to injoye y^e liberties of y^e Gospell in puritie with peace; and
\nwheras in our setling (by a wise providence of God) we are further
\ndisperced upon y^e sea coasts and rivers then was at first intended,
\nso y^t we cannot, according to our desires, with convenience
\ncomunicate in one govermente & jurisdiction; and wheras we live
\nencompassed with people of severall nations and strang languages,
\nwhich hereafter may prove injurious to us and our posteritie; and for
\nas much as y^e natives have formerly committed sundrie insolencies and
\noutrages upon severall plantations of y^e English, and have of late
\ncombined them selves against us; and seeing, by reason of those
\ndistractions in England (which they have heard of) and by which they
\nknow we are hindered from y^t humble way of seeking advice or reaping
\nthose comfurtable fruits of protection which at other times we might
\nwell expecte; we therfore doe conceive it our bounden duty, without
\ndelay, to enter into a presente consociation amongst our selves, for
\nmutuall help & strength in all our future concernments. That as in
\nnation and religion, so in other respects, we be & continue one,
\naccording to y^e tenor and true meaning of the insuing articles. (1)
\nWherfore it is fully agreed and concluded by & betweene y^e parties or
\njurisdictions above named, and they joyntly & severally doe by these
\npresents agree & conclude, that they all be and henceforth be called
\nby y^e name of The United Colonies of New-England.<\/p>\n
2. The said United Collonies, for them selves & their posterities, doe
\njoyntly & severally hereby enter into a firme & perpetuall league of
\nfrendship & amitie, for offence and defence, mutuall advice and
\nsuccore upon all just occasions, both for preserving & propagating y^e
\ntruth of y^e Gospell, and for their owne mutuall saftie and wellfare.<\/p>\n
3. It is further agreed that the plantations which at presente are or
\nhereafter shall be setled with[in] y^e limites of y^e Massachusets
\nshall be for ever under y^e Massachusets, and shall have peculier
\njurisdiction amonge them selves in all cases, as an intire body. And
\ny^t Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-Haven shall each of them have like
\npeculier jurisdition and govermente within their limites and in
\nrefference to y^e plantations which allready are setled, or shall
\nhereafter be erected, or shall setle within their limites,
\nrespectively; provided y^t no other jurisdition shall hereafter be
\ntaken in, as a distincte head or member of this confederation, nor
\nshall any other plantation or jurisdiction in presente being, and not
\nallready in combination or under y^e jurisdiction of any of these
\nconfederats, be received by any of them; nor shall any tow of y^e
\nconfederats joyne in one jurisdiction, without consente of y^e rest,
\nwhich consete to be interpreted as is expresed in y^e sixte article
\nensewing.<\/p>\n
4. It is by these conffederats agreed, y^t the charge of all just
\nwarrs, whether offencive or defencive, upon what parte or member of
\nthis confederation soever they fall, shall, both in men, provissions,
\nand all other disbursments, be borne by all y^e parts of this
\nconfederation, in differente proportions, according to their
\ndifferente abillities, in maner following: namely, y^t the
\ncomissioners for each jurisdiction, from time to time, as ther shall
\nbe occasion, bring a true accounte and number of all their males in
\nevery plantation, or any way belonging too or under their severall
\njurisdictions, of what qualitie or condition soever they be, from 16.
\nyears old to 60, being inhabitants ther; and y^t according to y^e
\ndifferente numbers which from time to time shall be found in each
\njurisdiction upon a true & just accounte, the service of men and all
\ncharges of y^e warr be borne by y^e pole; each jurisdiction or
\nplantation being left to their owne just course & custome of rating
\nthem selves and people according to their differente estates, with due
\nrespects to their qualities and exemptions amongst them selves, though
\nthe confederats take no notice of any such priviledg. And y^t
\naccording to their differente charge of each jurisdiction &
\nplantation, the whole advantage of y^e warr, (if it please God to
\nblesse their indeaours,) whether it be in lands, goods, or persons,
\nshall be proportionably devided amonge y^e said confederats.<\/p>\n
5. It is further agreed, that if these jurisdictions, or any
\nplantation under or in combynacion with them, be invaded by any enemie
\nwhomsoever, upon notice & requeste of any 3. [258] magistrats of y^t
\njurisdiction so invaded, y^e rest of y^e confederats, without any
\nfurther meeting or expostulation, shall forthwith send ayde to y^e
\nconfederate in danger, but in differente proportion; namely, y^e
\nMassachusets an hundred men sufficently armed & provided for such a
\nservice and journey, and each of y^e rest forty five so armed &
\nprovided, or any lesser number, if less be required according to this
\nproportion. But if such confederate in danger may be supplyed by their
\nnexte confederates, not exeeding y^e number hereby agreed, they may
\ncrave help ther, and seeke no further for y^e presente; y^e charge to
\nbe borne as in this article is exprest, and at y^e returne to be
\nvictuled & suplyed with powder & shote for their jurney (if ther be
\nneed) by y^t jurisdiction which imployed or sent for them. But none of
\ny^e jurisdictions to exceede these numbers till, by a meeting of y^e
\nco[=m]issioners for this confederation, a greater aide appear
\nnessessarie. And this proportion to continue till upon knowlege of
\ngreater numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall be brought to y^e
\nnexte meeting, some other proportion be ordered. But in such case of
\nsending men for presente aide, whether before or after such order or
\nalteration, it is agreed y^t at y^e meeting of y^e comissioners for
\nthis confederation, the cause of such warr or invasion be duly
\nconsidered; and if it appeare y^t the falte lay in y^e parties so
\ninvaded, y^t then that jurisdiction or plantation make just
\nsatisfaction both to y^e invaders whom they have injured, and beare
\nall y^e charges of y^e warr them selves, without requiring any
\nallowance from y^e rest of y^e confederats towards y^e same. And
\nfurther, y^t if any jurisdiction see any danger of any invasion
\napproaching, and ther be time for a meeting, that in such a case 3.
\nmagistrats of y^t jurisdiction may su[=m]one a meeting, at such
\nconveniente place as them selves shall thinke meete, to consider &
\nprovid against y^e threatened danger, provided when they are mett,
\nthey may remove to what place they please; only, whilst any of these
\nfoure confederats have but 3 magistrats in their jurisdiction, their
\nrequeste, or summons, from any 2. of them shall be accounted of equall
\nforce with y^e 3. mentioned in both the clauses of this article, till
\nther be an increase of majestrats ther.<\/p>\n
6. It is also agreed y^t, for y^e managing & concluding of all affairs
\npropper, & concerning the whole confederation, tow comissioners shall
\nbe chosen by & out of each of these 4. jurisdictions; namly, 2. for
\ny^e Massachusets, 2. for Plimoth, 2. for Conightecutt, and 2. for
\nNew-Haven, being all in church fellowship with us, which shall bring
\nfull power from their severall Generall Courts respectively to hear,
\nexamene, waigh, and detirmine all affairs of warr, or peace, leagues,
\naids, charges, and numbers of men for warr, divissions of spoyles, &
\nwhatsoever is gotten by conquest; receiving of more confederats, or
\nplantations into combination with any of y^e confederates, and all
\nthings of like nature, which are y^e proper concomitants or
\nconsequences of such a confederation, for amitie, offence, & defence;
\nnot inter-medling with y^e govermente of any of y^e jurisdictions,
\nwhich by y^e 3. article is preserved entirely to them selves. But if
\nthese 8. comissioners when they meete shall not all agree, yet it
\nconcluded that any 6. of the 8. agreeing shall have power to setle &
\ndetermine y^e bussines in question. But if 6. doe not agree, that then
\nsuch propositions, with their reasons, so farr as they have been
\ndebated, be sente, and referred to y^e 4. Generall Courts, viz. y^e
\nMassachusets, Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-haven; and if at all y^e
\nsaid Generall Courts y^e bussines so referred be concluded, then to
\nbe prosecuted by y^e confederats, and all their members. It was
\nfurther agreed that these 8. comissioners shall meete once every year,
\nbesids extraordinarie meetings, (according to the fifte article,) to
\nconsider, treate, & conclude of all affaires belonging to this
\nconfederation, which meeting shall ever be the first Thursday in
\nSeptember. And y^t the next meeting after the date of these presents,
\nwhich shall be accounted y^e second meeting, shall be at Boston in y^e
\nMassachusets, the 3. at Hartford, the 4. at New-Haven, the 5. at
\nPlimoth, and so in course successively, if in y^e meane time some
\nmidle place be not found out and agreed on, which may be comodious for
\nall y^e jurisdictions.<\/p>\n
7. It is further agreed, y^t at each meeting of these 8. comissioners,
\nwhether ordinarie, or extraordinary, they all 6. of them agreeing as
\nbefore, may chuse a presidente out of them selves, whose office & work
\nshall be to take care and directe for order, and a comly carrying on
\nof all proceedings in y^e present meeting; but he shall be invested
\nwith no such power or respecte, as by which he shall hinder y^e
\npropounding or progrese of any bussines, or any way cast y^e scailes
\notherwise then in y^e precedente article is agreed.<\/p>\n
[259] 8. It is also agreed, y^t the comissioners for this
\nconfederation hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or
\nextraordinarie, as they may have comission or opportunitie, doe
\nindeaover to frame and establish agreements & orders in generall cases
\nof a civill nature, wherin all y^e plantations are interessed, for y^e
\npreserving of peace amongst them selves, and preventing as much as may
\nbe all occasions of warr or difference with others; as aboute y^e free
\n& speedy passage of justice, in every jurisdiction, to all y^e
\nconfederats equally as to their owne; not receiving those y^t remove
\nfrom one plantation to another without due certificate; how all y^e
\njurisdictions may carry towards y^e Indeans, that they neither growe
\ninsolente, nor be injured without due satisfaction, least warr breake
\nin upon the confederats through such miscarriages. It is also agreed,
\ny^t if any servante rune away from his maister into another of these
\nconfederated jurisdictions, that in such case, upon y^e certificate of
\none magistrate in the jurisdiction out of which y^e said servante
\nfledd, or upon other due proofe, the said servante shall be delivered,
\neither to his maister, or any other y^t pursues & brings such
\ncertificate or proofe. And y^t upon y^e escape of any prisoner
\nwhatsoever, or fugitive for any criminall cause, whether breaking
\nprison, or getting from y^e officer, or otherwise escaping, upon the
\ncertificate of 2. magistrats of y^e jurisdiction out of which y^e
\nescape is made, that he was a prisoner, or such an offender at y^e
\ntime of y^e escape, they magistrats, or sume of them of the
\njurisdiction wher for y^e presente the said prisoner or fugitive
\nabideth, shall forthwith grante such a warrante as y^e case will
\nbeare, for y^e apprehending of any such person, & the delivering of
\nhim into y^e hands of y^e officer, or other person who pursues him.
\nAnd if ther be help required, for y^e safe returning of any such
\noffender, then it shall be granted to him y^t craves y^e same, he
\npaying the charges therof.<\/p>\n
9. And for y^t the justest warrs may be of dangerous consequence,
\nespetially to y^e smaler plantations in these United Collonies, it is
\nagreed y^t neither y^e Massachusets, Plimoth, Conightecutt, nor
\nNew-Haven, nor any member of any of them, shall at any time hear after
\nbegine, undertake, or ingage them selves, or this confederation, or
\nany parte therof, in any warr whatsoever, (sudden[ET] exegents, with
\ny^e necessary consequents therof excepted, which are also to be
\nmoderated as much as y^e case will permitte,) without y^e consente
\nand agreemente of y^e forementioned 8. comissioners, or at the least
\n6. of them, as in y^e sixt article is provided. And y^t no charge be
\nrequired of any of they confederats, in case of a defensive warr, till
\ny^e said comissioners have mett, and approved y^e justice of y^e warr,
\nand have agreed upon y^e su[=m]e of money to be levied, which sume is
\nthen to be paid by the severall confederats in proportion according to
\ny^e fourth article.<\/p>\n
10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are summoned by
\nthree magistrates of any jurisdiction, or 2. as in y^e 5. article, if
\nany of y^e comissioners come not, due warning being given or sente, it
\nis agreed y^t 4. of the comissioners shall have power to directe a
\nwarr which cannot be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men
\nout of each jurisdiction, as well as 6. might doe if all mett; but not
\nless then 6. shall determine the justice of y^e warr, or alow y^e
\ndemands or bills of charges, or cause any levies to be made for y^e
\nsame.<\/p>\n
11. It is further agreed, y^t if any of y^e confederats shall
\nhereafter breake any of these presente articles, or be any other ways
\ninjurious to any one of y^e other jurisdictions, such breach of
\nagreemente or injurie shall be duly considered and ordered by y^e
\ncomissioners for y^e other jurisdiction; that both peace and this
\npresente confederation may be intirly preserved without violation.<\/p>\n
12. Lastly, this perpetuall confederation, and y^e severall articles
\ntherof being read, and seriously considered, both by y^e Generall
\nCourte for y^e Massachusets, and by y^e comissioners for Plimoth,
\nConigtecute, & New-Haven, were fully alowed & confirmed by 3. of y^e
\nforenamed confederats, namly, y^e Massachusets, Conightecutt, and
\nNew-Haven; only y^e comissioners for Plimoth haveing no co[=m]ission
\nto conclude, desired respite till they might advise with their
\nGenerall Courte; wher upon it was agreed and concluded by y^e said
\nCourte of y^e Massachusets, and the comissioners for y^e other tow
\nconfederats, that, if Plimoth consente, then the whole treaty as it
\nstands in these present articls is, and shall continue, firme & stable
\nwithout alteration. But if Plimoth come not in, yet y^e other three
\nconfederats doe by these presents [260] confeirme y^e whole
\nconfederation, and the articles therof; only in September nexte, when
\ny^e second meeting of y^e co[=m]issioners is to be at Boston, new
\nconsideration may be taken of y^e 6. article, which concerns number of
\ncomissioners for meeting & concluding the affaires of this
\nconfederation, to y^e satisfaction of y^e Courte of y^e Massachusets,
\nand y^e comissioners for y^e other 2. confederats, but y^e rest to
\nstand unquestioned. In y^e testimonie wherof, y^e Generall Courte of
\ny^e Massachusets, by ther Secretary, and y^e comissioners for
\nConightecutt and New-Haven, have subscribed these presente articles
\nthis 19. of y^e third month, comonly called May, Anno Dom: 1643.<\/p>\n
At a meeting of y^e comissioners for y^e confederation held at Boston
\ny^e 7. of Sept: it appearing that the Generall Courte of New-Plimoth,
\nand y^e severall towneshipes therof, have read & considered & approved
\nthese articles of confederation, as appeareth by co[=m]ission from
\ntheir Generall Courte bearing date y^e 29. of August, 1643. to M^r.
\nEdward Winslow and M^r. William Collier, to ratifie and confirme y^e
\nsame on their behalfes. We, therfore, y^e Comissioners for y^e
\nMassachusets, Conightecutt, & New Haven, doe also, for our severall
\ngoverments, subscribe unto them.<\/p>\n
JOHN WINTHROP, Gov^r. of y^e Massachusest.
\nTHO: DUDLEY.
\nGEO: FENWICK.
\nTHOMAS GREGSON.
\nTHEOPH: EATON.
\nEDWA: HOPKINS.
\nTHOMAS GREGSON.<\/p>\n
These were y^e articles of agreemente in y^e union and confederation
\nwhich they now first entered into; and in this their first meeting,
\nheld at Boston y^e day & year abovesaid, amongst other things they had
\nthis matter of great consequence to considere on: the Narigansets, after
\ny^e subduing of y^e Pequents, thought to have ruled over all y^e Indeans
\naboute them; but y^e English, espetially those of Conightecutt holding
\ncorrespondencie & frenship with Uncass, sachem of y^e Monhigg Indeans
\nwhich lived nere them, (as y^e Massachusets had done with y^e
\nNarigansets,) and he had been faithful to them in y^e Pequente warr,
\nthey were ingaged to supporte him in his just liberties, and were
\ncontented y^t such of y^e surviving Pequents as had submited to him
\nshould remaine with him and quietly under his protection. This did much
\nincrease his power and augmente his greatnes, which y^e Narigansets
\ncould not indure to see. But Myantinomo, their cheefe sachem, (an
\nambitious & politick man,) sought privatly and by trearchery (according
\nto y^e Indean maner) to make him away, by hiring some to kill him.
\nSometime they assayed to poyson him; that not takeing, then in y^e night
\ntime to knock him on y^e head in his house, or secretly to shoot him,
\nand such like attempts. But none of these taking effecte, he made open
\nwarr upon him (though it was against y^e covenants both betweene y^e
\nEnglish & them, as also betweene them selves, and a plaine breach of y^e
\nsame). He came suddanly upon him with 900. or 1000. men (never
\ndenouncing any warr before). Y^e others power at y^t presente was not
\nabove halfe so many; but it pleased God to give Uncass y^e victory, and
\nhe slew many of his men, and wounded many more; but y^e cheefe of all
\nwas, he tooke Miantinomo prisoner. And seeing he was a greate man, and
\ny^e Narigansets a potente people & would seeke revenge, he would doe
\nnothing in y^e case without y^e advise of y^e English; so he (by y^e
\nhelp & direction of those of Conightecutt) kept him prisoner till this
\nmeeting of y^e comissioners. The comissioners weighed y^e cause and
\npassages, as they were clearly represented & sufficently evidenced
\nbetwixte Uncass and Myantinomo; and the things being duly considered,
\nthe comissioners apparently saw y^t Uncass could not be safe whilst
\nMiantynomo lived, but, either by secrete trechery or open force, his
\nlife would still be in danger. Wherfore they thought he might justly put
\nsuch a false & bloud-thirstie enimie to death; but in his owne
\njurisdiction, not in y^e English plantations. And they advised, in y^e
\nmaner of his death all mercy and moderation should be showed, contrary
\nto y^e practise of y^e Indeans, who exercise torturs and cruelty. And,
\n[261] Uncass having hitherto shewed him selfe a freind to y^e English,
\nand in this craving their advise, if the Narigansett Indeans or others
\nshall unjustly assaulte Uncass for this execution, upon notice and
\nrequest, y^e English promise to assiste and protecte him as farr as they
\nmay aga[=i]ste such violence.<\/p>\n
This was y^e issue of this bussines. The reasons and passages hereof are
\nmore at large to be seene in y^e acts & records of this meeting of y^e
\ncomissioners. And Uncass follewd this advise, and accordingly executed
\nhim, in a very faire maner, acording as they advised, with due respecte
\nto his honour & greatnes. But what followed on y^e Narigansets parte
\nwill appear hear after.<\/p>\n
_Anno Dom: 1644._<\/p>\n
M^R. EDWARD WINSLOW was chosen Gov^r this year.<\/p>\n
Many having left this place (as is before noted) by reason of the
\nstraightnes & barrennes of y^e same, and their finding of better
\naccommodations elsewher, more sutable to their ends & minds; and sundrie
\nothers still upon every occasion desiring their dismissions, the church
\nbegane seriously to thinke whether it were not better joyntly to remove
\nto some other place, then to be thus weakened, and as it were insensibly
\ndissolved. Many meetings and much consultation was held hearaboute, and
\ndiverse were mens minds and opinions. Some were still for staying
\ntogeather in this place, aledging men might hear live, if they would be
\ncontente with their condition; and y^t it was not for wante or
\nnecessitie so much y^t they removed, as for y^e enriching of them
\nselves. Others were resolute upon removall, and so signified y^t hear
\ny^ey could not stay; but if y^e church did not remove, they must;
\ninsomuch as many were swayed, rather then ther should be a dissolution,
\nto condescend to a removall, if a fitt place could be found, that might
\nmore conveniently and comfortablie receive y^e whole, with such
\naccession of others as might come to them, for their better strength &
\nsubsistence; and some such like cautions and limitations. So as, with
\ny^e afforesaide provissos, y^e greater parte consented to a removall to
\na place called Nawsett, which had been superficially veiwed and y^e good
\nwill of y^e purchassers (to whom it belonged) obtained, with some
\naddition thertoo from y^e Courte. But now they begane to see their
\nerrour, that they had given away already the best & most co[=m]odious
\nplaces to others, and now wanted them selves; for this place was about
\n50. myles from hence, and at an outside of y^e countrie, remote from all
\nsociety; also, that it would prove so straite, as it would not be
\ncompetente to receive y^e whole body, much less be capable of any
\naddition or increase; so as (at least in a shorte time) they should be
\nworse ther then they are now hear. The which, with sundery other like
\nconsiderations and inconveniences, made them chaing their resolutions;
\nbut such as were before resolved upon removall tooke advantage of this
\nagreemente, & wente on notwithstanding, neither could y^e rest hinder
\nthem, they haveing made some begi[=n]ing. And thus was this poore church
\nleft, like an anciente mother, growne olde, and forsaken of her
\nchildren, (though not in their affections,) yett in regarde of their
\nbodily presence and personall helpfullness. Her anciente members being
\nmost of them worne away by death; and these of later time being like
\nchildren translated into other families, and she like a widow left only
\nto trust in God. Thus she that had made many rich became her selfe
\npoore.<\/p>\n
[262] _Some things handled, and pacified by y^e co[=m]issioner this
\nyear._<\/p>\n
Wheras, by a wise providence of God, tow of y^e jurisdictions in y^e
\nwesterne parts, viz. Conightecutt & New-haven, have beene latly
\nexercised by sundrie insolencies & outrages from y^e Indeans; as,
\nfirst, an Englishman, runing from his m^r out of y^e Massachusets, was
\nmurdered in y^e woods, in or nere y^e limites of Conightecute
\njurisdiction; and aboute 6. weeks after, upon discovery by an Indean,
\ny^e Indean sagamore in these parts promised to deliver the murderer to
\ny^e English, bound; and having accordingly brought him within y^e
\nsight of Uncaway, by their joynte consente, as it is informed, he was
\nther unbound, and left to shifte for him selfe; wherupon 10.
\nEnglishmen forthwith coming to y^e place, being sente by M^r. Ludlow,
\nat y^e Indeans desire, to receive y^e murderer, who seeing him
\nescaped, layed hold of 8. of y^e Indeans ther presente, amongst whom
\nther was a sagamore or 2. and kept them in hold 2. days, till 4.
\nsagamors ingaged themselves within one month to deliver y^e prisoner.
\nAnd about a weeke after this agreemente, an Indean came presumtuously
\nand with guile, in y^e day time, and murtherously assalted an English
\nwoman in her house at Stamford, and by 3. wounds, supposed mortall,
\nleft her for dead, after he had robbed y^e house. By which passages
\ny^e English were provoked, & called to a due consideration of their
\nowne saftie; and y^e Indeans generally in those parts arose in an
\nhostile maner, refused to come to y^e English to carry on treaties of
\npeace, departed from their wigwames, left their corne unweeded, and
\nshewed them selves tumultuously about some of y^e English
\nplantations, & shott of peeces within hearing of y^e towne; and some
\nIndeans came to y^e English & tould them y^e Indeans would fall upon
\nthem. So y^t most of y^e English thought it unsafe to travell in those
\nparts by land, and some of y^e plantations were put upon strong watchs
\nand ward, night & day, & could not attend their private occasions, and
\nyet distrusted their owne strength for their defence. Wherupon
\nHartford & New-Haven were sent unto for aide, and saw cause both to
\nsend into y^e weaker parts of their owne jurisdiction thus in danger,
\nand New-Haven, for conveniencie of situation, sente aide to Uncaway,
\nthough belonging to Conightecutt. Of all which passages they presently
\nacquainted y^e comissioners in y^e Bay, & had y^e allowance &
\napprobation from y^e Generall Courte ther, with directions neither to
\nhasten warr nor to bear such insolencies too longe. Which courses,
\nthough chargable to them selves, yet through Gods blessing they hope
\nfruite is, & will be, sweete and wholsome to all y^e collonies; the
\nmurderers are since delivered to justice, the publick peace preserved
\nfor y^e presente, & probabillitie it may be better secured for y^e
\nfuture.<\/p>\n
Thus this mischeefe was prevented, and y^e fear of a warr hereby
\ndiverted. But now an other broyle was begune by y^e Narigansets; though
\nthey unjustly had made warr upon Uncass, (as is before declared,) and
\nhad, y^e winter before this, ernestly presed y^e Gove^r of y^e
\nMassachusets that they might still make warr upon them to revenge the
\ndeath of their sagamore, w^ch, being taken prisoner, was by them put to
\ndeath, (as before was noted,) pretending that they had first received
\nand accepted his ransome, and then put him to death. But y^e Gove^r
\nrefused their presents, and tould them y^t it was them selves had done
\ny^e wronge, & broaken y^e conditions of peace; and he nor y^e English
\nneither could nor would allow them to make any further warr upon him,
\nbut if they did, must assiste him, & oppose them; but if it did appeare,
\nupon good proofe, that he had received a ransome for his life, before he
\nput him to death, when y^e comissioners mett, they should have a fair
\nhearing, and they would cause Uncass to returne y^e same. But
\nnotwithstanding, at y^e spring of y^e year they gathered a great power,
\nand fell upon Uncass, and slue sundrie of his men, and wounded more, and
\nalso had some loss them selves. Uncass cald for aide from y^e English;
\nthey tould him what y^e Narigansets objected, he deney the same; they
\ntould him it must come to triall, and if he was inocente, if y^e
\nNarigansets would not desiste, they would aide & assiste him. So at this
\nmeeting they [263] sent both to Uncass & y^e Narrigansets, and required
\ntheir sagamors to come or send to y^e comissioners now mete at Hartford,
\nand they should have a faire & inpartiall hearing in all their
\ngreevances, and would endeavor y^t all wrongs should be rectified wher
\nthey should be found; and they promised that they should safly come and
\nreturne without any danger or molestation; and sundry y^e like things,
\nas appears more at large in y^e messengers instructions. Upon w^ch the
\nNarigansets sent one sagamore and some other deputies, with full power
\nto doe in y^e case as should be meete. Uncass came in person,
\naccompanyed with some cheefe aboute him. After the agitation of y^e
\nbussines, y^e issue was this. The comissioners declared to the
\nNarigansett deputies as followeth.<\/p>\n
1. That they did not find any proofe of any ransome agreed on.<\/p>\n
2. It appeared not y^t any wampam had been paied as a ransome, or any
\nparte of a ransome, for Myantinomos life.<\/p>\n
3. That if they had in any measure proved their charge against Uncass,
\nthe comissioners would have required him to have made answerable
\nsatisfaction.<\/p>\n
4. That if hereafter they can make satisfing profe, y^e English will
\nconsider y^e same, & proceed accordingly.<\/p>\n
5. The comissioners did require y^t neither them selves nor y^e
\nNyanticks make any warr or injurious assaulte upon Unquass or any of
\nhis company untill they make profe of y^e ransume charged, and y^t due
\nsatisfaction be deneyed, unless he first assaulte them.<\/p>\n
6. That if they assaulte Uncass, the English are engaged to assist
\nhim.<\/p>\n
Hearupon y^e Narigansette sachim, advising with y^e other deputies,
\ningaged him selfe in the behalfe of y^e Narigansets & Nyanticks that
\nno hostile acts should be comitted upon Uncass, or any of his, untill
\nafter y^e next planting of corne; and y^t after that, before they
\nbegine any warr, they will give 30. days warning to y^e Gove^r of the
\nMassachusets or Conightecutt. The comissioners approving of this
\noffer, and taking their ingagmente under their hands, required Uncass,
\nas he expected y^e continuance of y^e favour of the English, to
\nobserve the same termes of peace with y^e Narigansets and theirs.<\/p>\n
These foregoing conclusions were subscribed by y^e comissioners, for
\ny^e severall jurisdictions, y^e 19. of Sept: 1644.<\/p>\n
EDWA: HOPKINS, Presidente.
\nSIMON BRADSTREETE.
\nWILL^M. HATHORNE.
\nEDW: WINSLOW.
\nJOHN BROWNE.
\nGEOR: FENWICK.
\nTHEOPH: EATON.
\nTHO: GREGSON.<\/p>\n
The forenamed Narigansets deputies did further promise, that if,
\ncontrary to this agreemente, any of y^e Nyantick Pequents should make
\nany assaulte upon Uncass, or any of his, they would deliver them up to
\ny^e English, to be punished according to their demerits; and that they
\nwould not use any means to procure the Mowacks to come against Uncass
\nduring this truce.<\/p>\n
These were their names subscribed with their marks.<\/p>\n
WEETOWISH.
\nPAMPIAMETT.
\nCHIN\u00d1OUGH.
\nPUMMUNISH.<\/p>\n
[264] _Anno Dom: 1645._<\/p>\n
The comissioners this year were caled to meete to-gither at Boston,
\nbefore their ordinarie time; partly in regard of some differances falen
\nbetweene y^e French and y^e govermente of the Massachusets, about their
\naiding of Munseire Latore against Munsseire de Aulney, and partly aboute
\ny^e Indeans, who had broaken y^e former agreements aboute the peace
\nconcluded y^e last year. This meeting was held at Boston, y^e 28. of
\nJuly.<\/p>\n
Besids some underhand assualts made on both sids, the Narigansets
\ngathered a great power, and fell upon Uncass, and slew many of his men,
\nand wounded more, by reason y^t they farr exseeded him in number, and
\nhad gott store of peeces, with which they did him most hurte. And as
\nthey did this withoute y^e knowledg and consente of y^e English,
\n(contrary to former agreemente,) so they were resolved to prosecute y^e
\nsame, notwithstanding any thing y^e English said or should doe against
\nthem. So, being incouraged by ther late victorie, and promise of
\nassistance from y^e Mowaks, (being a strong, warlike, and desperate
\npeople,) they had allready devoured Uncass & his, in their hops; and
\nsurly they had done it in deed, if the English had not timly sett in for
\nhis aide. For those of Conightecute sent him 40. men, who were a garison
\nto him, till y^e comissioners could meete and take further order.<\/p>\n
Being thus mett, they forthwith sente 3. messengers, viz. Sargent John
\nDavis, Benedicte Arnold, and Francis Smith, with full & ample
\ninstructions, both to y^e Narigansets and Uncass; to require them y^t
\nthey should either come in person or send sufficiente men fully
\ninstructed to deale in y^e bussines; and if they refused or delayed, to
\nlet them know (according to former agreements) y^t the English are
\nengaged to assiste against these hostile invasions, and y^t they have
\nsente their men to defend Uncass, and to know of y^e Narigansets whether
\nthey will stand to y^e former peace, or they will assaulte y^e English
\nalso, that they may provid accordingly.<\/p>\n
But y^e messengers returned, not only with a sleighting, but a
\nthreatening answer from the Narigansets (as will more appear hereafter).
\nAlso they brought a letter from M^r. Roger Williams, wherin he assures
\nthem that y^e warr would presenly breake forth, & y^e whole country
\nwould be all of a flame. And y^t the sachems of y^e Narigansets had
\nconcluded a newtrality with y^e English of Providence and those of
\nAquidnett Iland. Wherupon y^e comissioners, considering y^e great danger
\n& provocations offered, and y^e necessitie we should be put unto of
\nmaking warr with y^e Narigansetts, and being also carfull, in a matter
\nof so great waight & generall concernmente, to see y^e way cleared, and
\nto give satisfaction to all y^e colonies, did thinke fitte to advise
\nwith such of y^e magistrats & elders of y^e Massachusets as were then at
\nhand, and also with some of y^e cheefe millitary comanders ther; who
\nbeing assembled, it was then agreed,–<\/p>\n
First, y^t our ingagmente bound us to aide & defend Uncass. 2. That this
\nayde could not be intended only to defend him & his forte, or
\nhabitation, but (according to y^e comone acceptation of such covenants,
\nor ingagments, considered with y^e grounds or occasion therof) so to
\nayde him as he might be preserved in his liberty and estate. 3^ly. That
\nthis ayde [265] must be speedy, least he might be swalowed up in y^e
\nmean time, and so come to late. 4^ly. The justice of this warr being
\ncleared to our selves and y^e rest then presente, it was thought meete
\ny^t the case should be stated, and y^e reasons & grounds of y^e warr
\ndeclared and published. 5^ly. That a day of humilliation should be
\napoynted, which was y^e 5. day of y^e weeke following. 6^ly. It was then
\nallso agreed by y^e comissioners that y^e whole number of men to be
\nraised in all y^e colonies should be 300. Wherof from y^e Massachusets a
\n190. Plimoth, 40. Conightecute, 40. New-Haven, 30. And considering y^t
\nUncass was in present danger, 40. men of this number were forthwith
\nsente from y^e Massachusets for his sucoure; and it was but neede, for
\ny^e other 40. from Conightecutt had order to stay but a month, & their
\ntime being out, they returned; and y^e Narigansets, hearing therof,
\ntooke the advantage, and came suddanly upon him, and gave him another
\nblow, to his further loss, and were ready to doe y^e like againe; but
\nthese 40. men being arrived, they returned, and did nothing.<\/p>\n
The declaration which they sett forth I shall not transcribe, it being
\nvery larg, and put forth in printe, to which I referr those y^t would
\nsee y^e same, in which all passages are layed open from y^e first. I
\nshall only note their prowd carriage, and answers to y^e 3. messengers
\nsent from y^e comissioners. They received them with scorne & contempte,
\nand tould them they resolved to have no peace without Uncass his head;
\nalso they gave them this further answer: that it mattered not who
\nbegane y^e warr, they were resolved to follow it, and that y^e English
\nshould withdraw their garison from Uncass, or they would procure y^e
\nMowakes against them; and withall gave them this threatening answer:
\nthat they would lay y^e English catle on heaps, as high as their houses,
\nand y^t no English-man should sturr out of his dore to pisse, but he
\nshould be kild. And wheras they required guids to pass throw their
\ncountrie, to deliver their message to Uncass from y^e comissioners, they
\ndeneyed them, but at length (in way of scorne) offered them an old
\nPequente woman. Besids allso they conceived them selves in danger, for
\nwhilst y^e interpretour was speakeing with them about y^e answer he
\nshould returne, 3. men came & stood behind him with ther hatchets,
\naccording to their murderous maner; but one of his fellows gave him
\nnotice of it, so they broak of & came away; with sundry such like
\naffrontes, which made those Indeans they carryed with them to rune away
\nfor fear, and leave them to goe home as they could.<\/p>\n
Thus whilst y^e comissioners in care of y^e publick peace sought to
\nquench y^e fire kindled amongst y^e Indeans, these children of strife
\nbreath out threatenings, provocations, and warr against y^e English them
\nselves. So that, unless they should dishonour & provoak God, by
\nviolating a just ingagmente, and expose y^e colonies to contempte &
\ndanger from y^e barbarians, they cannot but exerciese force, when no
\nother means will prevaile to reduse y^e Narigansets & their confederats
\nto a more just & sober temper.<\/p>\n
So as here upon they went on to hasten y^e preparations, according to
\ny^e former agreemente, and sent to Plimoth to send forth their 40. men
\nwith all speed, to lye at Seacunke, least any deanger should befalle it,
\nbefore y^e rest were ready, it lying next y^e enemie, and ther to stay
\ntill y^e Massachusetts should joyne with them. Allso Conigtecute &
\nNewhaven forces were to joyne togeather, and march with all speed, and
\ny^e Indean confederats of those parts with them. All which was done
\naccordingly; and the souldiers of this place were at Seacunk, the place
\nof their rendevouze, 8. or 10. days before y^e rest were ready; they
\nwere well armed all with snaphance peeces, and wente under y^e camand of
\nCaptain [266] Standish. Those from other places were led likwise by able
\ncomanders,[EU] as Captaine Mason for Conigtecute, &c.; and Majore Gibons
\nwas made generall over y^e whole, with such comissions & instructions as
\nwas meete.<\/p>\n
Upon y^e suden dispatch of these souldiears, (the present necessitie
\nrequiring it,) the deputies of y^e Massachusetts Courte (being now
\nassembled i[=m]ediatly after y^e setting forth of their 40. men) made a
\nquestion whether it was legally done, without their comission. It was
\nanswered, that howsoever it did properly belong to y^e authority of y^e
\nseverall jurisdictions (after y^e warr was agreed upon by y^e
\ncomissioners, & the number of men) to provid y^e men & means to carry on
\ny^e warr; yet in this presente case, the proceeding of y^e comissioners
\nand y^e comission given was as sufficiente as if it had been done by y^e
\nGenerall Courte.<\/p>\n
First, it was a case of such presente & urgente necessitie, as could
\nnot stay y^e calling of y^e Courte or Counsell. 2^ly. In y^e Articles
\nof Confederation, power is given to y^e comissioners to consult,
\norder, & determine all affaires of warr, &c. And y^e word _determine_
\ncomprehends all acts of authority belonging therunto.<\/p>\n
3^ly. The comissioners are y^e judges of y^e necessitie of the
\nexpedition.<\/p>\n
4^ly. The Generall Courte have made their owne comissioners their sole
\ncounsell for these affires.<\/p>\n
5^ly. These counsels could not have had their due effecte excepte they
\nhad power to proceede in this case, as they have done; which were to
\nmake y^e comissioners power, and y^e maine end of y^e confederation,
\nto be frustrate, and that mearly for observing a ceremony.<\/p>\n
6^ly. The comissioners haveing sole power to manage y^e warr for
\nnumber of men, for time, place, &c., they only know their owne
\ncounsells, & _determinations_, and therfore none can grante
\nco[=m]ission to acte according to these but them selves.<\/p>\n
All things being thus in readines, and some of y^e souldiers gone forth,
\nand the rest ready to march, the comissioners thought it meete before
\nany hostile acte was performed, to cause a presente to be returned,
\nwhich had been sente to y^e Gove^r of the Massachusetts from y^e
\nNarigansett sachems, but not by him received, but layed up to be
\naccepted or refused as they should carry them selves, and observe y^e
\ncovenants. Therfore they violating the same, & standing out thus to a
\nwarr, it was againe returned, by 2. messengers & an interpretour. And
\nfurther to let know that their men already sent to Uncass (& other wher
\nsent forth) have hitherto had express order only to stand upon his &
\ntheir owne defence, and not to attempte any invasion of y^e Narigansetts
\ncountry; and yet if they may have due reperation for what is past, and
\ngood securitie for y^e future, it shall appear they are as desirous of
\npeace, and shall be as tender of y^e Narigansets blood as ever. If
\ntherefore Pessecuss, Innemo, writh other sachemes, will (without further
\ndelay) come along with you to Boston, the comissioners doe promise &
\nassure them, they shall have free liberty to come, and retourne without
\nmolestation or any just greevance from y^e English. But deputies will
\nnot now serve, nor may the preparations in hand be now stayed, or y^e
\ndirections given recalled, till y^e forementioned sagamors come, and
\nsome further order be taken. But if they will have nothing but warr, the
\nEnglish are providing, and will proceede accordingly.<\/p>\n
Pessecouss, Mixano, & Witowash, 3. principall sachems of y^e Narigansett
\nIndeans, and Awasequen, deputie for y^e Nyanticks, with a large traine
\nof men, within a few days after came to Boston.<\/p>\n
And to omitte all other circomstances and debats y^t past betweene them
\nand the comissioners, they came to this conclusion following.<\/p>\n
[267] 1. It was agreed betwixte y^e comissioners of y^e United
\nCollonies, and y^e forementioned sagamores, & Niantick deputie, that
\ny^e said Narigansets & Niantick sagamores should pay or cause to be
\npayed at Boston, to y^e Massachusets comissioners, y^e full sume of
\n2000. fathome of good white wampame, or a third parte of black
\nwampampeage, in 4. payments; namely, 500. fathome within 20. days,
\n500. fathome within 4. months, 500. fathome at or before next planting
\ntime, and 500. fathome. within 2. years next after y^e date of these
\npresents; which 2000. fathome y^e comissioners accepte for
\nsatisfaction of former charges expended.<\/p>\n
2. The foresaid sagamors & deputie (on y^e behalfe of y^e Narigansett
\n& Niantick Indeans) hereby promise & covenante that they upon demand
\nand profe satisfie & restore unto Uncass, y^e Mohigan sagamore, all
\nsuch captives, whether men, or women, or children, and all such
\ncanowes, as they or any of their men have taken, or as many of their
\nowne canowes in y^e roome of them, full as good as they were, with
\nfull satisfaction for all such corne as they or any of theire men have
\nspoyled or destroyed, of his or his mens, since last planting time;
\nand y^e English comissioners hereby promise y^t Uncass shall doe y^e
\nlike.<\/p>\n
3. Wheras ther are sundry differences & greevances betwixte
\nNarigansett & Niantick Indeans, and Uncass & his men, (which in Uncass
\nhis absence cannot now be detirmined,) it is hearby agreed y^t
\nNariganset & Niantick sagamores either come them selves, or send their
\ndeputies to y^e next meeting of y^e comissioners for y^e collonies,
\neither at New-Haven in Sep^t 1646. or sooner (upon conveniente
\nwarning, if y^e said comissioners doe meete sooner), fully instructed
\nto declare & make due proofe of their injuries, and to submite to y^e
\njudgmente of y^e comissioners, in giving or receiving satisfaction;
\nand y^e said comissioners (not doubting but Uncass will either come
\nhim selfe, or send his deputies, in like maner furnished) promising to
\ngive a full hearing to both parties with equall justice, without any
\npartiall respects, according to their allegations and profs.<\/p>\n
4. The said Narigansett & Niantick sagamors & deputies doe nearby
\npromise & covenante to keep and maintaine a firme & perpetuall peace,
\nboth with all y^e English United Colonies & their successors, and with
\nUncass, y^e Monhegen sachem, & his men; with Ossamequine, Pumham,
\nSokanoke, Cutshamakin, Shoanan, Passaconaway, and all other Indean
\nsagamors, and their companies, who are in freindship with or subjecte
\nto any of y^e English; hearby ingaging them selves, that they will not
\nat any time hearafter disturbe y^e peace of y^e cuntry, by any
\nassaults, hostile attempts, invasions, or other injuries, to any of
\ny^e Unnited Collonies, or their successors; or to y^e afforesaid
\nIndeans; either in their persons, buildings, catle, or goods, directly
\nor indirectly; nor will they confederate with any other against them;
\n& if they know of any Indeans or others y^t conspire or intend hurt
\nagainst y^e said English, or any Indeans subjecte to or in freindship
\nwith them, they will without delay acquainte & give notice therof to
\ny^e English co[=m]issioners, or some of them.<\/p>\n
Or if any questions or differences shall at any time hereafter arise
\nor grow betwext them & Uncass, or any Endeans before mentioned they
\nwill, according to former ingagments (which they hearby confirme &
\nratifie) first acquainte y^e English, and crave their judgments &
\nadvice therin; and will not attempte or begine any warr, or hostille
\ninvasion, till they have liberty and alowance from y^e comissioners of
\ny^e United Collonies so to doe.<\/p>\n
5. The said Narigansets & Niantick sagamores & deputies doe hearby
\npromise y^t they will forthw^th deliver & restore all such Indean
\nfugitives, or captives which have at any time fled from any of y^e
\nEnglish, and are now living or abiding amongst them, or give due
\nsatisfaction for them to y^e comissioners for y^e Massachusets; and
\nfurther, that they will (without more delays) pay, or cause to be
\npayed, a yearly tribute, a month before harvest, every year after
\nthis, at Boston, to y^e English Colonies, for all such Pequents as
\nlive amongst them, according to y^e former treaty & agreemente, made
\nat Hartford, 1638. namly, one fathome of white wampam for every
\nPequente man, & halfe a fathume for each Pequente youth, and one hand
\nlength for each mal-child. And if Weequashcooke refuse to pay this
\ntribute for any Pequents with him, the Narigansetts sagamores promise
\nto assiste y^e English against him. And they further covenante y^t
\nthey will resigne & yeeld up the whole Pequente cuntrie, and every
\nparte of it, to y^e English collonies, as due to them by conquest.<\/p>\n
6. The said Narigansett & Niantick sagamores & deputie doe hereby
\npromise & covenante y^t within 14. days they will bring & deliver to
\ny^e Massachusetts comissioners on the behalf of y^e collonies, [268]
\nfoure of their children, viz. Pessecous his eldest son, the sone
\nTassaquanawite, brother to Pessecouss, Awashawe his sone, and Ewangsos
\nsone, a Niantick, to be kepte (as hostages & pledges) by y^e English,
\ntill both y^e forementioned 2000. fathome of wampam be payed at y^e
\ntimes appoynted, and y^e differences betweexte themselves & Uncass be
\nheard & ordered, and till these artickles be under writen at Boston,
\nby Jenemo & Wipetock. And further they hereby promise & covenante, y^t
\nif at any time hearafter any of y^e said children shall make escape,
\nor be conveyed away from y^e English, before y^e premisses be fully
\naccomplished, they will either bring back & deliver to y^e
\nMassachusett comissioners y^e same children, or, if they be not to be
\nfounde, such & so many other children, to be chosen by y^e
\ncomissioners for y^e United Collonies, or their assignes, and y^t
\nwithin 20. days after demand, and in y^e mean time, untill y^e said 4.
\nchildren be delivered as hostages, y^e Narigansett & Niantick sagamors
\n& deputy doe, freely & of their owne accorde, leave with y^e
\nMassachusett comissioners, as pledges for presente securitie, 4.
\nIndeans, namely, Witowash, Pumanise, Jawashoe, Waughwamino, who allso
\nfreely consente, and offer them selves to stay as pledges, till y^e
\nsaid children be brought & delivered as abovesaid.<\/p>\n
7. The comissioners for y^e United Collonies doe hereby promise &
\nagree that, at y^e charge of y^e United Collonies, y^e 4. Indeans now
\nleft as pledges shall be provided for, and y^t the 4. children to be
\nbrought & delivered as hostages shall be kepte & maintained at y^e
\nsame charge; that they will require Uncass & his men, with all other
\nIndean sagamors before named, to forbear all acts of hostilitie
\nagainste y^e Narigansetts and Niantick Indeans for y^e future. And
\nfurther, all y^e promises being duly observed & kept by y^e
\nNarigansett & Niantick Indians and their company, they will at y^e end
\nof 2. years restore y^e said children delivered as hostiages, and
\nretaine a firme peace with y^e Narigansets & Nianticke Indeans and
\ntheir successours.<\/p>\n
8. It is fully agreed by & betwixte y^e said parties, y^t if any
\nhostile attempte be made while this treaty is in hand, or before
\nnotice of this agreemente (to stay further preparations & directions)
\ncan be given, such attempts & y^e consequencts therof shall on neither
\nparte be accounted a violation of this treaty, nor a breach of y^e
\npeace hear made & concluded.<\/p>\n
9. The Narigansets & Niantick sagamors & deputie hereby agree &
\ncovenante to & with y^e comissioners of y^e United Collonies, y^t
\nhenceforth they will neither give, grante, sell, or in any maner
\nalienate, any parte of their countrie, nor any parcell of land
\ntherin, either to any of y^e English or others, without consente or
\nallowance of y^e co[=m]issioners.<\/p>\n
10. Lastly, they promise that, if any Pequente or other be found &
\ndiscovered amongst them who hath in time of peace murdered any of y^e
\nEnglish, he or they shall be delivered to just punishmente.<\/p>\n
In witness wherof y^e parties above named have interchaingablie
\nsubscribed these presents, the day & year above writen.<\/p>\n
JOHN WINTHROP, President.
\nHERBERT PELHAM.
\nTHO: PRENCE.
\nJOHN BROWNE.
\nGEO: FENWICK.
\nEDWA: HOPKINS.
\nTHEOPH: EATON.
\nSTEVEN GOODYEARE.
\nPESSECOUSS his mark [Illustration:]
\nMEEKESANO his mark [Illustration:]
\nWITOWASH his mark [Illustration:]
\nAUMSEQUEN his mark [Illustration:] the Niantick deputy.
\nABDAS his mark [Illustration:]
\nPUMMASH his mark [Illustration:]
\nCUTCHAMAKIN his mark [Illustration:]<\/p>\n
This treaty and agreemente betwixte the comissioners of y^e United
\nCollonies and y^e sagamores and deputy of Narrigansets and Niantick
\nIndeans was made and concluded, Benedicte Arnold being interpretour
\nupon his oath; Sergante Callicate & an Indean, his man, being
\npresente, and Josias & Cutshamakin, tow Indeans aquainted with y^e
\nEnglish language, assisting therin; who opened & cleared the whole
\ntreaty, & every article, to y^e sagamores and deputie there presente.<\/p>\n
And thus was y^e warr at this time stayed and prevented.<\/p>\n
[269] _Anno Dom: 1646._<\/p>\n
About y^e midle of May, this year, came in 3. ships into this harbor, in
\nwarrlike order; they were found to be men of warr. The captains name was
\nCrumwell, who had taken sundrie prizes from y^e Spaniards in y^e West
\nIndies. He had a comission from y^e Earle of Warwick. He had abord his
\nvessels aboute 80. lustie men, (but very unruly,) who, after they came
\nashore, did so distemper them selves with drinke as they became like
\nmadd-men; and though some of them were punished & imprisoned, yet could
\nthey hardly be restrained; yet in y^e ende they became more moderate &
\norderly. They continued here aboute a month or 6. weeks, and then went
\nto y^e Massachusets; in which time they spente and scattered a great
\ndeale of money among y^e people, and yet more sine (I fear) then money,
\nnotwithstanding all y^e care & watchfullnes that was used towards them,
\nto prevente what might be.<\/p>\n
In which time one sadd accidente fell out. A desperate fellow of y^e
\ncompany fell a quarling with some of his company. His captine
\nco[=m]anded him to be quiet & surcease his quarelling; but he would not,
\nbut reviled his captaine with base language, & in y^e end halfe drew his
\nrapier, & intended to rune at his captien; but he closed with him, and
\nwrasted his rapier from him, and gave him a boxe on y^e earr; but he
\nwould not give over, but still assaulted his captaine. Wherupon he
\ntooke y^e same rapier as it was in y^e scaberd, and gave him a blow with
\ny^e hilts; but it light on his head, & y^e smal end of y^e bar of y^e
\nrapier hilts peirct his scull, & he dyed a few days after. But y^e
\ncaptaine was cleared by a counsell of warr. This fellow was so desperate
\na quareller as y^e captaine was faine many times to chaine him under
\nhatches from hurting his fellows, as y^e company did testifie; and this
\nwas his end.<\/p>\n
This Captaine Thomas Cromuell sett forth another vioage to the
\nWestindeas, from the Bay of the Massachusets, well maned & victuled; and
\nwas out 3. years, and tooke sundry prises, and returned rich unto the
\nMassachusets, and ther dyed the same so[=m]ere, having gott a fall from
\nhis horse, in which fall he fell on his rapeir hilts, and so brused his
\nbody as he shortly after dyed therof, with some other distempers, which
\nbrought him into a feavor. Some observed that ther might be somthing of
\nthe hand of God herein; that as the forenamed man dyed of y^e blow he
\ngave him with y^e rapeir hilts, so his owne death was occationed by a
\nlike means.<\/p>\n
This year M^r. Edward Winslow went into England, upon this occation:
\nsome discontented persons under y^e govermente of the Massachusets
\nsought to trouble their peace, and disturbe, if not innovate, their
\ngovermente, by laying many [270] scandals upon them; and intended to
\nprosecute against them in England, by petitioning & complaining to the
\nParlemente. Allso Samuell Gorton & his company made complaints against
\nthem; so as they made choyse of M^r. Winslow to be their agente, to make
\ntheir defence, and gave him comission & instructions for that end; in
\nwhich he so carried him selfe as did well answer their ends, and cleared
\nthem from any blame or dishonour, to the shame of their adversaries. But
\nby reason of the great alterations in the State, he was detained longer
\nthen was expected; and afterwards fell into other imployments their, so
\nas he hath now bene absente this 4. years, which hath been much to the
\nweakning of this govermente, without whose consente he tooke these
\nimployments upon him.<\/p>\n
_Anno 1647. And Anno 1648._<\/p>\n
APPENDIX.<\/p>\n
[ILLUSTRATION:]<\/p>\n
APPENDIX.<\/p>\n
No. I.<\/p>\n
[Passengers of the Mayflower.]<\/p>\n
The names of those which came over first, in y^e year 1620. and were by
\nthe blessing of God the first beginers and (in a sort) the foundation of
\nall the Plantations and Colonies in New-England; and their families.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 8.]<\/p>\n
M^r. John Carver; Kathrine, his wife; Desire Minter; & 2. man-servants,
\nJohn Howland, Roger Wilder; William Latham, a boy; & a maid servant, & a
\nchild y^t was put to him, called Jasper More.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 6.]<\/p>\n
M^r. William Brewster; Mary, his wife; with 2. sons, whose names were
\nLove & Wrasling; and a boy was put to him called Richard More; and
\nanother of his brothers. The rest of his children were left behind, &
\ncame over afterwards.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 5.]<\/p>\n
M^. Edward Winslow; Elizabeth, his wife; & 2. men servants, caled Georg
\nSowle and Elias Story; also a litle girle was put to him, caled Ellen,
\nthe sister of Richard More.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 2.]<\/p>\n
William Bradford, and Dorothy, his wife; having but one child, a sone,
\nleft behind, who came afterward.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 6.]<\/p>\n
M^. Isaack Allerton, and Mary, his wife; with 3. children, Bartholmew,
\nRemember, & Mary; and a servant boy, John Hooke.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 2.]<\/p>\n
M^r. Samuell Fuller, and a servant, caled William Butten. His wife was
\nbehind, & a child, which came afterwards.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 2.]<\/p>\n
John Crakston, and his sone, John Crakston.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 2.]<\/p>\n
Captin Myles Standish, and Rose, his wife.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 4.]<\/p>\n
M^r. Christopher Martin, and his wife, and 2. servants, Salamon Prower
\nand John Langemore.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 5.]<\/p>\n
M^r. William Mullines, and his wife, and 2. children, Joseph & Priscila;
\nand a servant, Robart Carter.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 6.]<\/p>\n
M^r. William White, and Susana, his wife, and one sone, caled Resolved,
\nand one borne a ship-bord, caled Peregriene; & 2. servants, named
\nWilliam Holbeck & Edward Thomson.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 8.]<\/p>\n
M^r. Steven Hopkins, & Elizabeth, his wife, and 2. children, caled
\nGiles, and Constanta, a doughter, both by a former wife; and 2. more by
\nthis wife, caled Damaris & Oceanus; the last was borne at sea; and 2.
\nservants, called Edward Doty and Edward Litster.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 1.]<\/p>\n
M^r. Richard Warren; but his wife and children were lefte behind, and
\ncame afterwards.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 4.]<\/p>\n
John Billinton, and Elen, his wife; and 2. sones, John & Francis.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 4.]<\/p>\n
Edward Tillie, and Ann, his wife; and 2. children that were their
\ncossens, Henery Samson and Humillity Coper.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 3.]<\/p>\n
John Tillie, and his wife; and Eelizabeth, their doughter.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 2.]<\/p>\n
Francis Cooke, and his sone John. But his wife & other children came
\nafterwards.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 2.]<\/p>\n
Thomas Rogers, and Joseph, his sone. His other children came afterwards.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 3.[EV]]<\/p>\n
Thomas Tinker, and his wife, and a sone.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 2.]<\/p>\n
John Rigdale, and Alice, his wife.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 3.]<\/p>\n
James Chilton, and his wife, and Mary, their dougter. They had an other
\ndoughter, y^t was maried, came afterward.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 3.]<\/p>\n
Edward Fuller, and his wife, and Samuell, their sonne.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 3.]<\/p>\n
John Turner, and 2. sones. He had a doughter came some years after to
\nSalem, wher she is now living.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 3.]<\/p>\n
Francis Eaton, and Sarah, his wife, and Samuell, their sone, a yong
\nchild.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 10.]<\/p>\n
Moyses Fletcher, John Goodman, Thomas Williams, Digerie Preist, Edmond
\nMargeson, Peter Browne, Richard Britterige, Richard Clarke, Richard
\nGardenar, Gilbart Winslow.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 1.]<\/p>\n
John Alden was hired for a cooper, at South-Hampton, wher the ship
\nvictuled; and being a hopfull yong man, was much desired, but left to
\nhis owne liking to go or stay when he came here; but he stayed, and
\nmaryed here.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 2.]<\/p>\n
John Allerton and Thomas Enlish were both hired, the later to goe m^r of
\na shalop here, and y^e other was reputed as one of y^e company, but was
\nto go back (being a seaman) for the help of others behind. But they both
\ndyed here, before the shipe returned.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 2.]<\/p>\n
There were allso other 2. seamen hired to stay a year here in the
\ncountry, William Trevore, and one Ely. But when their time was out, they
\nboth returned.<\/p>\n
These, bening aboute a hundred sowls, came over in this first ship; and
\nbegan this worke, which God of his goodnes hath hithertoo blesed; let
\nhis holy name have y^e praise.<\/p>\n
* * * * *<\/p>\n
And seeing it hath pleased him to give me to see 30. years compleated
\nsince these beginings; and that the great works of his providence are to
\nbe observed, I have thought it not unworthy my paines to take a veiw of
\nthe decreasings & increasings of these persons, and such changs as hath
\npased over them & theirs, in this thirty years. It may be of some use to
\nsuch as come after; but, however, I shall rest in my owne benefite.<\/p>\n
I will therfore take them in order as they lye.<\/p>\n
M^r. Carver and his wife dyed the first year; he in y^e spring, she in
\ny^e so[=m]er; also, his man Roger and y^e litle boy Jasper dyed before
\neither of them, of y^e commone infection. Desire Minter returned to her
\nfreinds, & proved not very well, and dyed in England. His servant boy
\nLatham, after more then 20. years stay in the country, went into
\nEngland, and from thence to the Bahamy Ilands in y^e West Indies, and
\nther, with some others, was starved for want of food. His maid servant
\nmaried, & dyed a year or tow after, here in this place.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 15.]<\/p>\n
His servant, John Howland, maried the doughter of John Tillie,
\nElizabeth, and they are both now living, and have 10. children, now all
\nliving; and their eldest daughter hath 4. children. And ther 2.
\ndaughter, 1. all living; and other of their children mariagable. So 15.
\nare come of them.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 4.]<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 2.]<\/p>\n
M^r. Brewster lived to very old age; about 80. years he was when he
\ndyed, having lived some 23. or 24. years here in y^e countrie; & though
\nhis wife dyed long before, yet she dyed aged. His sone Wrastle dyed a
\nyonge man unmaried; his sone Love lived till this year 1650. and dyed, &
\nleft 4. children, now living. His doughters which came over after him
\nare dead, but have left sundry children alive; his eldst sone is still
\nliveing, and hath 9. or 10 children; one maried, who hath a child or 2.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 4.]<\/p>\n
Richard More his brother dyed the first winter; but he is maried, and
\nhath 4. or 5. children, all living.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 2.]<\/p>\n
M^r. Ed: Winslow his wife dyed the first winter; and he maried with the
\nwidow of M^r. White, and hath 2. children living by her marigable,
\nbesids sundry that are dead.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 8.]<\/p>\n
One of his servants dyed, as also the litle girle, soone after the ships
\narivall. But his man, Georg Sowle, is still living, and hath 8.
\nchildr[=e].<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 4.]<\/p>\n
William Bradford his wife dyed soone after their arivall; and he maried
\nagaine; and hath 4. children, 3. wherof are maried.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 8.]<\/p>\n
M^r. Allerton his wife dyed with the first, and his servant, John Hooke.
\nHis sone Bartle is maried in England, but I know not how many children
\nhe hath. His doughter Remember is maried at Salem, & hath 3. or 4.
\nchildren living. And his doughter Mary is maried here, & hath 4.
\nchildren. Him selfe maried againe with y^e doughter of M^r. Brewster, &
\nhath one sone living by her, but she is long since dead. And he is
\nmaried againe, and hath left this place long agoe. So I account his
\nincrease to be 8. besids his sons in England.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 2.]<\/p>\n
M^r. Fuller his servant dyed at sea; and after his wife came over, he
\nhad tow children by her, which are living and growne up to years; but he
\ndyed some 15. years agoe.<\/p>\n
John Crakston dyed in the first mortality; and about some 5. or 6.
\nyears after, his sone dyed; having lost him selfe in y^e wodes, his feet
\nbecame frosen, which put him into a feavor, of which he dyed.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 4.] [EW] Captain Standish his wife dyed in the first sicknes,
\nand he maried againe, and hath 4. sones liveing, and some _are dead_.<\/p>\n
M^r. Martin, he & all his, dyed in the first infection not long after
\nthe arivall.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 15.]<\/p>\n
M^r. Molines, and his wife, his sone, and his servant, dyed the first
\nwinter. Only his dougter Priscila survied, and maried with John Alden,
\nwho are both living, and have 11. children. And their eldest daughter is
\nmaried, & hath five children.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 7.]<\/p>\n
Mr. White and his 2. servants dyed soone after ther landing. His wife
\nmaried with M^r. Winslow (as is before noted). His 2. sons are maried,
\nand Resolved hath 5. children, Perigrine tow, all living. So their
\nincrease are 7.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 5.]<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 4.]<\/p>\n
M^r. Hopkins and his wife are now both dead, but they lived above 20.
\nyears in this place, and had one sone and 4. doughters borne here. Ther
\nsone became a seaman, & dyed at Barbadoes; one daughter dyed here, and
\n2. are maried; one of them hath 2. children; & one is yet to mary. So
\ntheir increase which still survive are 5. But his sone Giles is maried,
\nand hath 4. children.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 12.]<\/p>\n
His doughter Constanta is also maried, and hath 12. children, all of
\nthem living, and one of them maried.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 4.]<\/p>\n
M^r. Richard Warren lived some 4. or 5. years, and had his wife come
\nover to him, by whom he had 2. sons before dyed; and one of them is
\nmaryed, and hath 2. children. So his increase is 4. But he had 5.
\ndoughters more came over with his wife, who are all maried, & living, &
\nhave many children.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 8.]<\/p>\n
John Billinton, after he had bene here 10. yers, was executed for
\nkilling a man; and his eldest sone dyed before him; but his 2. sone is
\nalive, and maried, & hath 8. children.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 7.]<\/p>\n
Edward Tillie and his wife both dyed soon after their arivall; and the
\ngirle Humility, their cousen, was sent for into England, and dyed ther.
\nBut the youth Henery Samson is still liveing, and is maried, & hath 7.
\nchildren.<\/p>\n
John Tillie and his wife both dyed a litle after they came ashore; and
\ntheir daughter Elizabeth maried with John Howland, and hath issue as is
\nbefore noted.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 8.]<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 4.]<\/p>\n
Francis Cooke is still living, a very olde man, and hath seene his
\nchildrens children have children; after his wife came over, (with other
\nof his children,) he hath 3. still living by her, all maried, and have
\n5. children; so their encrease is 8. And his sone John, which came over
\nwith him, is maried, and hath 4, chilldren living.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 6.]<\/p>\n
Thomas Rogers dyed in the first sicknes, but his sone Joseph is still
\nliving, and is maried, and hath 6. children. The rest of Thomas Rogers
\n[children] came over, & are maried, & have many children.<\/p>\n
Thomas Tinker and his wife and sone all dyed in the first sicknes.<\/p>\n
And so did John Rigdale and his wife.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 10.]<\/p>\n
James Chilton and his wife also dyed in the first infection. But their
\ndaughter Mary is still living, and hath 9. children; and one daughter is
\nmaried, & hath a child; so their increase is 10.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 4.]<\/p>\n
Edward Fuller and his wife dyed soon after they came ashore; but their
\nsone Samuell is living, & maried, and hath 4. children or more.<\/p>\n
John Turner and his 2. sones all dyed in the first siknes. But he hath a
\ndaugter still living at Salem, well maried, and approved of.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 4.]<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 1.]<\/p>\n
Francis Eaton his first wife dyed in the generall sicknes; and he maried
\nagaine, & his 2. wife dyed, & he maried the 3. and had by her 3.
\nchildren. One of them is maried, & hath a child; the other are living,
\nbut one of them is an ideote. He dyed about 16. years 1. agoe. His sone
\nSamuell, who came over a sucking child, is allso maried, & hath a child.<\/p>\n
Moyses Fletcher, Thomas Williams, Digerie Preist, John Goodman, Edmond
\nMargeson, Richard Britteridge, Richard Clarke. All these dyed sone after
\ntheir arivall, in the generall sicknes that befell. But Digerie Preist
\nhad his wife & children sent hither afterwards, she being M^r. Allertons
\nsister. But the rest left no posteritie here.<\/p>\n
Richard Gardinar became a seaman, and died in England, or at sea.<\/p>\n
Gilbert Winslow, after diverse years aboad here, returned into England,
\nand dyed ther.<\/p>\n
[Sidenote: 6.]<\/p>\n
Peter Browne maried twise. By his first wife he had 2. children, who are
\nliving, & both of them maried, and the one of them hath 2. children; by
\nhis second wife he had 2. more. He dyed about 16. years since.<\/p>\n
Thomas English and John Allerton dyed in the generall siknes.<\/p>\n
John Alden maried with Priscila, M^r. Mollines his doughter, and had
\nissue by her as is before related.<\/p>\n
Edward Doty & Edward Litster, the servants of M^r. Hopkins. Litster,
\nafter he was at liberty, went to Virginia, & ther dyed. But Edward Doty
\nby a second wife hath 7. children, and both he and they are living.<\/p>\n
Of these 100. persons which came first over in this first ship together,
\nthe greater halfe dyed in the generall mortality; and most of them in 2.
\nor three monthes time. And for those which survied, though some were
\nancient & past procreation, & others left y^e place and cuntrie, yet of
\nthose few remaining are sprunge up above 160. persons, in this 30.
\nyears, and are now living in this presente year, 1650. besids many of
\ntheir children which are dead, and come not within this account.<\/p>\n
And of the old stock (of one & other) ther are yet living this present
\nyear, 1650. nere 30. persons. Let the Lord have y^e praise, who is the
\nHigh Preserver of men.<\/p>\n
* * * * *<\/p>\n
[EX]Twelfe persons liveing of the old stock this present yeare, 1679.<\/p>\n
Two persons liveing that came over in the first shipe 1620, this present
\nyeare, 1690. Resolved White and Mary Chusman,[EY] the daughter of M^r.
\nAllerton.<\/p>\n
And John Cooke, the son of Frances Cooke, that came in the first ship,
\nis still liveing this present yeare, 1694; & Mary Cushman is still
\nliving, this present year, 1698.<\/p>\n
No. II.<\/p>\n
[Commission for Regulating Plantations.]<\/p>\n
Charles by y^e grace of God king of England, Scotland, France, and
\nIreland, Defender of y^e Faith, &c.[EZ]<\/p>\n
To the most Reve^d father in Christ, our wellbeloved & faithfull
\ncounsellour, William, by devine providence Archbishop of Counterbery, of
\nall England Primate & Metropolitan; Thomas Lord Coventry, Keeper of our
\nGreat Seale of England; the most Reverente father in Christ our
\nwellbeloved and most faithful Counselour, Richard, by devine providence
\nArchbishop of Yorke, Primate & Metropolitan; our wellbeloved and most
\nfaithfull coussens & Counselours, Richard, Earle of Portland, our High
\nTreasurer of England; Henery, Earle of Manchester, Keeper of our Privie
\nSeale; Thomas, Earle of Arundalle & Surry, Earle Marshall of England;
\nEdward, Earle of Dorsett, Chamberline of our most dear consorte, the
\nQueene; and our beloved & faithfull Counselours, Francis Lord
\nCottington, Counseler, and Undertreasurour of our Eschequour; S^r:
\nThomas Edmonds, knight, Treasourer of our houshould; S^r: Henery Vane,
\nKnight, controuler of y^e same houshould; S^r: John Cooke, Knight, one
\nof our Privie Secretaries; and Francis Windebanck, Knight, another of
\nour Privie Secretaries,<\/p>\n
Wheras very many of our subjects, & of our late fathers of beloved
\nmemory, our sovereigne lord James, late king of England, by means of
\nlicence royall, not only with desire of inlarging y^e teritories of our
\nempire, but cheefly out of a pious & religious affection, & desire of
\npropagating y^e gospell of our Lord Jesus Christ, with great industrie &
\nexpences have caused to be planted large Collonies of y^e English
\nnation, in diverse parts of y^e world altogether unmannred, and voyd of
\ninhabitants, or occupied of the barbarous people that have no knowledg
\nof divine worship. We being willing to provid a remedy for y^e
\ntranquillity & quietnes of those people, and being very confidente of
\nyour faith & wisdom, justice & providente circomspection, have
\nconstituted you y^e aforesaid Archbishop of Counterburie, Lord Keeper of
\ny^e Great Seale of England, y^e Archbishop of Yorke, &c. and any 5. or
\nmore, of you, our Comissioners; and to you, and any 5. or more of you,
\nwe doe give and co[=m]ite power for y^e govermente & saftie of y^e said
\ncollonies, drawen, or which, out of y^e English nation into those parts
\nhereafter, shall be drawne, to make lawes, constitutions, & ordinances,
\npertaining ether to y^e publick state of these collonies, or y^e private
\nprofite of them; and concerning y^e lands, goods, debts, & succession in
\nthose parts, and how they shall demaine them selves, towards foraigne
\nprinces, and their people, or how they shall bear them selves towards
\nus, and our subjects, as well in any foraine parts whatsoever, or on y^e
\nseas in those parts, or in their returne sayling home; or which may
\npertaine to y^e clergie govermente, or to y^e cure of soules, among y^e
\npeople ther living, and exercising trad in those parts; by designing out
\ncongruente porcions arising in tithes, oblations, & other things ther,
\naccording to your sound discretions, in politicall & civill causes; and
\nby haveing y^e advise of 2. or 3. bishops, for y^e setling, making, &
\nordering of y^e bussines, for y^e designeing of necessary
\necclesiasticall, and clargie porcions, which you shall cause to be
\ncalled, and taken to you. And to make provission against y^e violation
\nof those laws, constitutions, and ordinances, by imposing penealties &
\nmulets, imprisonmente if ther be cause, and y^t y^e quality of y^e
\noffence doe require it, by deprivation of member, or life, to be
\ninflicted. With power allso (our assente being had) to remove, &
\ndisplace y^e governours or rulers of those collonies, for causes which
\nto you shall seeme lawfull, and others in their stead to constitute; and
\nrequire an accounte of their rule & govermente, and whom you shall finde
\nculpable, either by deprivation from their place, or by imposition of a
\nmulete upon y^e goods of them in those parts to be levied, or
\nbanishmente from those provinces in w^ch they have been gove^r or
\notherwise to cashier according to y^e quantity of y^e offence. And to
\nconstitute judges, & magistrats politicall & civill, for civill causes
\nand under y^e power and forme, which to you 5. or more of you shall
\nseeme expediente. And judges & magistrats & dignities, to causes
\nEcclesiasticall, and under y^e power & forme which to you 5. or more of
\nyou, with the bishops vicegerents (provided by y^e Archbishop of
\nCounterbure for y^e time being), shall seeme expediente; and to ordaine
\ncourts, pretoriane and tribunall, as well ecclesiasticall, as civill, of
\njudgmentes; to detirmine of y^e formes and maner of procceedings in y^e
\nsame; and of appealing from them in matters & causes as well criminall,
\nas civill, personall, reale, and mixte, and to their seats of justice,
\nwhat may be equall & well ordered, and what crimes, faults, or exessess,
\nof contracts or injuries ought to belonge to y^e Ecclesiasticall courte,
\nand what to y^e civill courte, and seate of justice.<\/p>\n
Provided never y^e less, y^t the laws, ordinances, & constitutions of
\nthis kinde, shall not be put in execution, before our assent be had
\ntherunto in writing under our signet, signed at least, and this assente
\nbeing had, and y^e same publikly proclaimed in y^e provinces in which
\nthey are to be executed, we will & co[=m]and y^t those lawes,
\nordinances, and constitutions more fully to obtaine strength and be
\nobserved[FA] shall be inviolably of all men whom they shall concerne.<\/p>\n
Notwithstanding it shall be for you, or any 5. or more of you, (as is
\nafforsaid,) allthough those lawes, constitutions, and ordinances shalbe
\nproclaimed with our royall assente, to chainge, revocke, & abrogate
\nthem, and other new ones, in forme afforsaid, from time to time frame
\nand make as afforesaid; and to new evills arissing, or new dangers, to
\napply new remedyes as is fitting, so often as to you it shall seeme
\nexpediente. Furthermore you shall understand that we have constituted
\nyou, and every 5. or more of you, the afforesaid Archbishop of
\nCounterburie, Thomas Lord Coventrie, Keeper of y^e Great Seale of
\nEngland, Richard, Bishop of Yorke, Richard, Earle of Portland, Henery,
\nEarle of Manchester, Thomas, Earle of Arundale & Surry, Edward, Earell
\nof Dorsett, Francis Lord Cottinton, S^r Thomas Edmonds,[FB] knighte, S^r
\nHenry Vane, knight, S^r Francis Windebanke, knight, our comissioners to
\nhear, & determine, according to your sound discretions, all maner of
\ncomplaints either against those collonies, or their rulers, or
\ngovenours, at y^e instance of y^e parties greeved, or at their
\naccusation brought concerning injuries from hence, or from thence,
\nbetweene them, & their members to be moved, and to call y^e parties
\nbefore you; and to the parties or to their procurators, from hence, or
\nfrom thence being heard y^e full complemente of justice to be exhibted.
\nGiving unto you, or any 5. or more of you power, y^t if you shall find
\nany of y^e collonies afforesaid, or any of y^e cheefe rulers upon y^e
\njurisdictions of others by unjust possession, or usurpation, or one
\nagainst another making greevance, or in rebelion against us, or
\nwithdrawing from our alegance, or our comandments, not obeying,
\nconsultation first with us in y^t case had, to cause those colonies, or
\ny^e rulers of them, for y^e causes afforesaid, or for other just
\ncauses, either to returne to England, or to comand them to other places
\ndesigned, even as according to your sounde discretions it shall seeme to
\nstand with equitie, & justice, or necessitie. Moreover, we doe give unto
\nyou, & any 5. or more of you, power & spetiall co[=m]and over all y^e
\ncharters, leters patents, and rescripts royall, of y^e regions,
\nprovinces, ilands, or lands in foraigne parts, granted for raising
\ncolonies, to cause them to be brought before you, & y^e same being
\nreceived, if any thing surrepticiously or unduly have been obtained, or
\ny^t by the same priviledges, liberties, & prerogatives hurtfull to us,
\nor to our crowne, or to foraigne princes, have been prejudicially
\nsuffered, or granted; the same being better made knowne unto you 5. or
\nmore of you, to co[=m]and them according to y^e laws and customs of
\nEngland to be revoked, and to doe such other things, which to y^e
\nprofite & safgard of y^e afforesaid collonies, and of our subjects
\nresidente in y^e same, shall be necessary. And therfore we doe co[=m]and
\nyou that aboute y^e premisses at days & times, which for these things
\nyou shall make provission, that you be diligente in attendance, as it
\nbecometh you; giving in precepte also, & firmly injoyning, we doe give
\nco[=m]and to all and singuler cheefe rulers of provinces into which y^e
\ncolonies afforesaid have been drawne, or shall be drawne, & concerning
\ny^e colonies themselves, & concerning others, y^t have been interest
\ntherein, y^t they give atendance upon you, and be observante and
\nobediente unto your warrants in those affaires, as often as, and even as
\nin our name they shall be required, at their perill. In testimoney
\nwherof, we have caused these our letters to be made pattente. Wittnes
\nour selfe at Westminster the 28. day of Aprill, in y^e tenth year of our
\nRaigne.<\/p>\n
By write from y^e privie seale,
\nWILLIES.<\/p>\n
Anno Dom: 1634.<\/p>\n
INDEX.<\/p>\n
Index<\/p>\n
Abdas, an Indian, 525.<\/p>\n
Accord Pond, 442.<\/p>\n
Acoughcouss, 445.<\/p>\n
Adventurers. See _Merchant Adventurers_.<\/p>\n
Alden. John, arrested in Massachusetts, 379.
\nParty to contract, 452, 458.
\nSettlement with, 478, 481.
\nFamily, 533, 536, 539.<\/p>\n
Alden, Robert, 256.<\/p>\n
Allerton, Bartholomew, 531, 535.<\/p>\n
Allerton, Isaac, 62.
\nAssistant, 121, 242.
\nGoes to England, 252, 267, 274, 313, 328.
\nAgreement with, 254 _et seq._, 271, 272.
\nBrings over Mr. Rogers, 292.
\nMarries Elder Brewster’s daughter, 305.
\nDischarged, 329, 333, 358.
\nDisciplined by church, 349.
\nDisregards his bond, 357, 362.
\nReferred to, 276, 278-280, 294, 296, 297, 300-303, 305-312, 318-327,
\n335, 336, 340-350, 357-359, 361, 363-369, 375, 394, 432, 436, 452.
\nFamily, 531.<\/p>\n
Allerton, John, 533, 539.<\/p>\n
Allerton, Mary, 531, 353.<\/p>\n
Allerton, Remember, 531, 535.<\/p>\n
Alltham, Emanuel, 256.<\/p>\n
Amsterdam, 23, 66, 70, 73.<\/p>\n
Anabaptistry, 461.<\/p>\n
Andrews, Richard, adventurer, 256.
\nUndertaker, 275, 279, 296, 307, 333, 342, 343, 394.
\nBeaver sent to, 431, 435.
\nTakes land at Scituate, 439.
\nSettlement with, 452.
\nLetter to Freeman, 482.
\nReferred to, 410, 412, 414, 436, 447.<\/p>\n
Andrews, Thomas, adventurer, 256.<\/p>\n
Ann. See _Cape Ann_.<\/p>\n
Anne, ship, 168, 171, 177, 215.<\/p>\n
Anthony, Lawrence, 256.<\/p>\n
Aquidnett Island, 434, 461, 515.<\/p>\n
Argoll, Captain, 47, 48.<\/p>\n
Arminians, 27, 28.<\/p>\n
Arnold, Benedict, 514, 525.<\/p>\n
Ashley, Edward, 307.
\nHis patent and business, 308 _et seq._
\nSends beaver home, 318, 326.
\nTrades with Indians, 327.
\nReferred to, 333, 335, 337, 339, 346, 349.
\nHis death, 328.<\/p>\n
Assistants at Plymouth, 121, 187.<\/p>\n
Atwood, John, agent for Sherley, 449 _et seq._
\nSherley’s letter to, 479.<\/p>\n
Aulney, Monsieur d.’, captures Penobscot, 395, 513.<\/p>\n
Aurelius, Marcus, 24.<\/p>\n
Awasequin, chief, 518, 525.<\/p>\n
Awashawe, Indian, 523.<\/p>\n
Babb, Mr., 412<\/p>\n
Baker, master of the Charity, 202.<\/p>\n
Baptism, differences respecting, 457, 461.<\/p>\n
Barnstable, 444.<\/p>\n
Bass, Edward, 255, 256.<\/p>\n
Beastliness, 459 _et seq._<\/p>\n
Beauchamp, John, 138, 141, 255, 256, 275, 276, 296.
\nPatent in his name, 307.
\nReferred to, 333, 342, 343, 368, 394, 412, 414, 431, 435, 439, 451.
\nSettlement with, 452.<\/p>\n
Bellingham, Richard, deputy governor of Massachusetts, 399.
\nLetters from, 400, 461.<\/p>\n
Billirike (Billerica), Pilgrims came from, 69.<\/p>\n
Billington, Elen, 532.<\/p>\n
Billington, Francis, 532.<\/p>\n
Billington, John, 218.
\nLoses himself, 123.
\nTried for murder and executed, 329.
\nFamily, 532, 537.<\/p>\n
Billington, John, Jr., 532.<\/p>\n
Blackwell, Sir Francis, 47-50, 54.<\/p>\n
Block Island, 418, 421.<\/p>\n
Blossom, Thomas, 374.<\/p>\n
Boston in England, 16.<\/p>\n
Boston in New England, 342, 354, 383, 417, 501, 518.<\/p>\n
Bound Brook, 442.<\/p>\n
Bradford, Dorothy, 531, 535.<\/p>\n
Bradford, Wm., begins writing, 9.
\nW. B., 62.
\nChosen governor, 121.
\nIllness, 111, 121.
\nLetter to Weston, 131.
\nLetter from Weston, 142.
\nLetter from Pickering and Greene, 144, 272.
\nWith others appoints Sherley and Beauchamp agents, 278.
\nPatent at Kennebec, 376.
\nSurrenders patent, 444.
\nLetter from, 462.
\nFamily, 531, 535.<\/p>\n
Bradstreet, Simon, 399, 513.<\/p>\n
Brewer, Thomas, 60, 256.<\/p>\n
Brewster, Jonathan, letter from, 403.<\/p>\n
Brewster, Love, 531, 535.<\/p>\n
Brewster, Mary, 531.<\/p>\n
Brewster, Wm., Elder, 14.
\nGoes to Holland, 22.
\nAssistant to Robinson, 24.
\nCorrespondence with Sandys and Worstenholme, 40-45.
\nAs to going to America, 53.
\nLabors for sick, 111.
\nLetters from Pickering, Greene and Weston, 144-146.
\nLetter from Robinson, 198.
\nLetter from Roger White, 248.
\nReferred to, 153, 205, 208, 278, 380, 452.
\nDies, 487.
\nCharacter, 488 _et seq._
\nFamily, 531, 535.<\/p>\n
Brewster, Wrestling, 531, 535.<\/p>\n
Bristol, England, 320, 333, 338, 340, 347, 359.<\/p>\n
Britteridge, Richard, 535, 538.<\/p>\n
Brook, Lord, 378.<\/p>\n
Brown, John, 513, 525.<\/p>\n
Brown, Peter, 533, 525.<\/p>\n
Browning, Henry, 256.<\/p>\n
Brownists, 238.<\/p>\n
Button, Wm., dies, 93.
\nFamily, 532.<\/p>\n
Callicote, Sergeant, 525.<\/p>\n
Calvin, John, 7.<\/p>\n
Capawack, 117, 125, 148.<\/p>\n
Cape Ann, patent for, 192.
\nMentioned, 202, 204, 237, 265.<\/p>\n
Cape Cod, 90.
\nArrive at, 93.
\nExplore bay of, 101.
\nFrench ship lost on, 118.
\nMentioned, 97, 123, 127, 132, 148, 153, 154, 186, 231, 261, 266.<\/p>\n
Carter, Robert, 532.<\/p>\n
Carver, John, agent to England, 40.
\nDeacon, 40.
\nLetter from Staresmore, 50;
\nfrom Robinson, 58;
\nfrom S. F. _et al._, 61;
\nfrom Cushman, 69;
\nfrom Robinson, 77;
\nfrom Weston, 128, 137, 140.
\nKeeps letter, 66.
\nChosen governor, 109.
\nMentioned, 50, 54, 58, 61, 63, 67-70, 76, 131.
\nAt Southampton, 74.
\nDies, 121.
\nFamily, 531, 534.<\/p>\n
Carver, Kathrine, 531, 534.<\/p>\n
Cattle, first arrival of, 189.<\/p>\n
Cawsumsett Neck, 445.<\/p>\n
Charity, ship, 190, 207.<\/p>\n
Charles I., commission by, for regulating plantations, 249, 540.<\/p>\n
Charles River, 440.<\/p>\n
Charlestown, 441.<\/p>\n
Charlton, 116.<\/p>\n
Chauncey, Charles, invited to Plymouth, 456, 458.
\nLetter from, 467.<\/p>\n
Chilton, James, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Chilton, Mary, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Chinnough, an Indian, 513.<\/p>\n
Christmas at Plymouth, 134.<\/p>\n
Church covenant, 331.<\/p>\n
Clapham, 411, 451.<\/p>\n
Clarke, pilot of the Mayflower, 67.<\/p>\n
Clarke, Richard, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Clifton, Rev. Richard, 14.<\/p>\n
Cobiseconte, 376.<\/p>\n
Coddington, Wm., 332, 399.<\/p>\n
Cohasset, 442.<\/p>\n
Collier, Wm., 256, 340, 367.
\nSherley’s agent, 449.<\/p>\n
Colonies of New England, confederation of, 496.<\/p>\n
Commissioners for the plantation, 540.
\nWinslow petitions the, 390.<\/p>\n
Compact of the Pilgrims, 109.<\/p>\n
Connecticut, 371, 386, 387, 391, 402, 405, 415, 419, 424, 430, 506, 509.<\/p>\n
Cooke, Francis, 532, 537, 539.<\/p>\n
Cooke, John, 532, 537, 539.<\/p>\n
Cooke, Lord, 50.<\/p>\n
Cooper, Humility, 532, 537.<\/p>\n
Coppin, Robert, Mayflower pilot, deceived, 104.<\/p>\n
Corbitant takes Squanto, 124, 136.<\/p>\n
Corn. See _Indian Corn_.<\/p>\n
Cotton, Rev. John, 332.<\/p>\n
Coventry, Thomas, 256.<\/p>\n
Crabe, Rev. Mr., 71.<\/p>\n
Crackston, John, family, 532, 536.<\/p>\n
Cromwell, Thomas, Captain, and his crew, 526, 527.<\/p>\n
Crose, Daniel, murderer, escapes, 432.<\/p>\n
Cushman, Mary, 539.<\/p>\n
Cushman, Robert, agent to England, 40.
\nLetters from, 46-49.
\nLetter from S. F. _et al._, 61, 62.
\nLetters to S F. _et al._, 63-68;
\nto John Carver, 69;
\nto Ed. S., 86-90.
\nComes in the Fortune, 126.
\nCondemns Weston’s colonists, 147.
\nLetters from, 172, 191.
\nMentioned, 49, 50, 54, 58, 60, 69, 74-76, 85, 137.
\nHis death, 249.<\/p>\n
Cutshamakin, 522, 525.<\/p>\n
Damariscove Islands, 137, 187, 228, 251.<\/p>\n
Dartmouth, England, 83, 86, 90.<\/p>\n
Davenport, Lieutenant, 428.<\/p>\n
Davidson, Wm., 488.<\/p>\n
Davis, John, Sergeant, 514.<\/p>\n
Delft-Haven, 72.<\/p>\n
Dennison, Wm., 343.<\/p>\n
Dermer, Captain, 115, 118.<\/p>\n
Dorchester, 402, 406.<\/p>\n
Doty, Edward, 532, 539.<\/p>\n
Dudley, Thomas, 232, 342.
\nLetter from, 379.
\nMentioned, 384, 399, 504.<\/p>\n
Dumer, Richard, 399.<\/p>\n
Dutch, 54, 196.
\nSend letters, 281.
\nMentioned, 370, 372-374, 388.<\/p>\n
Dutch letter, 268.<\/p>\n
Dutchman at Hull, 17, 18, 409.<\/p>\n
Duxbury, 362, 444, 457, 458, 474.<\/p>\n
Earthquake in 438, 437.<\/p>\n
Eaton, Francis, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Eaton, Samuel, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Eaton, Sarah, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Eaton, Theoph., 504, 513, 525.<\/p>\n
Elizabeth, Queen, 7.<\/p>\n
Ely, seaman of Mayflower, 533.<\/p>\n
Endicott, John, arrival of, with patent for Massachusetts, 286-314.
\nLetter to Governor Bradford, 315, 442.<\/p>\n
English, Thomas, seaman on the Mayflower, 533, 539.<\/p>\n
Episcopius, 28.<\/p>\n
Ewangsos, an Indian, 523.<\/p>\n
Exeter jail, 303.<\/p>\n
Falcon, ship, 410.<\/p>\n
Familism, 461.<\/p>\n
Farrar, Sir George, 63.<\/p>\n
Fast, in Holland, 52;
\nin Plymouth, 170.<\/p>\n
Fells, Mr., 264, 265.<\/p>\n
Fenwick, George, 504, 513, 525.<\/p>\n
Fitcher, Lieutenant, at Merry-Mount, 284, 285.<\/p>\n
Fleet Prison, 328, 393, 447.<\/p>\n
Fletcher, Moses, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Fletcher, Thomas, 256.<\/p>\n
Florida, 37.<\/p>\n
Fogg, 339.<\/p>\n
Fort Orange, now Albany, 282.<\/p>\n
Fortune, arrival of the, 126.
\nDeparts, 133, 142.<\/p>\n
France, 147, 148, 448.<\/p>\n
Freeman, Edmund, 451, 456.<\/p>\n
French robbery at Penobscot, 350.<\/p>\n
French ship lost on Cape Cod, 118, 137.<\/p>\n
Friendship, ship, 320, 328, 329, 333, 336, 338, 342, 343, 346, 347,
\n358, 360, 413, 455.<\/p>\n
Fuller, Edward, and family, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Fuller, Samuel, letter from, 61.
\nLetters from Cushman, 63-68.
\nMentioned, 93, 220, 315.
\nHis death, 374.
\nFamily, 532, 535.<\/p>\n
Furnival’s Inn, 284.<\/p>\n
Galopp, John, 429.<\/p>\n
Gardenar, Richard, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 352 _et seq._<\/p>\n
Gibbons commands, 518.<\/p>\n
Gibbs, Mr., mate of the Sparrow, 275.<\/p>\n
Girling, expedition of, to recover Penobscot, 396.<\/p>\n
Glover, Rev. Mr., 408.<\/p>\n
Goffe, Thomas, 256, 275.<\/p>\n
Goodman, John, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Goodyeare, Stephen, 525.<\/p>\n
Gorges, Sir Ferdinand, 115, 180, 300, 329, 355, 391.<\/p>\n
Gorges, Robert, grant to, 178.
\nMeets Mr. Weston, 179.
\nArrests him, 183.
\nReturns to England, 184.<\/p>\n
Gorton, Samuel, 528<\/p>\n
Gosnold, Captain, names Cape Cod, 94.<\/p>\n
Gott, Charles, 316.<\/p>\n
Granger, Thomas, 474.<\/p>\n
Graves, Mr., 412.<\/p>\n
Greene, Wm., 143, 144.<\/p>\n
Green’s harbor, 362.<\/p>\n
Gregson, Thomas, 504, 513.<\/p>\n
Greville, Sir Fulke, 46.<\/p>\n
Griffin, Mr., 412.<\/p>\n
Grimsbe and Hull, 18.<\/p>\n
Gudburn, Peter, 256.<\/p>\n
Guiana, 36, 55.<\/p>\n
Hall, Mr., 410.<\/p>\n
Hampton, 332.<\/p>\n
Hanson, Captain, 183.<\/p>\n
Hartford, 501, 510.<\/p>\n
Hatherly, Timothy, 256, 296, 307, 309.
\nArrives in Massachusetts Bay, 319-329, 334, 335, 340.
\nAffirms by oath, 342, 343, 345.
\nAt Bristol, 347.
\nAgain comes to America, 360, 439.<\/p>\n
Hathorne, Wm., 513.<\/p>\n
Haynes, John, governor of Massachusetts, 399.<\/p>\n
Heath, Thomas, 256.<\/p>\n
Hedgehog, fable of the, 211.<\/p>\n
Hendrick, Prince, 249.<\/p>\n
Hibbins, Wm., 479.<\/p>\n
Higginson, Francis, 317.<\/p>\n
Hingham, 439.
\nBoundaries of, 440, 442.<\/p>\n
Hobbamok, an Indian, 123-125, 135-137.<\/p>\n
Hobson, Wm., 256.<\/p>\n
Hocking, killed at the Kennebec, 377-384.<\/p>\n
Holbeck, Wm., 532.<\/p>\n
Holland, 15, 22, 30, 34, 42, 69, 71, 374, 393, 490.<\/p>\n
Holland, Robert, 243, 256.<\/p>\n
Hooke, John, 531, 535.<\/p>\n
Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 234.<\/p>\n
Hopkins, Constanta, 532, 536.<\/p>\n
Hopkins, Damaris, 532.<\/p>\n
Hopkins, Edward, 504, 513, 525.<\/p>\n
Hopkins, Elizabeth, 532, 536.<\/p>\n
Hopkins, Giles, 536.<\/p>\n
Hopkins, Oceanus, born at sea, 532.<\/p>\n
Hopkins, Stephen, 122.
\nVisits Massasoit, 122.
\nFamily, 532, 536.<\/p>\n
Houghe, Atherton, 399.<\/p>\n
Howland, Elizabeth, 534.<\/p>\n
Howland, John, falls overboard, 92, 452.
\nFamily, 531, 534.<\/p>\n
Hubbard, Wm., historian, 329.<\/p>\n
Huddleston, John, letter from, 150, 151.<\/p>\n
Hudson, Thomas, 256.<\/p>\n
Hudson’s Bay, 196.<\/p>\n
Hudson’s River, 13.<\/p>\n
Hull, 17, 18.<\/p>\n
Humber River, 441.<\/p>\n
Humfray, John, 399.<\/p>\n
Hunt, Thomas, Captain, captor of Squanto, 115, 116.<\/p>\n
Hunter, Rev. Joseph, 151, 197.<\/p>\n
Hurricane at Plymouth, 401.<\/p>\n
Indian corn, 100.
\nPilgrims take, and later pay for, 100, 123.
\nSquanto teaches how to plant, 120.
\nIndians raise more, 122.
\nPilgrims do not yet know how to raise, 152.
\nSeveral hogs-heads secured, 155.
\nEach man to plant for himself, 162.
\nWomen and children set, 162.
\nFear about supply, 176.<\/p>\n
Indians, expected danger from, 34, 95.
\nFirst seen, 98.
\nTheir corn found, 99.
\nAbout a grampus, 101.
\nFirst alarm of, 102-104, 106.
\nSkulking, 113.
\nMentioned, 119, 123, 127, 134, 136, 156, 157.
\nResolve to destroy western people, 158.
\nMentioned, 232, 253, 262.
\nValue of wampum, 282.
\nTaught by Morton, 286.<\/p>\n
—- Long Island, sachems of, 428.<\/p>\n
—- Mohawks, 427.
\nKill Sassacus, 430.
\nMentioned, 514.<\/p>\n
—- Monhiggs beat the Narragansetts, 430.<\/p>\n
—- Narragansetts, 123, 133, 135, 136, 148, 152, 186, 282, 416, 423,
\n424, 426, 430, 433 496, 505.
\nAgreement with, 521.<\/p>\n
—- Neepnetts, 429.<\/p>\n
—- Nyanticks, 512, 518.
\nAgreement with, 521.<\/p>\n
—- Pequots, 232, 282, 371, 415, 416, 418.
\nAttack English, 419, 420, 423-426, 430, 496, 505.<\/p>\n
Innemo, Indian chief, 518.<\/p>\n
Irish servants, 264.<\/p>\n
Isle of Shoals, 291.<\/p>\n
Jackson, Thomas, executed, 432.<\/p>\n
James, a physician, 434.<\/p>\n
James I., 13.
\nDies, 219.
\nNamed, 356.<\/p>\n
James, ship, 192.<\/p>\n
Jeffrey, Sergeant, 328.<\/p>\n
Jenemo and Wipelock, 523.<\/p>\n
Johnson, Rev. Francis, 48, 49.<\/p>\n
Johnson, Mr., 330, 332.<\/p>\n
Johnsone, alderman, 47.<\/p>\n
Jonas, 525.<\/p>\n
Jones, captain of the Discovery, 153.<\/p>\n
Jones, captain of the Mayflower, 83.<\/p>\n
Kean, Robert, 255, 256.<\/p>\n
Kennebec, load of corn sent up the, 246.
\nMentioned, 267, 280, 282, 293, 300, 311, 326, 348, 379, 407, 421, 437.
\nPatent at, 376.<\/p>\n
Kent, 70.<\/p>\n
King, Wm., 89.<\/p>\n
Knight, Eliza, 256.<\/p>\n
Knight, John, 256.<\/p>\n
Knowles, Myles, 256.<\/p>\n
Land’s End, 84.<\/p>\n
Langemore, John, 532.<\/p>\n
Langrume, master of a ship, 410, 412.<\/p>\n
Latham, Wm., 531, 534.<\/p>\n
LaTour, French governor, 513.<\/p>\n
Laud, Wm., archbishop, 391, 392.<\/p>\n
Lee, Lord, 430.<\/p>\n
Levett, Christopher, 179.<\/p>\n
Leyden, 23, 54, 56, 66, 70.
\nDeparture thence, 71.
\nMentioned, 85, 96, 130, 143, 148, 189, 216, 249, 271, 293, 314.<\/p>\n
Lincoln, Countess of, 51.<\/p>\n
Lincolnshire, 13, 16.<\/p>\n
Ling, John, 256.<\/p>\n
Lister, Edward, 532, 539.<\/p>\n
London, 69, 72, 73, 84, 86, 115, 195, 244.
\nPlague in, 246, 357, 410.<\/p>\n
London bridge, fire on, 367.<\/p>\n
Low countries, 22, 26, 121, 296, 448, 489.<\/p>\n
Ludlow, Mr., 428, 509.<\/p>\n
Lyford, John, arrives, 204.
\nLetters intercepted, 207, 208.
\nSets up a public meeting, 209.
\nCited before the court, 210.
\nMentioned, 213, 215, 219, 238, 292.
\nHis acknowledgment, 220.
\nWrites to adventurers, 221.
\nTheir opinion of him, 223 _et seq._, 227, 229, 230.
\nCensured, 232.
\nFacts concerning, 232 _et seq._
\nGoes to Nantasket, 236. Dies, 237.<\/p>\n
Lyon, ship, 363.<\/p>\n
Maggner, Mr., 47.<\/p>\n
Mahue, Mr., 360.<\/p>\n
Malabar, Cape, 94.<\/p>\n
Manamoick (Chatham), 117, 125, 155, 262.<\/p>\n
Manoanscussett, 281, 415.<\/p>\n
Manomet (Sandwich), 123.
\nPinace built at, 266.
\nMentioned, 281, 402.<\/p>\n
Margeson, Edmond, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Marriage, first, at Plymouth, 121.
\nBy magistrates, 393.<\/p>\n
Marshfield, 444, 458.<\/p>\n
Martin, Christopher, 69, 70, 76, 87, 88, 532, 536.<\/p>\n
Martyr, Peter, 164.<\/p>\n
Mary, Queen, 7, 352.<\/p>\n
Mary, Queen of Scots, 489.<\/p>\n
Mary and Anne, 435.<\/p>\n
Mason, Captain, with Gorges, 355, 391, 392.<\/p>\n
Mason, John, Captain, and the Pequots, 428, 518.<\/p>\n
Massachusetts, location of, 117.
\nBay, 149, 232, 265, 295.
\nGorges arrives in Bay, 178, 181.
\nArrival of Ralfe Smith, 314.
\nMr. Pierce and Mr. Hatherley come, 319, 320, 330, 342.
\nGardiner in, 352, 361.
\nRoger Williams comes, 369.
\nMentioned, 371, 372, 382, 383, 403, 416, 419, 433.
\nBoundaries between Massachusetts and Plymouth, 447.<\/p>\n
Massasoit visits Plymouth, 114.
\nTreaty with, 114.
\nEmbassy to, 122.
\nSends word concerning Billington, 123-125, 134, 136.
\nSeeks Squanto’s life, 137.
\nIs sick, 158.<\/p>\n
Masterson, Richard, 50, 374.<\/p>\n
Maurice, Grave, dies, 249.<\/p>\n
Mayflower, 296.<\/p>\n
May-pole at Merry-Mount, 285, 286.<\/p>\n
Meekesano, 525.<\/p>\n
Merchant adventurers, agreement with, 70, 76.
\nWeston and the, 138, 143.
\nAs to Lyford, 234.
\nBroken up, 237.
\nNames of, 256.<\/p>\n
Merrimac River, 160.<\/p>\n
Merry-Mount, 284.<\/p>\n
Miantonimo, 505, 512.<\/p>\n
Milford-Haven, 348.<\/p>\n
Millsop, Thomas, 256.<\/p>\n
Minter, Desire, 531, 534.<\/p>\n
Mixano, 518.<\/p>\n
Monhegan, 148, 185, 251.<\/p>\n
Mononotto, an Indian, and his wife, 429, 430.<\/p>\n
More, Ellen, 531.<\/p>\n
More, Jasper, 531, 534.<\/p>\n
More, Richard, 531, 533.<\/p>\n
Morrell, Wm., Rev., comes with Robert Gorges, 185.<\/p>\n
Morton, George, 59.<\/p>\n
Morton, Thomas, at Mount Wollaston, 284 _et seq._
\nArrested, 291, 302.
\nImprisoned in Boston, 303, 392.<\/p>\n
Mott, Thomas, 256.<\/p>\n
Mount Wollaston, 284 _et seq._<\/p>\n
Mullines, Joseph, 532, 536.<\/p>\n
Mullines, Priscila, 532, 536, 539.<\/p>\n
Mullines, Wm., 76.
\nFamily, 532, 536.<\/p>\n
Nacata, 445.<\/p>\n
Naemschatet, 445.<\/p>\n
Namasket, 116.<\/p>\n
Namassakett, 124.<\/p>\n
Namskeket Creek, 263.<\/p>\n
Nantasket, 236, 289.<\/p>\n
Narragansetts. See _Indians_.<\/p>\n
Nash, Mr., 61, 62.<\/p>\n
Natawanute, 373.<\/p>\n
Naumkeag (Salem), 235, 316.<\/p>\n
Naunton, Sir Robert, 38.<\/p>\n
Nauset (Eastham), 116, 123, 444.<\/p>\n
Nequamkeck, falls of, 376.<\/p>\n
Newbald, Fria, 256.<\/p>\n
New-comin, John, killed by Billington, 330.<\/p>\n
New England, 109, 115.
\nGrant from council of, 167, 169, 178, 245.
\nConfederation of plantations of, 496.<\/p>\n
Newfoundland, 115.<\/p>\n
New Haven, 458, 500-502, 509, 521.<\/p>\n
Newtown, 399, 407.<\/p>\n
Norton, Captain, 386.<\/p>\n
Norton, Rev. John, 408.<\/p>\n
Norway, 19.<\/p>\n
Nottinghamshire, 13.<\/p>\n
Novatians, 9.<\/p>\n
Nowell, Increase, 399.<\/p>\n
Nyanticks. See _Indians_.<\/p>\n
Old-comers, 444.<\/p>\n
Oldham, John, 206, 208.
\nResists Captain Standish, 209.
\nCited before the court, 210.
\nNamed, 216, 218, 219.
\nComes again, 229.
\nSent away, 230.
\nConfesses, 231.
\nKilled, 232.
\nMentioned, 237, 417, 418.<\/p>\n
Oporto, 327, 343.<\/p>\n
Orania (Orange) fort, 282.<\/p>\n
Ossamequine, 522.<\/p>\n
Ouse River, 441.<\/p>\n
Paddy, Wm., 456.<\/p>\n
Pampiamett, 513.<\/p>\n
Paragon, ship, sent out by John Peirce, 166-168.<\/p>\n
Partridge, Ralph, discusses baptism with Chauncey, 457.
\nLetter from, 466.<\/p>\n
Passaconaway, 522.<\/p>\n
Passengers in the Mayflower, 531 _et seq._<\/p>\n
Patrick, Captain, 328.<\/p>\n
Patucket River, 445.<\/p>\n
Patuxet (Plymouth), 116.<\/p>\n
Peach, Arthur, executed for murder, 432.<\/p>\n
Peirce, Wm., master of Paragon, 169.
\nMaster of the Anne, 171, 186, 202, 207, 216.
\nComes from England, 230, 232, 234, 308, 319, 333, 361, 363.
\nLetter from Virginia, 365-367, 412, 414.
\nCarries Indians to West Indies, 429.<\/p>\n
Pelham, Herbert, 525.<\/p>\n
Pemaquid, 401.<\/p>\n
Pemberton, John, 208.<\/p>\n
Pennington, Wm., 256.<\/p>\n
Penobscot, 116, 309, 326, 333, 349, 350, 382, 395, 400.<\/p>\n
Pequots. See _Indians_.<\/p>\n
Perkins, Mr., 9.<\/p>\n
Perrin, Wm., 256.<\/p>\n
Pessecuss, an Indian, 520, 524, 525.<\/p>\n
Peters, Hugh, 479 _et seq._<\/p>\n
Pickering, Edward, 58, 60, 138, 140, 143.
\nLetter to Bradford and Brewster, 144, 145.<\/p>\n
Pierce, John, 76, 143.
\nLikes not Weston’s company, 148.
\nSends the Paragon, 166 _et seq._
\nCharter taken in name of, 167.<\/p>\n
Pilgrims resolve to go to the low countries, 14.
\nFate of families left behind, 20.
\nRemove to Leyden, 23.
\nObtain patent from Virginia company, 50, 51.
\nAgreement with Weston and merchant adventurers, 56, 70.
\nTheir vessels, 71, 72.
\nChoose governor and assistants, 83.
\nSail, 83.
\nPut back, 83.
\nDismiss the Speedwell, 84.
\nList of the, in the Mayflower, 531 _et seq._
\nDescry Cape Cod, 93.
\nGive thanks, 94.
\nFirst see Indians, 98.
\nFind kettle and Indian corn, 99.
\nFirst encounter with Indians, 102.
\nLay out house lots, 107.
\nTheir compact, 109.
\nChoose John Carver governor, 109.
\nVisited by Samoset, 113;
\nby Squanto and Massasoit, 114.
\nTreaty with Massasoit, 114.
\nHarvest, 127, 152.
\nTheir meeting house, 152.<\/p>\n
Pinchon, 399, 404.<\/p>\n
Piscataqua River, 160, 251, 267, 377, 383.<\/p>\n
Plague in London, 246, 357.<\/p>\n
Plantations, commission for regulating, 249, 540.<\/p>\n
Pliny, 201.<\/p>\n
Plymouth, Eng., Pilgrims put into, 84, 244.<\/p>\n
Plymouth, N. E., 1, 90, 116, 117, 127, 160, 251, 314, 332, 349, 363,
\n380.
\nBounds between, and Massachusetts, 442.<\/p>\n
Pocock, John, 256.<\/p>\n
Point Care, 94.<\/p>\n
Point Peril, 445.<\/p>\n
Pokanokets, 116.<\/p>\n
Poliander, John, 28.<\/p>\n
Portsmouth, 169, 244, 246.<\/p>\n
Pory, John, secretary, 153.<\/p>\n
Powows, 118.<\/p>\n
Poynton, Daniel, 256.<\/p>\n
Preist, Digerie, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Prince, Thos., chosen governor, 375, 432.
\nMentioned, 380, 381, 452, 525.<\/p>\n
Prices of live stock, 436.<\/p>\n
Providence, 515.<\/p>\n
Prower, Salamon, 532.<\/p>\n
Punham, 522.<\/p>\n
Pummunish, 513, 525.<\/p>\n
Puritans, name, 8.<\/p>\n
Quarles, Wm., 256.<\/p>\n
Rasdell, Mr., at Mt. Wollaston, 284.<\/p>\n
Rasieres, Isaac de, 269.
\nReply to his letter, 270, 281.<\/p>\n
Rayner, John, Rev., 419, 457.
\nLetter from, 464.<\/p>\n
Rehoboth, 444.<\/p>\n
Revell, John, 256.<\/p>\n
Reynolds, 67.
\nCaptain of the Speedwell, 83.
\nPuts back twice, 83, 84.
\nReferred to, 147, 208.<\/p>\n
Rigdale, Alice, 533, 537.<\/p>\n
Rigdale, John, 533, 537.<\/p>\n
Riggs, Sergeant, 328.<\/p>\n
Robinson, John, Rev., 14.
\nGoes to Holland, 22-24, 27.
\nDisputes with Arminius, 28.
\nCorrespondence with Sir Edwin Sandys, 40-43;
\nwith Sir John Worstenholm, 43-46, 48, 54.
\nLetters to John Carver, 58-61, 77, 78;
\nto Pilgrims, 78-82, 88, 130, 153.
\nLetter to Governor Bradford, 197;
\nto Wm. Brewster, 198, 216, 238.
\nDead, 247 _et seq._<\/p>\n
Rogers, Mr., at Plymouth, 292.<\/p>\n
Rogers, Joseph, 533, 537.<\/p>\n
Rogers, Thomas, 533, 537.<\/p>\n
Rome, 25, 66.<\/p>\n
Rookes, Newman, 256.<\/p>\n
Sagadahoc, wreck at, 251.<\/p>\n
Salem, 235, 295, 316, 317, 330, 370, 383.<\/p>\n
Salt-making, 191, 192, 203.<\/p>\n
Saly (Saller), 245.<\/p>\n
Samoset visits Plymouth, 113.<\/p>\n
Samson, Henry, 532, 537.<\/p>\n
Sanders, John, chief of Weston’s men, 155.<\/p>\n
Sandwich, 444.<\/p>\n
Sandys, Sir Edwin, letter from, 40-43, 46.
\nGovernor of Virginia company, 47.<\/p>\n
Sassacus, sachem, 427.
\nKilled, 430.<\/p>\n
Satucket, 116.<\/p>\n
Say, Lord, 378, 384.<\/p>\n
Scituate, 440-444, 458.<\/p>\n
Scotland, 448.<\/p>\n
Scott, false, 351.<\/p>\n
Scurvy, Pilgrims suffer from, 110.<\/p>\n
Seekonk, 434, 444, 518.<\/p>\n
Seneca, 94, 200.<\/p>\n
Sharpe, Samuel, 256.<\/p>\n
Sheriver, Mr., 50.<\/p>\n
Sherley, James, letters to Pilgrims, 189 _et seq._, 193, 300, 302,
\n304, 321, 333.
\nLetters to Governor Bradford, 275 _et seq._, 295.
\nLetters from, 335 _et seq._, 346, 359, 367 _et seq._, 381, 394, 410,
\n412, 450.
\nSettlement with, 452.
\nLetters to Atwood, 478;
\nto partners, 478, 485.
\nHis release, 480.
\nMentioned, 249, 255, 256, 278, 279, 293, 304, 306, 307, 309, 313,
\n318, 340, 342, 344, 347-350, 357, 360, 363, 375, 414, 415, 431,
\n435, 439, 446.<\/p>\n
Shoanan, sachem, 522.<\/p>\n
Sibsie, Mr., 220.<\/p>\n
Skelton, Samuel, 317.<\/p>\n
Small-pox among Indians on the Connecticut, 388.<\/p>\n
Smith, Francis, 514.<\/p>\n
Smith, John, 23, 94.
\nHis map, 441.<\/p>\n
Smith, John, Rev., 14, 23.<\/p>\n
Smith, Ralph, Rev., 314.
\nResigns his ministry, 418.<\/p>\n
Smith, Sir Thomas, 47.<\/p>\n
Sodomy, 459 _et seq._<\/p>\n
Sokanoke, 522.<\/p>\n
Southampton, 67.
\nArrive at, 71.
\nMentioned, 73, 87, 88, 533.<\/p>\n
Souther, Nathaniel, 456.<\/p>\n
Southworth, Edward, letter from Robt. Cushman, 86-90.<\/p>\n
Sowams, 115.<\/p>\n
Sowansett River, 445.<\/p>\n
Sowle, George, 531, 535.<\/p>\n
Spain, 115, 358.<\/p>\n
Sparrow, ship, 145.<\/p>\n
Speedwell, ship, 71, 72, 84.<\/p>\n
Squanto, history of, 113-117.
\nTeaches corn planting, 120.
\nWith embassy to Massasoit, 122.
\nMentioned, 124, 125, 130, 135, 148.
\nSeeks his own ends, 136, 137.
\nDies, 155.<\/p>\n
Stamford, 509.<\/p>\n
Standish, Myles, leads a party up Cape Cod, 98.
\nLabors for sick, 111.
\nGoes with party about Cape Cod, 155.
\nRescues some of Weston’s people, 159.
\nLyford’s opinion of, 217.
\nSent to England, 245.
\nComes home, 247, 252, 272, 278.
\nArrests Morton, 291, 379-381.
\nGoes to the Penobscot, 397.
\nMentioned, 446, 452, 458, 518, 532, 536.<\/p>\n
Standish, Rose, 532, 536.<\/p>\n
Stanton, Thomas, interpreter, 428.<\/p>\n
Staresmore, Sabin (S. B.), 46.
\nLetter to Carver, 50, 51.<\/p>\n
Stinnings, Richard, executed for murder, 432.<\/p>\n
Stone, Captain, influences governor of Dutch plantation, 385.
\nKilled, 386.
\nMentioned, 416, 418.<\/p>\n
Story, Elias, 531.<\/p>\n
Stoughton, Israel, commissioner, 442.<\/p>\n
Stoughton, Mr., 429.<\/p>\n
Straton, 339.<\/p>\n
Sturgs, Thomas, 481.<\/p>\n
Taborites, 25.<\/p>\n
Talbut, ship, 296.<\/p>\n
Tarantines, 125.<\/p>\n
Tassaquanawite, 523.<\/p>\n
Taunton, 444.<\/p>\n
Thanksgiving, first, 126.<\/p>\n
Thomas, Wm., 456.<\/p>\n
Thompson, David, at the mouth of the Piscataqua, 185, 251, 252.<\/p>\n
Thompson, Edward, 532.<\/p>\n
Thorned, Thomas, 256.<\/p>\n
Thornhill, Matthew, 256.<\/p>\n
Tilden, Joseph, 256.<\/p>\n
Tillie, Ann, 532, 537.<\/p>\n
Tillie, Edward, 532, 537.<\/p>\n
Tillie, Elizabeth, 532, 534, 537.<\/p>\n
Tillie, John, 532, 534, 537.<\/p>\n
Tinker, Thomas, 533, 537.<\/p>\n
Tirrey, Arthur, 481.<\/p>\n
Trask, Captain, 328.<\/p>\n
Trent, River, 441.<\/p>\n
Trevore, Wm., 148, 533.<\/p>\n
Trumball, Wm., 357.<\/p>\n
Tucker’s Terror, 94.<\/p>\n
Turkeys, wild, 126.<\/p>\n
Turner, John, 66, 67, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Uncas, Monhigg chief, 430, 505, 510 _et seq._, 514, 521, 523.<\/p>\n
Uncaway, 509.<\/p>\n
Union of the New England colonies, 496.<\/p>\n
Vane, Sir Harry, 419, 430.<\/p>\n
Vines, Richard, 338.<\/p>\n
Virginia, 36, 37, 41, 49, 55, 67, 86, 109, 117, 127, 138, 149, 150,
\n152, 153, 170, 181.
\nShip bound for, 261, 265, 266.
\nMentioned, 364, 385, 414.<\/p>\n
Virginia company, 38, 39, 46, 47, 54, 108.<\/p>\n
Virginia court and council, 46.<\/p>\n
Walloons, 27.<\/p>\n
Wampum, value of, 282.<\/p>\n
Ward, Thomas, 256.<\/p>\n
Warren, Richard, 532, 537.<\/p>\n
Warwick, Earl of, 300, 526.<\/p>\n
Water, first drink of, in New England, 99.<\/p>\n
Waughwamino, 524.<\/p>\n
Weequashcooke, 523.<\/p>\n
Weesagascussett, 289.<\/p>\n
Weetowish, 513, 518, 525.<\/p>\n
Weld, Thomas, 479 _et seq._<\/p>\n
West, Francis, admiral for New England, 169, 178.<\/p>\n
Weston, Andrew, 144.<\/p>\n
Weston, Thos., 52, 54-56, 59, 60, 62, 63, 67, 69, 74, 88.
\nWrites Governor Carver, 128, 129.
\nSends fishing vessel, 137.
\nLetters to Mr. Carver, 137-140.
\nLetter to Governor Bradford, 142-144.
\nRemarks in letter of Pickering and Greene, 145.
\nMentioned, 141, 146, 149, 150, 166, 178, 186, 189.
\nHis people in trouble, 154 _et seq._
\nComes in disguise, 160.
\nHis ingratitude, 161.
\nArrives with small ship, 179.
\nCited before Robert Gorges, 179 _et seq._
\nArrested, 183.
\nDies, 184.<\/p>\n
Westminster, 411.<\/p>\n
Weymouth, 442.<\/p>\n
White, Mr., counsellor, 234.<\/p>\n
White, John, Rev., 256.<\/p>\n
White, Peregrine, 532, 536.<\/p>\n
White, Resolved, 532, 536, 539.<\/p>\n
White, Roger, letter from, 248.<\/p>\n
White, Susannah, 532, 535.<\/p>\n
White, Wm., 532, 535, 536.<\/p>\n
White Angel, ship, 320, 321, 326, 328, 329, 333-335, 337, 338, 343,
\n344, 346, 350, 361, 364, 390, 394, 395, 413, 455.<\/p>\n
Wilder, Roger, 531, 534.<\/p>\n
Wilkinson, Ed., master of the Falcon, 410, 412.<\/p>\n
Willett, Thomas, agent at Penobscot, 395.<\/p>\n
Williams, Roger, 369 _et seq._
\nPacifies Indians, 434, 515.<\/p>\n
Williams, Thomas, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Willson, Mr., surgeon, 430.<\/p>\n
Wilson, John, 332.<\/p>\n
Wincot, Jacob, 51.<\/p>\n
Winnisimmet, 289.<\/p>\n
Winslow, Edward, 62.
\nVisits Massasoit, 122.
\nVisits Captain Huddleston, 151.
\nBrings cattle, 189.
\nComes from England, 230.
\nCalls Lyford a knave, 236.
\nGoes up the Kennebec, 247.
\nMentioned, 134, 177, 191, 208, 216, 234, 242, 244, 251, 278, 300,
\n312, 319, 329, 333, 336, 337, 344, 346, 350, 357, 380, 384,
\n392-394, 408, 442, 446, 452, 513, 527.
\nChosen governor, 366, 409, 507.
\nIn England, 389.
\nPetition of, 390.
\nFamily, 531, 535.<\/p>\n
Winslow, Elizabeth, 531.<\/p>\n
Winslow, Gilbert, 533, 538.<\/p>\n
Winslow, Josias, 452.<\/p>\n
Winthrop, John, 330-332, 342.
\nLetters from, 354, 417, 420, 427.
\nMentioned, 382-384, 399, 446, 504, 525.<\/p>\n
Wollaston, Captain, 283.
\nHis ventures, 284.<\/p>\n
Worstenholme, Sir John, 43, 45, 47.<\/p>\n
Wraight, Henry, 256.<\/p>\n
Yarmouth, 444, 445.<\/p>\n
Yeardley, Sir Geo., 47.<\/p>\n
Yonge, Joseph, 435.<\/p>\n
Yorkshire, 13.<\/p>\n
Zealand, 17.<\/p>\n
Ziska, 25.<\/p>\n
FOOTNOTES:<\/p>\n
[A] The Hon. Charles Francis Adams.<\/p>\n
[B] Lib. 2 Chap. 22.<\/p>\n
[C] In the text, parentheses are used frequently, apparently in place of
\ncommas. For this reason, many are omitted in the reprint.<\/p>\n
[D] Acts & Mon: pag. 1587. editi: 2.<\/p>\n
[E] Ens: lib: 6. Chap. 42.<\/p>\n
[F] Pag. 421.<\/p>\n
[G] A note of the author at this place, written subsequent to this
\nportion of the narrative, on the reverse pages of his History.<\/p>\n
[H] All these and subsequent passages are quoted from the Geneva version
\nof the Bible.<\/p>\n
[I] Em: meter: lib: 25. col. 119.<\/p>\n
[J] The reformed churches shapen much neerer y^e primitive patterne
\n_then England_, for they cashered y^e Bishops w^ith al their courts,
\ncannons, and ceremoneis, at the first; and left them amongst y^e popish
\ntr…. to [=c]h w^ch they pertained. (The last word in the note is
\nuncertain in the MS.)<\/p>\n
[K] Goulden booke, &c.<\/p>\n
[L] S^r Robert Nanton.<\/p>\n
[M] NOTE.–O sacred bond, whilst inviollably preserved! how sweete and
\nprecious were the fruits that flowed from y^e same, but when this
\nfidelity decayed, then their ruine approached. O that these anciente
\nmembers had not dyed, or been dissipated, (if it had been the will of
\nGod) or els that this holy care and constante faithfullnes had still
\nlived, and remained with those that survived, and were in times
\nafterwards added unto them. But (alass) that subtill serpente hath
\nslylie wound in himselfe under faire pretences of necessitie and y^e
\nlike, to untwiste these sacred bonds and tyes, and as it were insensibly
\nby degrees to dissolve, or in a great measure to weaken, y^e same. I
\nhave been happy, in my first times, to see, and with much comforte to
\ninjoye, the blessed fruits of this sweete communion, but it is now a
\nparte of my miserie in old age, to find and feele y^e decay and wante
\ntherof (in a great measure), and with greefe and sorrow of hart to
\nlamente & bewaile y^e same. And for others warning and admonnition, and
\nmy owne humiliation, doe I hear note y^e same.<\/p>\n
[The above reflections of the author were penned at a later period, on
\nthe reverse pages of his History, at this place.]<\/p>\n
[N] Bishops.<\/p>\n
[O] M^r. Tho: Weston, &c.<\/p>\n
[P] _Yowthers_ in the manuscript, an illegibly written word, doubtless
\nintended for “y^e others.”<\/p>\n
[Q] This word is enclosed in brackets in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
[R] In Governor Bradford’s Collection of Letters, these subscribers are
\nthus wrote out at length: SAMUEL FULLER, WILLIAM BRADFORD, ISAAC
\nALLERTON, ED. WINSLOW.–_Prince._<\/p>\n
[S] June 11. O. S. is Lord’s day, and therefore ‘t is likely the date of
\nthis letter should be June 10, the same with the date of the letter
\nfollowing.–_Prince._<\/p>\n
[T] He was a minister.<\/p>\n
[U] Of some 60 tune.<\/p>\n
[V] Heb. 11.<\/p>\n
[W] This was about 22. of July.<\/p>\n
[X] It was well for them y^t this was not accepted.<\/p>\n
[Y] This letter is omitted in Governor Bradford’s _Collection of
\nLetters._–_Prince._<\/p>\n
[Z] In Governor Bradford’s _Collection of Letters_, this is Edward
\nSouthworth.–_Prince._<\/p>\n
[AA] He was governour in y^e biger ship, & M^r. Cushman assistante.<\/p>\n
[AB] I thinke he was deceived in these things.<\/p>\n
[AC] This was found true afterward.<\/p>\n
[AD] In the manuscript it is “strive dayly,” but a pen has been drawn
\nthrough the latter word.<\/p>\n
[AE] For Governor Bradford’s list of passengers in the Mayflower, see
\nAppendix, No. I.<\/p>\n
[AF] Because y^ey tooke much of y^t fishe ther.<\/p>\n
[AG] Epist: 53.<\/p>\n
[AH] Act. 28.<\/p>\n
[AI] Deu: 26. 5, 7.<\/p>\n
[AJ] 107 Psa: v. 1, 2, 4, 5, 8.<\/p>\n
[AK] Which was this author him selfe.<\/p>\n
[AL] Page 17.<\/p>\n
[AM] _Thing_ in the manuscript<\/p>\n
[AN] She came y^e 9. to y^e Cap.<\/p>\n
[AO] Nay, they were faine to spare y^e shipe some to carry her home.<\/p>\n
[AP] _Yeeled_ in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
[AQ] _Adventures_ in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
[AR] I know not w^ch way.<\/p>\n
[AS] _Adventures_ in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
[AT] See how his promisss is fulfild.<\/p>\n
[AU] _But y^e_ [he] _left not his own men a bite of bread._<\/p>\n
[AV] The number is repeated in the Ms.<\/p>\n
[AW] Mr. Hunter writes, “Here is an error in Bradford’s pagination. He
\npasses from 79 to 90. No part of the manuscript is here lost.” 79 is
\nrepeated in the paging.<\/p>\n
[AX] _W^th_ in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
[AY] _They_ in the MS.<\/p>\n
[AZ] I may not here omite how, notwithstand all their great paines &
\nindustrie, and y^e great hops of a large cropp, the Lord seemed to
\nblast, & take away the same, and to threaten further & more sore famine
\nunto them, by a great drought which continued from y^e 3. weeke in May,
\ntill about y^e midle of July, without any raine, and with great heat
\n(for y^e most parte), insomuch as y^e corne begane to wither away,
\nthough it was set with fishe, the moysture wherof helped it much. Yet at
\nlength it begane to languish sore, and some of y^e drier grounds were
\npartched like withered hay, part wherof was never recovered. Upon which
\nthey sett a parte a solemne day of humilliation, to seek y^e Lord by
\nhumble & fervente prayer, in this great distrese. And he was pleased to
\ngive them a gracious & speedy answer, both to their owne, & the Indeans
\nadmiration, that lived amongest them. For all y^e morning, and greatest
\npart of the day, it was clear weather & very hotte, and not a cloud or
\nany signe of raine to be seen, yet toward evening it begane to overcast,
\nand shortly after to raine, with shuch sweete and gentle showers, as
\ngave them cause of rejoyceing, & blesing God. It came, without either
\nwind, or thunder, or any violence, and by degreese in y^t abundance, as
\nthat y^e earth was thorowly wete and soked therwith. Which did so
\napparently revive & quicken y^e decayed corne & other fruits, as was
\nwonderfull to see, and made y^e Indeans astonished to behold; and
\nafterwards the Lord sent them shuch seasonable showers, with enterchange
\nof faire warme weather, as, through his blessing, caused a fruitfull &
\nliberall harvest, to their no small comforte and rejoycing. For which
\nmercie (in time conveniente) they also sett aparte a day of
\nthanksgiveing. This being overslipt in its place, I thought meet here to
\ninserte y^e same.<\/p>\n
[The above is written on the reverse of page 103 of the original, and
\nshould properly be inserted here. This passage, “being overslipt in its
\nplace,” the author at first wrote it, or the most of it, under the
\npreceding year; but, discovering his error before completing it, drew
\nhis pen across it, and wrote beneath, “This is to be here rased out, and
\nis to be placed on page 103, wher it is inserted.”]<\/p>\n
[BA] _On._<\/p>\n
[BB] I. R.<\/p>\n
[BC] This proved rather, a propheti, then advice.<\/p>\n
[BD] _Contend_ in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
[BE] In MS. also 145.<\/p>\n
[BF] In MS. also 146.<\/p>\n
[BG] He dyed afterwards at Bristoll, in y^e time of the warrs, of y^e
\nsicknes in y^t place.<\/p>\n
[BH] With her flages, & streamers, pendents, & wastcloaths, &c.<\/p>\n
[BI] _And_ is repeated in the MS.<\/p>\n
[BJ] _Adventures_ in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
[BK] He means Mr. Robinson.<\/p>\n
[BL] But this lasted not long, they had now provided Lyford & others to
\nsend over.<\/p>\n
[BM] It is worthy to be observed, how y^e Lord doth chaing times &
\nthings; for what is now more plentifull then wine? and that of y^e best,
\ncoming from Malago, y^e Cannaries, and other places, sundry ships lading
\nin a year. So as ther is now more cause to complaine of y^e excess and
\ny^e abuse of wine (through mens corruption) even to drunkennes, then of
\nany defecte or wante of the same. Witnes this year 1646. The good Lord
\nlay not y^e sins & unthankfullnes of men to their charge in this
\nperticuler.<\/p>\n
[BN] This was John Oldome & his like.<\/p>\n
[BO] M^r. Westons men.<\/p>\n
[BP] _Notabe_ in MS.<\/p>\n
[BQ] Plin: lib: 18. chap. 2.<\/p>\n
[BR] Of wh^ch were many witneses.<\/p>\n
[BS] Jer. 41. 6.<\/p>\n
[BT] 121 is repeated in the paging of the original.<\/p>\n
[BU] _Inurious_ in MS.<\/p>\n
[BV] _Receive_ in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
[BW] This was Lyford himselfe.<\/p>\n
[BX] _Is it not_ in the MS.<\/p>\n
[BY] _Bet-_ in MS.<\/p>\n
[BZ] If I mistake not, it was not much less. [30^li in the manuscript.]<\/p>\n
[CA] First written as in the text, then altered to _standerss_.<\/p>\n
[CB] Note.<\/p>\n
[CC] Here occurs another error in the paging of the original; 142 is
\nomitted.<\/p>\n
[CD] Below are the names of the adventurers subscribed to this paper,
\ntaken from Bradford’s Letter-Book, 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., III. 48; being
\nforty-two in number. The names of six of these persons are found
\nsubsequently among the members of the Massachusetts Company, viz. John
\nWhite, John Pocock, Thomas Goffe, Samuel Sharpe, John Revell, and Thomas
\nAndrews. Mr. Haven, who edited the Records of the Massachusetts Company,
\nis of opinion that the first person on the list is the celebrated
\nclergyman of Dorchester, the reputed author of the Planter’s Plea. Emnu.
\nAlltham is probably the same person named in the Council Records, under
\ndate January 21. 1622-3: “Emanuel Altum to command the Pinnace built for
\nMr. Peirce’s Plantation.” Smith speaks of “Captaine _Altom_” as
\ncommanding this vessell, but Morton says the name of the master of the
\nLittle James was Mr. Bridges, who it appears was drowned at Damariscove,
\nin March, 1624. See Coll. of the Amer. Antiq. Soc., III. 26, 62,
\nPreface; Felt’s MS. Memoranda from the Council Records; Smith’s Generall
\nHistorie, p. 239; Morton’s Memorial, p. 48.<\/p>\n
John White,
\nJohn Pocock,
\nRobert Kean,
\nEdward Bass,
\nWilliam Hobson,
\nWilliam Penington,
\nWilliam Quarles,
\nDaniel Poynton,
\nRichard Andrews,
\nNewman Rookes,
\nHenry Browning,
\nRichard Wright,
\nJohn Ling,
\nThomas Goffe,
\nSamuel Sharpe,
\nRobert Holland,
\nJames Sherley,
\nThomas Mott,
\nThomas Fletcher,
\nTimothy Hatherly,
\nThomas Brewer,
\nJohn Thorned,
\nMyles Knowles,
\nWilliam Collier,
\nJohn Revell,
\nPeter Gudburn,
\nEmnu. Alltham,
\nJohn Beauchamp,
\nThomas Hudson,
\nThomas Andrews,
\nThomas Ward,
\nFria. Newbald,
\nThomas Heath,
\nJoseph Tilden,
\nWilliam Perrin,
\nEliza Knight,
\nThomas Coventry,
\nRobert Allden,
\nLawrence Anthony,
\nJohn Knight,
\nMatthew Thornhill,
\nThomas Millsop.<\/p>\n
[CE] The orthography of some of these words differs from the modern way
\nof spelling them; and we have no means of ascertaining the accuracy of
\nBradford’s copy from the original letter. This passage may be rendered
\nthus:–<\/p>\n
“Noble, worshipful, wise, and prudent Lords, the Governor and
\nCouncillors residing in New Plymouth, our very dear friends:–The
\nDirector and Council of New Netherland wish to your Lordships,
\nworshipful, wise, and prudent, happiness in Christ Jesus our Lord, with
\nprosperity and health, in soul and body.”<\/p>\n
[CF] Nov. 6. 1627. Page 238. [Reference is here made to the page of the
\noriginal manuscript.]<\/p>\n
[CG] 155 omitted in original MS.–COM.<\/p>\n
[CH] Another leter of his, that should have bene placed before:–<\/p>\n
We cannot but take notice how y^e Lord hath been pleased to crosse our
\nproseedings, and caused many disasters to befale us therin. I conceive
\ny^e only reason to be, we, or many of us, aimed at other ends then Gods
\nglorie; but now I hope y^t cause is taken away; the bargen being fully
\nconcluded, as farr as our powers will reach, and confirmed under our
\nhands & seals, to M^r. Allerton & y^e rest of his & your copartners. But
\nfor my owne parte, I confess as I was loath to hinder y^e full
\nconfirming of it, being y^e first propounder ther of at our meeting; so
\non y^e other side, I was as unwilling to set my hand to y^e sale, being
\ny^e receiver of most part of y^e adventurs, and a second causer of much
\nof y^e ingagments; and one more threatened, being most envied & aimed at
\n(if they could find any stepe to ground their malice on) then any other
\nwhosoever. I profess I know no just cause they ever had, or have, so to
\ndoe; neither shall it ever be proved y^t I have wronged them or any of
\ny^e adventurers, wittingly or willingly, one peny in y^e disbursing of
\nso many pounds in those 2. years trouble. No, y^e sole cause why they
\nmaligne me (as I & others conceived) was y^t I would not side with them
\nagainst you, & the going over of y^e Leyden people. But as I then card
\nnot, so now I litle fear what they can doe; yet charge & trouble I know
\nthey may cause me to be at. And for these reasons, I would gladly have
\nperswaded the other 4. to have sealed to this bargaine, and left me out,
\nbut they would not; so rather then it should faile, M^r. Alerton having
\ntaken so much pains, I have sealed with y^e rest; with this proviso &
\npromise of his, y^t if any trouble arise hear, you are to bear halfe y^e
\ncharge. Wherfore now I doubt not but you will give your generallitie
\ngood contente, and setle peace amongst your selves, and peace with the
\nnatives; and then no doubt but y^e God of Peace will blese your going
\nout & your returning, and cause all y^t you sett your hands unto to
\nprosper; the which I shall ever pray y^e Lord to grante if it be his
\nblessed will. Asuredly unless y^e Lord be mercifull unto us & y^e whole
\nland in generall, our estate & condition is farr worse then yours.
\nWherfore if y^e Lord should send persecution or trouble hear, (which is
\nmuch to be feared,) and so should put into our minds to flye for refuge,
\nI know no place safer then to come to you, (for all Europ is at varience
\none with another, but cheefly w^th us,) not doubting but to find such
\nfrendly entertainmente as shall be honest & conscionable,
\nnotwithstanding what hath latly passed. For I profess in y^e word of an
\nhonest man, had it not been to procure your peace & quiet from some
\nturbulent spirites hear, I would not have sealed to this last deed;
\nthough you would have given me all my adventure and debte ready downe.
\nThus desiring y^e Lord to blesse & prosper you, I cease ever resting,<\/p>\n
Your faithfull & loving friend,
\nto my power,
\nJAMES SHERLEY.<\/p>\n
Des: 27.<\/p>\n
[The above letter was written on the reverse of page 154 of the original
\nmanuscript.]<\/p>\n
[CI] Peag.<\/p>\n
[CJ] 1629, May 25, the first letter concerning the former company of
\nLeyden people.–_Prince._<\/p>\n
[CK] 1629-30, March 8th, the second letter concerning the latter company
\nof Leyden people.–_Prince._<\/p>\n
[CL] This word is here substituted for _recovering_ in the manuscript,
\non the authority of Bradford’s Letter-Book.<\/p>\n
[CM] This paragraph is written on the reverse of the page immediately
\npreceding, in the original manuscript.<\/p>\n
[CN] _Fractions_ in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
[CO] Thomas Willett.<\/p>\n
[CP] 177 is omitted in MS.<\/p>\n
[CQ] Oporto, called by the Dutch _Port a port_.<\/p>\n
[CR] Hubbard, on page 101, notices the execution of Billington as taking
\nplace “about September” of this year. “The murtherer expected that,
\neither for want of power to execute for capital offences, or for want of
\npeople to increase the plantation, he should have his life spared; but
\njustice otherwise determined, and rewarded him, the first murtherer of
\nhis neighbour there, with the deserved punishment of death, for a
\nwarning to others.” The first offence committed in the colony was by
\nBillington, in 1621, who, for contempt of the Captain’s lawful command,
\nwith opprobious speeches, was adjudged to have his neck and heels tied
\ntogether. Prince, I. 103, from Bradford’s pocket-book.<\/p>\n
[CS] This paragraph was written on the reverse of page 180 of the
\noriginal manuscript, near this place.<\/p>\n
[CT] W^th in manuscript.<\/p>\n
[CU] This was about y^e selling y^e ship in Spaine.<\/p>\n
[CV] They were too short in resting on M^r. Hatherleys honest word, for
\nhis order to discharg them from y^e Friendship’s accounte, when he and
\nM^r. Allerton made y^e bargane with them, and they delivered them the
\nrest of the goods; and therby gave them oppertunitie also to receive all
\nthe fraight of boath viages, without seeing an order (to have such
\npower) under their hands in writing, which they never doubted of, seeing
\nhe affirmed he had power; and they both knew his honestie, and y^t he
\nwas spetially imployed for their agente at this time. And he was as
\nshorte in resting on a verball order from them; which was now denyed,
\nwhen it came to a perticuler of loss; but he still affirmed the same.
\nBut they were both now taught how to deale in y^e world, espetially with
\nmarchants, in such cases. But in y^e end this light upon these here
\nalso, for M^r. Allerton had gott all into his owne hand, and M^r.
\nHatherley was not able to pay it, except they would have uterlie undon
\nhim, as y^e sequell will manifest.<\/p>\n
[CW] This comission is abused; he never had any for shuch end, as they
\nwell knew, nether had they any to pay this money, nor would have paid a
\npeny, if they had not pleased for some other respecte.<\/p>\n
[CX] _o_ in MS.<\/p>\n
[CY] The last two words not found in the MS. but obviously intended.<\/p>\n
[CZ] About y^e Whit-Angell they all mette at a certaine taverne in
\nLondon, wher they had a diner prepared, and had a conference with a
\nfactore aboute selling of her in Spaine, or at Port a porte, as hath
\nbeen before mentioned; as M^r. Hatherley manifested, & M^r. Allerton
\ncould not deney.<\/p>\n
[DA] Mr. Winslow deposed, y^e same time, before y^e Gov^r afore said,
\n&c. that when he came into England, and the partners inquired of y^e
\nsuccess of y^e Whit Angell, which should have been laden w^th bass and
\nso sent for Port. of Porting-gall, and their ship & goods to be sould;
\nhaving informed them that they were like to faile in their lading of
\nbass, that then M^r. James Sherley used these termes: Feck, we must make
\none accounte of all; and ther upon presed him, as agente for y^e
\npartners in Neu-England, to accepte y^e said ship Whit-Angell, and her
\naccounte, into y^e joynte partner-ship; which he refused, for many
\nreasons; and after received instructions from New-Engl: to refuse her if
\nshe should be offered, which instructions he shewed them; and wheras he
\nwas often pressed to accept her, he ever refused her, &c.<\/p>\n
[DB] So as a while before, wheras their great care was how to pay the
\npurchase, and those other few debts which were upon them, now it was
\nwith them as it was some times with Saule’s father, who left careing for
\ny^e Asses, and sorrowed for his sonn. 1. Sam. 10. 2. So that which
\nbefore they looked at as a heavie burthen, they now esteeme but a small
\nthing and a light mater, in comparison of what was now upon them. And
\nthus y^e Lord oftentimes deals with his people to teach them, and humble
\nthem, that he may doe them good in y^e later end.<\/p>\n
[DC] This word is obscure in MS.<\/p>\n
[DD] The above paragraph was written on the reverse of page 188 of the
\noriginal manuscript.<\/p>\n
[DE] The following account of Sir Christopher Gardiner, with the
\ndocuments accompanying it, extending to page 357, does not appear in the
\ntext of the original manuscript,–having been perhaps inadvertently
\nomitted,–but was written on the reverse of pages 189-191.<\/p>\n
[DF] That is, in the original manuscript.<\/p>\n
[DG] _Rea_-in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
[DH] This letter was written on the reverse of folio 192 of the original
\nmanuscript, and may be properly inserted here.<\/p>\n
[DI] March 22.<\/p>\n
[DJ] The skin was sold at 14^s. and 15. y^e pound.<\/p>\n
[DK] Ther was cause enough of these feares, which arise by y^e
\nunderworking of some enemies to y^e churches here, by which this
\nCo[=m]ission following was procured from his Ma^tie. (See this paper in
\nappendix, No. 11.)<\/p>\n
[DL] And y^e skin at 14^s.<\/p>\n
[DM] That is, “If you please.”<\/p>\n
[DN] The two paragraphs above were written on the reverse of folios 202
\nand 203 of the original manuscript, under this year.<\/p>\n
[DO] Blank in the original.<\/p>\n
[DP] _They_ in MS.<\/p>\n
[DQ] Before this word in the margin appears a capital _N_.<\/p>\n
[DR] Not correctly cast; it should be 12530^li.<\/p>\n
[DS] 119 in MS.<\/p>\n
[DT] Ther is little trust to be given to their relations in these
\nthings.<\/p>\n
[DU] 120 in MS.<\/p>\n
[DV] Mr John Reinor.<\/p>\n
[DW] But by this means they did furnish them, & have still continued to
\ndoe.<\/p>\n
[DX] _Be_ in manuscript.<\/p>\n
[DY] But y^ey were carried to y^e West-Indeas.<\/p>\n
[DZ] _They_ in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
[EA] But staid it till y^e next year.<\/p>\n
[EB] And yet afterwards they laid claime to those parts in the
\ncontroversie about Seacunk.<\/p>\n
[EC] Being about 40^li.<\/p>\n
[ED] And devided betweene them.<\/p>\n
[EE] 130 in MS.<\/p>\n
[EF] Which is Charles River may still be questioned.<\/p>\n
[EG] This was but to pretend advantage, for it could not be done,
\nneither did it need.<\/p>\n
[EH] M^r. Chancey came to them in y^e year 1638. and staid till y^e
\nlater part of this year 1641.<\/p>\n
[EI] A leaf is here wanting in the original manuscript, it having been
\ncut out.<\/p>\n
[EJ] Exod: 21. 22. Deu: 19. 11. Num: 35. 16. 18.<\/p>\n
[EK] “Confident”?<\/p>\n
[EL] _8_ in MS.<\/p>\n
[EM] _Conti[=c]_ in MS.<\/p>\n
[EN] _Solicitations_ in MS.<\/p>\n
[EO] This he means of y^e first adventures, all which were lost, as hath
\nbefore been shown; and what he here writs is probable at least.<\/p>\n
[EP] Being the conclusion, as will be seen, of page 252 of the original.<\/p>\n
[EQ] Perhaps _write_ for _wrote_.<\/p>\n
[ER] _The_ in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
[ES] This was a misterie to them, for they heard nothing hereof from any
\nside y^e last year, till now y^e conclution was past, and bonds given.<\/p>\n
[ET] Substituted for _sundry_ on the authority of the original MS.
\nRecords.<\/p>\n
[EU] _Comander_ in the MS.<\/p>\n
[EV] Written 2 in MS.<\/p>\n
[EW] Who dyed 3. of Octob. 1655.<\/p>\n
[EX] The following memoranda are in a later hand.<\/p>\n
[EY] Obviously intended for Cushman.<\/p>\n
[EZ] See page 381. This document was written on the reverse of folio 201
\net seq. of the original manuscript, and for the sake of convenience is
\ntransferred to this place.<\/p>\n
[FA] A superfluous _and_ comes after “observed” in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
[FB] _Edwards_ in the manuscript.<\/p>\n
* * * * *<\/p>\n
Transcriber’s note:<\/p>\n
Spelling is inconsistent and is left unchanged from the original
\nprinting of this book. The following are some common examples
\nof questionable text.<\/p>\n
Page 16
\ny^e not suffered to goe,
\n[they?]
\nUnchanged.<\/p>\n
Page 24
\nany other riches whatsoever. And at lenght they came
\n[length?]
\nUnchanged.<\/p>\n
Page 41
\nof our company to adyone him selfe; to the care & discretion
\n[adyone] possibly ajoin?
\nUnchanged.<\/p>\n
Page 76
\nto rejecte y^e vioage. Judge therfore we beseech you indiferently
\n[voiage?]
\nUnchanged.<\/p>\n
Page 84
\nto proceede on her viage. Those that went bak were
\n[voiage?]
\nUnchanged.<\/p>\n
Page 98
\nwho were salvages; but they fled from them, & ra[=n]e
\n[savages?]
\nUnchanged.<\/p>\n
Page 113
\nand anone cursing his felows, saing he had done this
\n[anone] anyone?
\nUnchanged.<\/p>\n
Page 156
\nand he would have borrowed a hh of corne of y^e Indeans,
\nhh is probably hogshead. Both ‘h’s have a bar thru the ascender.
\nUnchanged.<\/p>\n
Page 208
\nsomwaht blanke at it, but after some weeks, when
\n[somwaht?]
\nUnchanged.<\/p>\n
Page 210
\ntheir doings & pactises hear; that it was evident they
\n[pactises?]
\nUnchanged<\/p>\n
Page 214
\nthis mische[=c]ous [mische[=e]ous]& most false slander: That because
\nUnable to tell from the image whether it is a ‘c’ or ‘e’.
\nLeft it as a [=c].<\/p>\n
Page 304
\nAnd think not with 50^li. pound a yeare sent you over, to
\nDuplication of li and pound.
\nUnchanged<\/p>\n
Page 351
\nmaister & ye rest of y^e company were gone from
\nye rather than y^e here.
\nUnchanged.<\/p>\n
Page 371
\nof y^e season, and the fear y^e Indans were in of
\n[Indans?]
\nUnchanged.<\/p>\n
Page 391
\nand y^e English Collonies, to right and defend them selves
\n[fight?]
\nUnchanged.<\/p>\n
Page 416
\nknew to be an-English man, as also those y^t were
\nOdd use of hyphen.
\nUnchanged.<\/p>\n
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Plymouth, MA…Much of the American Story of leaving oppression, self government & pioneering a new life comes through the story of the Mayflower, Plimoth Plantation and Colony. From the Mayflower Compact to working with and befriending the Native Americans our Thanksgiving Story starts here. Much of it stems from the account of William Bradford. This […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":151541,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_cbd_carousel_blocks":"[]","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[20,153,4,1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-151537","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-featured","category-history","category-life-style","category-news","last_archivepost"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/new.thepinetree.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/11\/Plimoth.jpg","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack-related-posts":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.thepinetree.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/151537","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.thepinetree.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.thepinetree.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.thepinetree.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.thepinetree.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=151537"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/new.thepinetree.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/151537\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":151543,"href":"https:\/\/new.thepinetree.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/151537\/revisions\/151543"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.thepinetree.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/151541"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/new.thepinetree.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=151537"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.thepinetree.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=151537"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/new.thepinetree.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=151537"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
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