Plymouth, MA…Much of the American Story of leaving oppression, seeking freedom, self government & pioneering a new life comes through the story of the Mayflower, Plimoth Plantation and Colony. From the Mayflower Compact to working with and befriending the Native Americans our Thanksgiving Story starts here. Much of it stems from the account of William Bradford. This strips away what people say about what happened and takes it back to a first person account. On Thanksgiving we thought it would be a good time to post it in its entirety in both full text and audio format from project Gutenberg and Librivox.

Thanksgiving at Plymouth, oil on canvas by Jennie Augusta Brownscombe, 1925

The Project Gutenberg eBook, Bradford’s History of ‘Plimoth Plantation’,
by William Bradford

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Title: Bradford’s History of ‘Plimoth Plantation’
From the Original Manuscript. With a Report of the Proceedings Incident to the Return of the Manuscript to Massachusetts

Author: William Bradford

Release Date: March 29, 2008 [eBook #24950]

Language: English

***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRADFORD’S HISTORY OF ‘PLIMOTH
PLANTATION’***

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Transcribers note:

Numbers in square brackets, [29], represent original manuscript
pages.

Letters in Square brackets, [AB], represent a link to a footnote
located at the end of the book.

A caret ^ indicates that the following letter/s are
superscripted. The letters are enclosed in curly brackets where
it may not be clear about which letters are superscripted.

A square bracket, like [~m] indicates a letter with a tilde
above.

A square bracket, like [p=] indicates a letter with a macron
under the letter.

[=m] and [=n] sometimes are used to represent a double letter.

16^li. represents 16 pounds in monetary terms. The original
manuscript used a middle dot before and after the numbers, but
this publisher used only a single period/stop after the number.

The ‘li’ appears to mean libra and in this book the ‘l’ is
crossed with a middle bar or stroke. It was very difficult to
represent in a Latin-1 text, so ‘li’ must suffice.

Most often y, such as y^e, represents a thorn and the word is
‘the’. Sometimes you will encounter the actual word ‘the’.

This book is composed of many letters written by a number
of authors and each writer uses their own spellings and
abbreviations, which was common for the time in which they
were written.

Spelling is inconsistent and is left unchanged from the original
printing of this book.

BRADFORD’S HISTORY
“OF PLIMOTH PLANTATION.”

From the Original Manuscript.

With a Report of the Proceedings Incident
to the Return of the Manuscript
to Massachusetts.

Printed Under the Direction of the Secretary of the
Commonwealth,
by Order of the General Court.

Boston:
Wright & Potter Printing Co., State Printers,
18 Post Office Square.
1898.

INTRODUCTION.

To many people the return of the Bradford Manuscript is a fresh
discovery of colonial history. By very many it has been called,
incorrectly, the log of the “Mayflower.” Indeed, that is the title by
which it is described in the decree of the Consistorial Court of London.
The fact is, however, that Governor Bradford undertook its preparation
long after the arrival of the Pilgrims, and it cannot be properly
considered as in any sense a log or daily journal of the voyage of the
“Mayflower.” It is, in point of fact, a history of the Plymouth Colony,
chiefly in the form of annals, extending from the inception of the
colony down to the year 1647. The matter has been in print since 1856,
put forth through the public spirit of the Massachusetts Historical
Society, which secured a transcript of the document from London, and
printed it in the society’s proceedings of the above-named year. As thus
presented, it had copious notes, prepared with great care by the late
Charles Deane; but these are not given in the present volume, wherein
only such comments as seem indispensable to a proper understanding of
the story have been made, leaving whatever elaboration may seem
desirable to some future private enterprise.

It is a matter of regret that no picture of Governor Bradford exists.
Only Edward Winslow of the Mayflower Company left an authenticated
portrait of himself, and that, painted in England, is reproduced in this
volume. In those early days Plymouth would have been a poor field for
portrait painters. The people were struggling for their daily bread
rather than for to-morrow’s fame through the transmission of their
features to posterity.

The volume of the original manuscript, as it was presented to the
Governor of the Commonwealth and is now deposited in the State Library,
is a folio measuring eleven and one-half inches in length, seven and
seven-eighths inches in width and one and one-half inches in thickness.
It is bound in parchment, once white, but now grimy and much the worse
for wear, being somewhat cracked and considerably scaled. Much
scribbling, evidently by the Bradford family, is to be seen upon its
surface, and out of the confusion may be read the name of Mercy
Bradford, a daughter of the governor. On the inside of the front cover
is pasted a sheet of manilla paper, on which is written the following:–

“_Consistory Court of the Diocese of London_

In the matter of the application of The Honorable Thomas Francis
Bayard, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary in London of the
United States of America, for the delivery to him, on behalf of the
President and Citizens of the said States, of the original manuscript
book entitled and known as The Log of the Mayflower.

Produced in Court this 25th day of March, 1897, and marked with the
letter A.

HARRY W. LEE
Registrar.
1 Deans Court
Doctors Commons”

Then come two manilla leaves, on both sides of which is written the
decree of the Consistorial Court. These leaves and the manilla sheet
pasted on the inside of the front cover were evidently inserted after
the decree was passed.

Next comes a leaf (apparently the original first leaf of the book), and
on it are verses, signed “A. M.,” on the death of Mrs. Bradford. The
next is evidently one of the leaves of the original book. At the top of
the page is written the following:–

This book was rit by govener William bradford and given to his son
mager William Bradford and by him to his son mager John Bradford. rit
by me Samuel bradford mach 20, 1705.

At the bottom of the same page the name John Bradford appears in
different handwriting, evidently written with the book turned wrong side
up.

The next is a leaf bearing the following, in the handwriting of Thomas
Prince:–

TUESDAY, June 4–1728

Calling at _Major John Bradford’s_ at Kingston near Plimouth, son of
Major Wm. Bradford formerly Dep Gov’r of Plimouth Colony, who was
eldest son of Wm. Bradford Esq their 2nd Gov’r, & author of this
History; ye sd Major John Bradford gave me _several manuscript
octavoes_ wh he assured me were written with his said Grandfather
Gov’r Bradford’s own hand. He also gave me a _little Pencil Book_
wrote with a Blew lead Pencil by his sd Father ye Dep Gov’r. And He
also told me yt He had lent & only lent his sd Grandfather Gov’r
Bradford’s History of Plimouth Colony wrote by his own Hand also, to
judg Sewall; and desired me to get it of Him or find it out, & take
out of it what I thought proper for my New-England Chronology: wh I
accordingly obtained, and This is ye sd History: wh I found wrote in
ye same Handwriting as ye Octavo manuscripts above sd.

THOMAS PRINCE.

N.B. I also mentioned to him my Desire of lodging this History in ye
New England Library of Prints & manuscripts, wh I had been then
collecting for 23 years, to wh He signified his willingness–only yt
He might have the Perusal of it while He lived.

T. PRINCE.

Following this, on the same page, is Thomas Prince’s printed book-mark,
as follows:–

This Book belongs to
The New-England-Library,
Begun to be collected by Thomas Prince, upon
his entring Harvard-College, July 6
1703; and was given by

On the lower part of a blank space which follows the word “by” is
written:–

_It now belongs to the Bishop of London’s Library at Fulham._

There are evidences that this leaf did not belong to the original book,
but was inserted by Mr. Prince.

At the top of the first page of the next leaf, which was evidently one
of the original leaves of the book, is written in Samuel Bradford’s
hand, “march 20 Samuel Bradford;” and just below there appears, in
Thomas Prince’s handwriting, the following:–

But major Bradford tells me & assures me that He only lent this Book
of his Grandfather’s to Mr. Sewall & that it being of his
Grandfather’s own hand writing He had so high a value of it that he
would never Part with ye Property, but would lend it to me & desired
me to get it, which I did, & write down this that sd Major Bradford
and his Heirs may be known to be the right owners.

Below this, also in Thomas Prince’s handwriting, appears this line:–

“Page 243 missing when ye Book came into my Hands at 1st.”

Just above the inscription by Prince there is a line or two of writing,
marked over in ink so carefully as to be wholly undecipherable. On the
reverse page of this leaf and on the first page of the next are written
Hebrew words, with definitions. These are all in Governor Bradford’s
handwriting. On the next page appears the following:–

_Though I am growne aged, yet I have had a long-
ing desire, to see with my own eyes, something of
that most ancient language, and holy tongue,
in which the Law, and oracles of God were
write; and in which God, and angels, spake to
the holy patriarks, of old time; and what
names were given to things, from the
creation. And though I cañot attaine
to much herein, yet I am refreshed,
to have seen some glimpse here-
of; (as Moses saw the Land
of canan afarr of) my aime
and desire is, to see how
the words, and phrases
lye in the holy texte;
and to dicerne some-
what of the same
for my owne
contente._
——-
—–
—
J

Then begins the history proper, the first page of which is produced in
facsimile in this volume, slightly reduced. The ruled margins end with
page thirteen. From that page to the end of the book the writing varies
considerably, sometimes being quite coarse and in other places very
fine, some pages containing nearly a thousand words each. As a rule, the
writing is upon one side of the sheet only, but in entering notes and
subsequent thoughts the reverse is sometimes used. The last page number
is 270, as appears from the facsimile reproduction in this volume of
that page. Page 270 is followed by two blank leaves; then on the second
page of the next leaf appears the list of names of those who came over
in the “Mayflower,” covering four pages and one column on the fifth
page. The arrangement of this matter is shown by the facsimile
reproduction in this volume of the first page of these names. Last of
all there is a leaf of heavy double paper, like the one in the front of
the book containing the verses on the death of Mrs. Bradford, and on
this last leaf is written an index to a few portions of the history.

For copy, there was used the edition printed in 1856 by the
Massachusetts Historical Society. The proof was carefully compared, word
for word, with the photographic _facsimile_ issued in 1896 in both
London and Boston. The value of this comparison is evident in that a
total of sixteen lines of the original, omitted in the original first
copy, is supplied in this edition. As the work of the Historical Society
could not be compared, easily, with the original manuscript in London,
these omissions, with sundry minor errors in word and numeral, are not
unreasonable. The curious will be pleased to learn that the supplied
lines are from the following pages of the manuscript, viz.: page 122,
eight lines; page 129, two lines; the obverse of page 201, found on the
last page of Appendix A, two lines; page 219, two lines; pages 239 and
258, one line each. The pages of the manuscript are indicated in these
printed pages by numerals in parentheses.

There are several errors in the paging of the original manuscript. Pages
105 and 106 are marked 145 and 146, and pages 219 and 220 are marked 119
and 120, respectively. Page 243 is missing.

Such as it is, the book is put forth that the public may know what
manner of men the Pilgrims were, through what perils and vicissitudes
they passed, and how much we of to-day owe to their devotion and
determination.

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

LEGISLATURE.

JOURNAL OF THE SENATE.

MONDAY, MAY 24, 1897.

The following message from His Excellency the Governor came up from the
House, to wit:–

BOSTON, May 22, 1897.

_To the Honorable Senate and House of Representatives._

I have the honor to call to your attention the fact that Wednesday,
May 26, at 11 A.M., has been fixed as the date of the formal
presentation to the Governor of the Commonwealth of the Bradford
Manuscript History, recently ordered by decree of the Consistory Court
of the Diocese of London to be returned to the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts by the hands of the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately
Ambassador at the Court of St. James; and to suggest for the favorable
consideration of your honorable bodies that the exercises of
presentation be held in the House of Representatives on the day and
hour above given, in the presence of a joint convention of the two
bodies and of invited guests and the public.

ROGER WOLCOTT.

Thereupon, on motion of Mr. Roe,–

_Ordered_, That, in accordance with the suggestion of His Excellency the
Governor, a joint convention of the two branches be held in the chamber
of the House of Representatives, on Wednesday, May the twenty-sixth, at
eleven o’clock A.M., for the purpose of witnessing the exercises of the
formal presentation, to the Governor of the Commonwealth, of the
Bradford Manuscript History, recently ordered by decree of the
Consistory Court of the Diocese of London to be returned to the
Commonwealth of Massachusetts by the hands of the Honorable Thomas F.
Bayard, lately Ambassador at the Court of St. James; and further

_Ordered_, That the clerks of the two branches give notice to His
Excellency the Governor of the adoption of this order.

Sent down for concurrence. (It was concurred with same date.)

JOURNAL OF THE SENATE.

WEDNESDAY, MAY 26, 1897.

_Joint Convention._

At eleven o’clock A.M., pursuant to assignment, the two branches met in

CONVENTION

in the chamber of the House of Representatives.

On motion of Mr. Roe,–

_Ordered_, That a committee, to consist of three members of the Senate
and eight members of the House of Representatives, be appointed, to wait
upon His Excellency the Governor and inform him that the two branches
are now in convention for the purpose of witnessing the exercises of the
formal presentation, to the Governor of the Commonwealth, of the
Bradford Manuscript History.

Messrs. Roe, Woodward and Gallivan, of the Senate, and Messrs. Pierce of
Milton, Bailey of Plymouth, Brown of Gloucester, Fairbank of Warren,
Bailey of Newbury, Sanderson of Lynn, Whittlesey of Pittsfield and
Bartlett of Boston, of the House, were appointed the committee.

Mr. Roe, from the committee, afterwards reported that they had attended
to the duty assigned them, and that His Excellency the Governor had been
pleased to say that he received the message and should be pleased to
wait upon the Convention forthwith for the purpose named.

His Excellency the Governor, accompanied by His Honor the
Lieutenant-Governor and the Honorable Council, and by the Honorable
Thomas F. Bayard, lately Ambassador of the United States at the Court of
St. James’s, the Honorable George F. Hoar, Senator from Massachusetts in
the Congress of the United States, and other invited guests, entered the
chamber.

The decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London,
authorizing the return of the manuscript and its delivery to the
Governor, was read.

The President then presented the Honorable George F. Hoar, who gave an
account of the manuscript and of the many efforts that had been made to
secure its return.

The Honorable Thomas F. Bayard was then introduced by the President, and
he formally presented the manuscript to His Excellency the Governor, who
accepted it in behalf of the Commonwealth.

On motion of Mr. Bradford, the following order was adopted:–

_Whereas_, In the presence of the Senate and of the House of
Representatives in joint convention assembled, and in accordance with a
decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London, the manuscript
of Bradford’s “History of the Plimouth Plantation” has this day been
delivered to His Excellency the Governor of the Commonwealth by the
Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately Ambassador of the United States at
the Court of St. James’s; and

_Whereas_, His Excellency the Governor has accepted the said manuscript
in behalf of the Commonwealth; therefore, be it

_Ordered_, That the Senate and the House of Representatives of the
Commonwealth of Massachusetts place on record their high appreciation of
the generous and gracious courtesy that prompted this act of
international good-will, and express their grateful thanks to all
concerned therein, and especially to the Lord Bishop of London, for the
return to the Commonwealth of this precious relic; and be it further

_Ordered_, That His Excellency the Governor be requested to transmit an
engrossed and duly authenticated copy of this order with its preamble to
the Lord Bishop of London.

His Excellency, accompanied by the other dignitaries, then withdrew, the
Convention was dissolved, and the Senate returned to its chamber.

Subsequently a resolve was passed (approved June 10, 1897) providing
for the publication of the history from the original manuscript,
together with a report of the proceedings of the joint convention, such
report to be prepared by a committee consisting of one member of the
Senate and two members of the House of Representatives, and to include,
so far as practicable, portraits of His Excellency Governor Roger
Wolcott, William Bradford, the Honorable George F. Hoar, the Honorable
Thomas F. Bayard, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lord Bishop of
London; facsimiles of pages from the manuscript history, and a picture
of the book itself; copies of the decree of the Consistorial and
Episcopal Court of London, the receipt of the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard
for the manuscript, and the receipt sent by His Excellency the Governor
to the Consistorial and Episcopal Court; an account of the legislative
action taken with reference to the presentation and reception of the
manuscript; the addresses of the Honorable George F. Hoar, the Honorable
Thomas F. Bayard and His Excellency Governor Roger Wolcott; and such
other papers and illustrations as the committee might deem advisable;
the whole to be printed under the direction of the Secretary of the
Commonwealth, and the book distributed by him according to directions
contained in the resolve.

Senator Alfred S. Roe of Worcester and Representatives Francis C. Lowell
of Boston and Walter L. Bouvé of Hingham were appointed as the
committee.

DECREE

OF THE

CONSISTORIAL AND EPISCOPAL

COURT OF LONDON.

DECREE.

MANDELL by Divine Permission LORD BISHOP OF LONDON–To The Honorable
THOMAS FRANCIS BAYARD Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to
Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria at the Court of Saint James’s
in London and To The Governor and Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the
United States of America Greeting–WHEREAS a Petition has been filed in
the Registry of Our Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London by you
the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard as Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary to Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria at the Court
of Saint James’s in London on behalf of the President and Citizens of
the United States of America wherein you have alleged that there is in
Our Custody as Lord Bishop of London a certain Manuscript Book known as
and entitled “The Log of the Mayflower” containing an account as
narrated by Captain William Bradford who was one of the Company of
Englishmen who left England in April 1620 in the ship known as “The
Mayflower” of the circumstances leading to the prior Settlement of that
Company at Leyden in Holland their return to England and subsequent
departure for New England their landing at Cape Cod in December 1620
their Settlement at New Plymouth and their later history for several
years they being the Company whose Settlement in America is regarded as
the first real Colonisation of the New England States and wherein you
have also alleged that the said Manuscript Book had been for many years
past and was then deposited in the Library attached to Our Episcopal
Palace at Fulham in the County of Middlesex and is of the greatest
interest importance and value to the Citizens of the United States of
America inasmuch as it is one of the earliest records of their national
History and contains much valuable information in regard to the original
Settlers in the States their family history and antecedents and that
therefore you earnestly desired to acquire possession of the same for
and on behalf of the President and Citizens of the said United States of
America AND WHEREIN you have also alleged that you are informed that We
as Lord Bishop of London had fully recognised the value and interest of
the said Manuscript Book to the Citizens of the United States of America
and the claims which they have to its possession and that We were
desirous of transferring it to the said President and Citizens AND
WHEREIN you have also alleged that you are advised and believe that the
Custody of documents in the nature of public or ecclesiastical records
belonging to the See of London is vested in the Consistorial Court of
the said See and that any disposal thereof must be authorised by an
Order issued by the Judge of that Honorable Court And that you therefore
humbly prayed that the said Honorable Court would deliver to you the
said Manuscript Book on your undertaking to use every means in your
power for the safe transmission of the said Book to the United States of
America and its secure deposit and custody in the Pilgrim Hall at New
Plymouth or in such other place as may be selected by the President and
Senate of the said United States and upon such conditions as to security
and access by and on behalf of the English Nation as that Honorable
Court might determine AND WHEREAS the said Petition was set down for
hearing on one of the Court days in Hilary Term to wit Thursday the
Twenty fifth day of March One thousand eight hundred and ninety seven in
Our Consistorial Court in the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul in London
before The Right Worshipful Thomas Hutchinson Tristram Doctor of Laws
and one of Her Majesty’s Counsel learned in the Law Our Vicar General
and Official Principal the Judge of the said Court and you at the
sitting of the said Court appeared by Counsel in support of the Prayer
of the said Petition and during the hearing thereof the said Manuscript
Book was produced in the said Court by Our legal Secretary and was then
inspected and examined by the said Judge and evidence was also given
before the Court by which it appeared that the Registry at Fulham Palace
was a Public Registry for Historical and Ecclesiastical Documents
relating to the Diocese of London and to the Colonial and other
possessions of Great Britain beyond the Seas so long as the same
remained by custom within the said Diocese AND WHEREAS it appeared on
the face of the said Manuscript Book that the whole of the body thereof
with the exception of part of the last page thereof was in the
handwriting of the said William Bradford who was elected Governor of New
Plymouth in April 1621 and continued Governor thereof from that date
excepting between the years 1635 and 1637 up to 1650 and that the last
five pages of the said Manuscript which is in the handwriting of the
said William Bradford contain what in Law is an authentic Register
between 1620 and 1650 of the fact of the Marriages of the Founders of
the Colony of New England with the names of their respective wives and
the names of their Children the lawful issue of such Marriages and of
the fact of the Marriages of many of their Children and Grandchildren
and of the names of the issue of such marriages and of the deaths of
many of the persons named therein And after hearing Counsel in support
of the said application the Judge being of opinion that the said
Manuscript Book had been upon the evidence before the Court presumably
deposited at Fulham Palace sometime between the year 1729 and the year
1785 during which time the said Colony was by custom within the Diocese
of London for purposes Ecclesiastical and the Registry of the said
Consistorial Court was a legitimate Registry for the Custody of
Registers of Marriages Births and Deaths within the said Colony and that
the Registry at Fulham Palace was a Registry for Historical and other
Documents connected with the Colonies and possessions of Great Britain
beyond the Seas so long as the same remained by custom within the
Diocese of London and that on the Declaration of the Independence of the
United States of America in 1776 the said Colony had ceased to be within
the Diocese of London and the Registry of the Court had ceased to be a
public registry for the said Colony and having maturely deliberated on
the Cases precedents and practice of the Ecclesiastical Court bearing on
the application before him and having regard to the Special
Circumstances of the Case Decreed as follows–(1) That a Photographic
facsimile reproduction of the said Manuscript Book verified by affidavit
as being a true and correct Photographic reproduction of the said
Manuscript Book be deposited in the Registry of Our said Court by or on
behalf of the Petitioner before the delivery to the Petitioner of the
said original Manuscript Book as hereinafter ordered–(2) That the said
Manuscript Book be delivered over to the said Honorable Thomas Francis
Bayard by the Lord Bishop of London or in his Lordship’s absence by the
Registrar of the said Court on his giving his undertaking in writing
that he will with all due care and diligence on his arrival from England
in the United States convey and deliver in person the said Manuscript
Book to the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the United
States of America at his Official Office in the State House in the City
of Boston and that from the time of the delivery of the said Book to him
by the said Lord Bishop of London or by the said Registrar until he
shall have delivered the same to the Governor of Massachusetts he will
retain the same in his own Personal custody–(3) That the said Book be
deposited by the Petitioner with the Governor of Massachusetts for the
purpose of the same being with all convenient speed finally deposited
either in the State Archives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the
City of Boston or in the Library of the Historical Society of the said
Commonwealth in the City of Boston as the Governor shall determine–(4)
That the Governors of the said Commonwealth for all time to come be
officially responsible for the safe custody of the said Manuscript Book
whether the same be deposited in the State Archives at Boston or in the
Historical Library in Boston aforesaid as well as for the performance
of the following conditions subject to a compliance wherewith the said
Manuscript Book is hereby decreed to be deposited in the Custody of the
aforesaid Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and his
Successors to wit:–(a) That all persons have such access to the said
Manuscript Book as to the Governor of the said Commonwealth for the time
being shall appear to be reasonable and with such safeguard as he shall
order–(b) That all persons desirous of searching the said Manuscript
Book for the bona fide purpose of establishing or tracing a Pedigree
through persons named in the last five pages thereof or in any other
part thereof shall be permitted to search the same under such safeguards
as the Governor for the time being shall determine on payment of a fee
to be fixed by the Governor–(c) That any person applying to the
Official having the immediate custody of the said Manuscript Book for a
Certified Copy of any entry contained in proof of Marriage Birth or
Death of persons named therein or of any other matter of like purport
for the purpose of tracing descents shall be furnished with such
certificate on the payment of a sum not exceeding one Dollar–(d) That
with all convenient speed after the delivery of the said Manuscript Book
to the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts the Governor shall
transmit to the Registrar of the Court a Certificate of the delivery of
the same to him by the Petitioner and that he accepts the Custody of
the same subject to the terms and conditions herein named AND the Judge
lastly decreed that the Petitioner on delivering the said Manuscript
Book to the Governor aforesaid shall at the same time deliver to him
this Our Decree Sealed with the Seal of the Court WHEREFORE WE the
Bishop of London aforesaid well weighing and considering the premises DO
by virtue of Our Authority Ordinary and Episcopal and as far as in Us
lies and by Law We may or can ratify and confirm such Decree of Our
Vicar General and Official Principal of Our Consistorial and Episcopal
Court of London IN TESTIMONY whereof We have caused the Seal of Our said
Vicar General and Official Principal of the Consistorial and Episcopal
Court of London which We use in this behalf to be affixed to these
Presents DATED AT LONDON this Twelfth day of April One thousand eight
hundred and ninety seven and in the first year of Our Translation.

HARRY W. LEE
Exd. H.E.T. Registrar

(L.S.)

RECEIPT

OF

AMBASSADOR BAYARD.

RECEIPT OF AMBASSADOR BAYARD.

_In the Consistory Court of London_

IN THE MATTER OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT OF THE BOOK ENTITLED AND KNOWN
AS “THE LOG OF THE MAYFLOWER.”

I THE HONOURABLE THOMAS FRANCIS BAYARD lately Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America at the Court of
Saint James’s London Do hereby undertake, in compliance with the Order
of this Honourable Court dated the twelfth day of April 1897 and made on
my Petition filed in the said Honourable Court, that I will with all due
care and diligence on my arrival from England in the United States of
America safely convey over the Original Manuscript Book Known as and
entitled “The Log of the Mayflower” which has been this twenty ninth day
of April 1897 delivered over to me by the Lord Bishop of London, to the
City of Boston in the United States of America and on my arrival in the
said City deliver the same over in person to the Governor of the
Commonwealth of Massachusetts at his Official Office in the State House
in the said City of Boston AND I further hereby undertake from the time
of the said delivery of the said Book to me by the said Lord Bishop of
London until I shall have delivered the same to the Governor of
Massachusetts, to retain the same in my own personal custody.

(Signed) T. F. BAYARD

29 April 1897

RECEIPT

of

HIS EXCELLENCY ROGER WOLCOTT.

RECEIPT OF GOVERNOR WOLCOTT.

His Excellency ROGER WOLCOTT, _Governor of the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts, in the United States of America_.

_To the Registrar of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London._

_Whereas_, The said Honorable Court, by its decree dated the twelfth day
of April, 1897, and made on the petition of the Honorable Thomas Francis
Bayard, lately Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the
United States of America at the Court of Saint James in London, did
order that a certain original manuscript book then in the custody of the
Lord Bishop of London, known as and entitled “The Log of the Mayflower,”
and more specifically described in said decree, should be delivered over
to the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard by the Lord Bishop of
London, on certain conditions specified in said decree, to be delivered
by the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard in person to the Governor of
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, thereafter to be kept in the custody
of the aforesaid Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and his
successors, subject to a compliance with certain conditions, as set
forth in said decree;

_And Whereas_, The said Honorable Court by its decree aforesaid did
further order that, with all convenient speed after the delivery of the
said manuscript book to the Governor of the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts, the Governor should transmit to the Registrar of the
said Honorable Court a certificate of the delivery of the same to him by
the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard, and his acceptance of the
custody of the same, subject to the terms and conditions named in the
decree aforesaid;

_Now, Therefore_, In compliance with the decree aforesaid I do hereby
certify that on the twenty-sixth day of May, 1897, the said Honorable
Thomas Francis Bayard delivered in person to me, at my official office
in the State House in the city of Boston, in the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts, in the United States of America, a certain manuscript
book which the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard then and there
declared to be the original manuscript book known as and entitled “The
Log of the Mayflower,” which is more specifically described in the
decree aforesaid; and I do further certify that I hereby accept the
custody of the same, subject to the terms and conditions named in the
decree aforesaid.

_In witness whereof_, I have hereunto signed my name and caused the seal
of the Commonwealth to be affixed, at the Capitol in Boston, this
twelfth day of July in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and ninety-seven.

ROGER WOLCOTT.

By His Excellency the Governor,
WM. M. OLIN,
_Secretary of the Commonwealth._

ADDRESS

OF THE

HON. GEORGE F. HOAR.

[Illustration:]

ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR.

The first American Ambassador to Great Britain, at the end of his
official service, comes to Massachusetts on an interesting errand. He
comes to deliver to the lineal successor of Governor Bradford, in the
presence of the representatives and rulers of the body politic formed by
the compact on board the “Mayflower,” Nov. 11, 1620, the only authentic
history of the founding of their Commonwealth; the only authentic
history of what we have a right to consider the most important political
transaction that has ever taken place on the face of the earth.

Mr. Bayard has sought to represent to the mother country, not so much
the diplomacy as the good-will of the American people. If in this
anybody be tempted to judge him severely, let us remember what his great
predecessor, John Adams, the first minister at the same court,
representing more than any other man, embodying more than any other man,
the spirit of Massachusetts, said to George III., on the first day of
June, 1785, after the close of our long and bitter struggle for
independence: “I shall esteem myself the happiest of men if I can be
instrumental in restoring an entire esteem, confidence and affection,
or, in better words, the old good-nature and the old good-humor between
people who, though separated by an ocean and under different
governments, have the same language, a similar religion and kindred
blood.”

And let us remember, too, the answer of the old monarch, who, with all
his faults, must have had something of a noble and royal nature stirring
in his bosom, when he replied: “Let the circumstances of language,
religion and blood have their natural and full effect.”

It has long been well known that Governor Bradford wrote and left behind
him a history of the settlement of Plymouth. It was quoted by early
chroniclers. There are extracts from it in the records at Plymouth.
Thomas Prince used it when he compiled his annals. Hubbard depended on
it when he wrote his “History of New England.” Cotton Mather had read
it, or a copy of a portion of it, when he wrote his “Magnalia.” Governor
Hutchinson had it when he published the second volume of his history in
1767. From that time it disappeared from the knowledge of everybody on
this side of the water. All our historians speak of it as lost, and can
only guess what had been its fate. Some persons suspected that it was
destroyed when Governor Hutchinson’s house was sacked in 1765, others
that it was carried off by some officer or soldier when Boston was
evacuated by the British army in 1776.

In 1844 Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, afterward Bishop of
Winchester, one of the brightest of men, published one of the dullest
and stupidest of books. It is entitled “The History of the Protestant
Episcopal Church in America.” It contained extracts from manuscripts
which he said he had discovered in the library of the Bishop of London
at Fulham. The book attracted no attention here until, about twelve
years later, in 1855, John Wingate Thornton, whom many of us remember as
an accomplished antiquary and a delightful gentleman, happened to pick
up a copy of it while he was lounging in Burnham’s book store. He read
the bishop’s quotations, and carried the book to his office, where he
left it for his friend, Mr. Barry, who was then writing his “History of
Massachusetts,” with passages marked, and with a note which is not
preserved, but which, according to his memory, suggested that the
passages must have come from Bradford’s long-lost history. That is the
claim for Mr. Thornton. On the other hand, it is claimed by Mr. Barry
that there was nothing of that kind expressed in Mr. Thornton’s note,
but in reading the book when he got it an hour or so later, the thought
struck him for the first time that the clew had been found to the
precious book which had been lost so long. He at once repaired to
Charles Deane, then and ever since, down to his death, as President
Eliot felicitously styled him, “the master of historical investigators
in this country.” Mr. Deane saw the importance of the discovery. He
communicated at once with Joseph Hunter, an eminent English scholar.
Hunter was high authority on all matters connected with the settlement
of New England. He visited the palace at Fulham, and established beyond
question the identity of the manuscript with Governor Bradford’s
history, an original letter of Governor Bradford having been sent over
for comparison of handwriting.

How the manuscript got to Fulham nobody knows. Whether it was carried
over by Governor Hutchinson in 1774; whether it was taken as spoil from
the tower of the Old South Church in 1775; whether, with other
manuscripts, it was sent to Fulham at the time of the attempts of the
Episcopal churches in America, just before the revolution, to establish
an episcopate here,–nobody knows. It would seem that Hutchinson would
have sent it to the colonial office; that an officer would naturally
have sent it to the war office; and a private would have sent it to the
war office, unless he had carried it off as mere private booty and
plunder,–in which case it would have been unlikely that it would have
reached a public place of custody. But we find it in the possession of
the church and of the church official having, until independence was
declared, special jurisdiction over Episcopal interests in Massachusetts
and Plymouth. This may seem to point to a transfer for some
ecclesiastical purpose.

The bishop’s chancellor conjectures that it was sent to Fulham because
of the record annexed to it of the early births, marriages and deaths,
such records being in England always in ecclesiastical custody. But this
is merely conjecture.

I know of no incident like this in history, unless it be the discovery
in a chest in the castle of Edinburgh, where they had been lost for one
hundred and eleven years, of the ancient regalia of Scotland,–the crown
of Bruce, the sceptre and sword of state. The lovers of Walter Scott,
who was one of the commissioners who made the search, remember his
intense emotion, as described by his daughter, when the lid was removed.
Her feelings were worked up to such a pitch that she nearly fainted, and
drew back from the circle.

As she was retiring she was startled by his voice exclaiming, in a tone
of the deepest emotion, “something between anger and despair,” as she
expressed it: “By God, no!” One of the commissioners, not quite entering
into the solemnity with which Scott regarded this business, had, it
seems, made a sort of motion as if he meant to put the crown on the head
of one of the young ladies near him, but the voice and the aspect of
the poet were more than sufficient to make this worthy gentleman
understand his error; and, respecting the enthusiasm with which he had
not been taught to sympathize, he laid down the ancient diadem with an
air of painful embarrassment. Scott whispered, “Pray forgive me,” and
turning round at the moment observed his daughter deadly pale and
leaning by the door. He immediately drew her out of the room, and when
she had somewhat recovered in the fresh air, walked with her across
Mound to Castle Street. “He never spoke all the way home,” she says,
“but every now and then I felt his arm tremble, and from that time I
fancied he began to treat me more like a woman than a child. I thought
he liked me better, too, than he had ever done before.”

There have been several attempts to procure the return of the manuscript
to this country. Mr. Winthrop, in 1860, through the venerable John
Sinclair, archdeacon, urged the Bishop of London to give it up, and
proposed that the Prince of Wales, then just coming to this country,
should take it across the Atlantic and present it to the people of
Massachusetts. The Attorney-General, Sir Fitzroy Kelley, approved the
plan, and said it would be an exceptional act of grace, a most
interesting action, and that he heartily wished the success of the
application. But the bishop refused. Again, in 1869, John Lothrop
Motley, then minister to England, who had a great and deserved
influence there, repeated the proposition, at the suggestion of that
most accomplished scholar, Justin Winsor. But his appeal had the same
fate. The bishop gave no encouragement, and said, as had been said nine
years before, that the property could not be alienated without an act of
Parliament. Mr. Winsor planned to repeat the attempt on his visit to
England in 1877. When he was at Fulham the bishop was absent, and he was
obliged to come home without seeing him in person.

In 1881, at the time of the death of President Garfield, Benjamin Scott,
chamberlain of London, proposed again in the newspapers that the
restitution should be made. But nothing came of it.

Dec. 21, 1895, I delivered an address at Plymouth, on the occasion of
the two hundred and seventy-fifth anniversary of the landing of the
Pilgrims upon the rock. In preparing for that duty, I read again, with
renewed enthusiasm and delight, the noble and touching story, as told by
Governor Bradford. I felt that this precious history of the Pilgrims
ought to be in no other custody than that of their children. But the
case seemed hopeless. I found myself compelled by a serious physical
infirmity to take a vacation, and to get a rest from public cares and
duties, which was impossible while I stayed at home. When I went abroad
I determined to visit the locality, on the borders of Lincolnshire and
Yorkshire, from which Bradford and Brewster and Robinson, the three
leaders of the Pilgrims, came, and where their first church was formed,
and the places in Amsterdam and Leyden where the emigrants spent
thirteen years. But I longed especially to see the manuscript of
Bradford at Fulham, which then seemed to me, as it now seems to me, the
most precious manuscript on earth, unless we could recover one of the
four gospels as it came in the beginning from the pen of the Evangelist.

The desire to get it back grew and grew during the voyage across the
Atlantic. I did not know how such a proposition would be received in
England. A few days after I landed I made a call upon John Morley. I
asked him whether he thought the thing could be done. He inquired
carefully into the story, took down from his shelf the excellent though
brief life of Bradford in Leslie Stephen’s “Biographical Dictionary,”
and told me he thought the book ought to come back to us, and that he
should be glad to do anything in his power to help. It was my fortune, a
week or two after, to sit next to Mr. Bayard at a dinner given to Mr.
Collins by the American consuls in Great Britain. I took occasion to
tell him the story, and he gave me the assurance, which he has since so
abundantly and successfully fulfilled, of his powerful aid. I was
compelled, by the health of one of the party with whom I was
travelling, to go to the continent almost immediately, and was
disappointed in the hope of an early return to England. So the matter
was delayed until about a week before I sailed for home, when I went to
Fulham, in the hope at least of seeing the manuscript. I had supposed
that it was a quasi-public library, open to general visitors. But I
found the bishop was absent. I asked for the librarian, but there was no
such officer, and I was told very politely that the library was not open
to the public, and was treated in all respects as that of a private
gentleman. So I gave up any hope of doing anything in person. But I
happened, the Friday before I sailed for home, to dine with an English
friend who had been exceedingly kind to me. As he took leave of me,
about eleven o’clock in the evening, he asked me if there was anything
more he could do for me. I said, “No, unless you happen to know the Lord
Bishop of London. I should like to get a sight at the manuscript of
Bradford’s history before I go home.” He said, “I do not know the bishop
myself, but Mr. Grenfell, at whose house you spent a few days in the
early summer, married the bishop’s niece, and will gladly give you an
introduction to his uncle. He is in Scotland. But I will write to him
before I go to bed.”

Sunday morning brought me a cordial letter from Mr. Grenfell,
introducing me to the bishop. I wrote a note to his lordship, saying I
should be glad to have an opportunity to see Bradford’s history; that I
was to sail for the United States the next Wednesday, but would be
pleased to call at Fulham Tuesday, if that were agreeable to him.

I got a note in reply, in which he said if I would call on Tuesday he
would be happy to show me “The Log of the Mayflower,” which is the title
the English, without the slightest reason in the world, give the
manuscript. I kept the appointment, and found the bishop with the book
in his hand. He received me with great courtesy, showed me the palace,
and said that that spot had been occupied by a bishop’s palace for more
than a thousand years.

After looking at the volume and reading the records on the flyleaf, I
said: “My lord, I am going to say something which you may think rather
audacious. I think this book ought to go back to Massachusetts. Nobody
knows how it got over here. Some people think it was carried off by
Governor Hutchinson, the Tory governor; other people think it was
carried off by British soldiers when Boston was evacuated; but in either
case the property would not have changed. Or, if you treat it as a
booty, in which last case, I suppose, by the law of nations ordinary
property does change, no civilized nation in modern times applies that
principle to the property of libraries and institutions of learning.”

“Well,” said the bishop, “I did not know you cared anything about it.”

“Why,” said I, “if there were in existence in England a history of King
Alfred’s reign for thirty years, written by his own hand, it would not
be more precious in the eyes of Englishmen than this manuscript is to
us.”

“Well,” said he, “I think myself it ought to go back, and if it had
depended on me it would have gone back before this. But the Americans
who have been here–many of them have been commercial people–did not
seem to care much about it except as a curiosity. I suppose I ought not
to give it up on my own authority. It belongs to me in my official
capacity, and not as private or personal property. I think I ought to
consult the Archbishop of Canterbury. And, indeed,” he added, “I think I
ought to speak to the Queen about it. We should not do such a thing
behind Her Majesty’s back.”

I said: “Very well. When I go home I will have a proper application made
from some of our literary societies, and ask you to give it
consideration.”

I saw Mr. Bayard again, and told him the story. He was at the train when
I left London for the steamer at Southampton. He entered with great
interest into the matter, and told me again he would gladly do anything
in his power to forward it.

When I got home I communicated with Secretary Olney about it, who took a
kindly interest in the matter, and wrote to Mr. Bayard that the
administration desired he should do everything in his power to promote
the application. The matter was then brought to the attention of the
council of the American Antiquarian Society, the Massachusetts
Historical Society, the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth and the New England
Society of New York. These bodies appointed committees to unite in the
application. Governor Wolcott was also consulted, who gave his hearty
approbation to the movement, and a letter was dispatched through Mr.
Bayard.

Meantime Bishop Temple, with whom I had my conversation, had himself
become Archbishop of Canterbury, and in that capacity Primate of all
England. His successor, Rev. Dr. Creighton, had been the delegate of
John Harvard’s College to the great celebration at Harvard University on
the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of its foundation, in 1886. He
had received the degree of doctor of laws from the university, had been
a guest of President Eliot, and had received President Eliot as his
guest in England.

He is an accomplished historical scholar, and very friendly in sentiment
to the people of the United States. So, by great fortune, the two
eminent ecclesiastical personages who were to have a powerful influence
in the matter were likely to be exceedingly well disposed. Dr. Benjamin
A. Gould, the famous mathematician, was appointed one of the committee
of the American Antiquarian Society. He died suddenly, just after a
letter to the Bishop of London was prepared and about to be sent to him
for signing. He took a very zealous interest in the matter. The letter
formally asked for the return of the manuscript, and was signed by the
following-named gentlemen: George F. Hoar, Stephen Salisbury, Edward
Everett Hale, Samuel A. Green, for the American Antiquarian Society;
Charles Francis Adams, William Lawrence, Charles W. Eliot, for the
Massachusetts Historical Society; Arthur Lord, William M. Evarts,
William T. Davis, for the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth; Charles C.
Beaman, Joseph H. Choate, J. Pierpont Morgan, for the New England
Society of New York; Roger Wolcott, Governor of Massachusetts.

The rarest good fortune seems to have attended every step in this
transaction.

I was fortunate in having formed the friendship of Mr. Grenfell, which
secured to me so cordial a reception from the Bishop of London.

It was fortunate that the Bishop of London was Dr. Temple, an eminent
scholar, kindly disposed toward the people of the United States, and a
man thoroughly capable of understanding and respecting the deep and
holy sentiment which a compliance with our desire would gratify.

It was fortunate, too, that Bishop Temple, who thought he must have the
approbation of the archbishop before his action, when the time came had
himself become Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England.

It was fortunate that Dr. Creighton had succeeded to the see of London.
He is, himself, as I have just said, an eminent historical scholar. He
has many friends in America. He was the delegate of Emmanuel, John
Harvard’s College, at the great Harvard centennial celebration in 1886.
He received the degree of doctor of laws at Harvard and is a member of
the Massachusetts Historical Society. He had, as I have said,
entertained President Eliot as his guest in England.

It was fortunate, too, that the application came in a time of cordial
good-will between the two countries, when the desire of John Adams and
the longing of George III. have their ample and complete fulfilment.
This token of the good-will of England reached Boston on the eve of the
birthday of the illustrious sovereign, who is not more venerated and
beloved by her own subjects than by the kindred people across the sea.

[Illustration: THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.]

It comes to us at the time of the rejoicing of the English people at
the sixtieth anniversary of a reign more crowded with benefit to
humanity than any other known in the annals of the race. Upon the power
of England, the sceptre, the trident, the lion, the army and the fleet,
the monster ships of war, the all-shattering guns, the American people
are strong enough now to look with an entire indifference. We encounter
her commerce and her manufacture in the spirit of a generous emulation.
The inheritance from which England has gained these things is ours also.
We, too, are of the Saxon strain.

In our halls is hung
Armory of the invincible knights of old.

Our temple covers a continent, and its porches are upon both the seas.
Our fathers knew the secret to lay, in Christian liberty and law, the
foundations of empire. Our young men are not ashamed, if need be, to
speak with the enemy in the gate.

But to the illustrious lady, type of gentlest womanhood, model of mother
and wife and friend, who came at eighteen to the throne of George IV.
and William; of purer eyes than to behold iniquity; the maiden presence
before which everything unholy shrank; the sovereign who, during her
long reign, “ever knew the people that she ruled;” the royal nature that
disdained to strike at her kingdom’s rival in the hour of our sorest
need; the heart which even in the bosom of a queen beat with sympathy
for the cause of constitutional liberty; who, herself not unacquainted
with grief, laid on the coffin of our dead Garfield the wreath fragrant
with a sister’s sympathy,–to her our republican manhood does not
disdain to bend.

The eagle, lord of land and sea,
Will stoop to pay her fealty.

But I am afraid this application might have had the fate of its
predecessors but for our special good fortune in the fact that Mr.
Bayard was our ambassador at the Court of St. James. He had been, as I
said in the beginning, the ambassador not so much of the diplomacy as of
the good-will of the American people. Before his powerful influence
every obstacle gave way. It was almost impossible for Englishmen to
refuse a request like this, made by him, and in which his own sympathies
were so profoundly enlisted.

You are entitled, sir, to the gratitude of Massachusetts, to the
gratitude of every lover of Massachusetts and of every lover of the
country. You have succeeded where so many others have failed, and where
so many others would have been likely to fail. You may be sure that our
debt to you is fully understood and will not be forgotten.

The question of the permanent abiding-place of this manuscript will be
settled after it has reached the hands of His Excellency. Wherever it
shall go it will be an object of reverent care. I do not think many
Americans will gaze upon it without a little trembling of the lips and a
little gathering of mist in the eyes, as they think of the story of
suffering, of sorrow, of peril, of exile, of death and of lofty triumph
which that book tells,–which the hand of the great leader and founder
of America has traced on those pages.

There is nothing like it in human annals since the story of Bethlehem.
These Englishmen and English women going out from their homes in
beautiful Lincoln and York, wife separated from husband and mother from
child in that hurried embarkation for Holland, pursued to the beach by
English horsemen; the thirteen years of exile; the life at Amsterdam “in
alley foul and lane obscure;” the dwelling at Leyden; the embarkation at
Delfthaven; the farewell of Robinson; the terrible voyage across the
Atlantic; the compact in the harbor; the landing on the rock; the
dreadful first winter; the death roll of more than half the number; the
days of suffering and of famine; the wakeful night, listening for the
yell of wild beast and the war-whoop of the savage; the building of the
State on those sure foundations which no wave or tempest has ever
shaken; the breaking of the new light; the dawning of the new day; the
beginning of the new life; the enjoyment of peace with liberty,–of all
these things this is the original record by the hand of our beloved
father and founder. Massachusetts will preserve it until the time shall
come that her children are unworthy of it; and that time shall
come,–never.

ADDRESS

OF THE

HON. THOMAS F. BAYARD.

[Illustration]

ADDRESS OF AMBASSADOR BAYARD.

Your Excellency, Gentlemen of the two Houses of the Legislature of
Massachusetts, Ladies and Gentlemen, Fellow Countrymen: The honorable
and most gratifying duty with which I am charged is about to receive its
final act of execution, for I have the book here, as it was placed in my
hands by the Lord Bishop of London on April 29, intact then and now; and
I am about to deliver it according to the provisions of the decree of
the Chancellor of London, which has been read in your presence, and the
receipt signed by me and registered in his court that I would obey the
provisions of that decree.

I have kept my trust; I have kept the book as I received it; I shall
deliver it into the hands of the representative of the people who are
entitled to its custody.

And now, gentlemen, it would be superfluous for me to dwell upon the
historical features of this remarkable occasion, for it has been done,
as we all knew it would be done, with ability, learning, eloquence and
impressiveness, by the distinguished Senator who represents you so well
in the Congress of the United States.

For all that related to myself, and for every gracious word of
recognition and commendation that fell from his lips in relation to the
part that I have taken in the act of restoration, I am profoundly
grateful. It is an additional reward, but not the reward which induced
my action.

To have served your State, to have been instrumental in such an act as
this, was of itself a high privilege to me. The Bradford manuscript was
in the library of Fulham palace, and if, by lawful means, I could have
become possessed of the volume, and have brought it here and quietly
deposited it, I should have gone to my home with the great satisfaction
of knowing that I had performed an act of justice, an act of right
between two countries. Therefore the praise, however grateful, is
additional, and I am very thankful for it.

It may not be inappropriate or unpleasing to you should I state in a
very simple manner the history of my relation to the return of this
book, for it all has occurred within the last twelve months.

I knew of the existence of this manuscript, and had seen the
reproduction in facsimile. I knew that attempts had been made,
unsuccessfully, to obtain the original book.

At that time Senator Hoar made a short visit to England, and in passing
through London I was informed by him of the great interest that he, in
common with the people of this State, had in the restoration of this
manuscript to the custody of the State.

We discussed the methods by which it might be accomplished, and after
two or three concurrent suggestions he returned to the United States,
and presently I received, under cover from the Secretary of State,–a
distinguished citizen of your own State, Mr. Olney,–a formal note,
suggesting rather than instructing that in an informal manner I should
endeavor to have carried out the wishes of the various societies that
had addressed themselves to the Bishop of London and the Archbishop of
Canterbury, in order to obtain the return of this manuscript.

It necessarily had to be done informally. The strict regulations of the
office I then occupied forbade my correspondence with any member of the
British government except through the foreign office, unless it were
informal. An old saying describes the entire case, that “When there’s a
will there’s a way.” There certainly was the will to get the book, and
there certainly was also a will and a way to give the book, and that way
was discovered by the legal custodians of the book itself.

At first there were suggestions of difficulty, some technical questions;
and following a very safe rule, the first thought was, What is the law?
and the case was submitted to the law officers of the Crown. Then there
arose the necessity of a formal act of permission.

There could be entertained no question as to the title to the manuscript
in the possession of the British government. There was no authority to
grant a claim, founded on adverse title, and the question arose as to
the requisite form of law of a permissive rather than of a mandatory
nature, in order to be authoritative with those who had charge of the
document.

But, as I have said, when there was a will there was found a way. By
personal correspondence and interviews with the Bishop of London, I soon
discovered that he was as anxious to find the way as I was that he
should find it. In March last it was finally agreed that I should employ
legal counsel to present a formal petition in the Episcopal Consistorial
Court of London, and there before the Chancellor to represent the strong
desire of Massachusetts and her people for the return of the record of
her early Governor.

Accordingly, the petition was prepared, and by my authority signed as
for me by an eminent member of the bar, and it was also signed by the
Bishop of London, so that there was a complete consensus. The decree was
ordered, as is published in the London “Times” on March 25 last, and
nothing after that remained but formalities, in which, as you are well
aware, the English law is not lacking, especially in the ecclesiastical
tribunals.

These formalities were carried out during my absence from London on a
short visit to the Continent, and the decree which you have just heard
read was duly entered on April 12 last, consigning the document to my
personal custody, to be delivered by me in this city to the high
official therein named, subject to those conditions which you have also
heard.

Accordingly, on the 29th of April last I was summoned to the court, and
there, having signed the receipt, this decree was read in my presence.
Then the Bishop of London arose, and, taking the book in his hands,
delivered it with a few gracious words into my custody, and here it is
to-day.

The records of those proceedings will no doubt be preserved here as
accompanying this book, as they are in the Episcopal Consistorial Court
in London, and they tell the entire story.

But that is but part. The thing that I wish to impress upon you, and
upon my fellow countrymen throughout the United States, is that this is
an act of courtesy and friendship by another government–the government
of what we once called our “mother country”–to the entire people of the
United States.

You cannot limit it to the Governor of this Commonwealth; nor to the
Legislature; nor even to the citizens of this Commonwealth. It extends
in its courtesy, its kindness and comity to the entire people of the
United States. From first to last there was the ready response of
courtesy and kindness to the request for the restoration of this
manuscript record.

I may say to you that there has been nothing that I have sought more
earnestly than to place the affairs of these two great nations in the
atmosphere of mutual confidence and respect and good-will. If it be a
sin to long for the honor of one’s country, for the safety and strength
of one’s country, then I have been a great sinner, for I have striven to
advance the honor and the safety and the welfare of my country, and
believed it was best accomplished by treating all with justice and
courtesy, and doing those things to others which we would ask to have
done to ourselves.

When the Chancellor pronounced his decree in March last, he cited
certain precedents to justify him in restoring this volume to
Massachusetts. One precedent which powerfully controlled his decision,
and which in the closing portion of his judgment he emphasizes, was an
act of generous liberality upon the part of the American Library Society
in Philadelphia in voluntarily returning to the British government some
volumes of original manuscript of the period of James the First, which
by some means not very clearly explained had found their way among the
books of that institution.

Those books were received by a distinguished man, Lord Romilly, Master
of the Rolls, who took occasion to speak of the liberality and kindness
which dictated the action of the Philadelphia library. Gentlemen, I am
one of those who believe that a generous and kindly act is never unwise
between individuals or nations.

The return of this book to you is an echo of the kindly act of your
countrymen in the city of Philadelphia in 1866.

It is that, not, as Mr. Hoar has said, any influence or special effort
of mine; but it is international good feeling and comity which brought
about to you the pleasure and the joy of having this manuscript
returned, and so it will ever be. A generous act will beget a generous
act; trust and confidence will beget trust and confidence; and so it
will be while the world shall last, and well will it be for the man or
for the people who shall recognize this truth and act upon it.

Now, gentlemen, there is another coincidence that I may venture to point
out. It is history repeating itself. More than three hundred years ago
the ancestors from whom my father drew his name and blood were French
Protestants, who had been compelled to flee from the religious
persecutions of that day, and for the sake of conscience to find an
asylum in Holland. Fifty years after they had fled and found safety in
Holland, the little congregation of Independents from the English
village of Scrooby, under the pastorate of John Robinson, was forced to
fly, and with difficulty found its way into the same country of the
Netherlands, seeking an asylum for consciences’ sake.

Time passed on. The little English colony removed, as this manuscript of
William Bradford will tell you, across the Atlantic, and soon after the
Huguenot family from whom I drew my name found their first settlement in
what was then the New Netherlands, now New York. Both came from the same
cause; both came with the same object, the same purpose,–“soul
freedom,” as Roger Williams well called it. Both came to found homes
where they could worship God according to their own conscience and live
as free men. They came to these shores, and they have found the asylum,
and they have strengthened it, and it is what we see to-day,–a country
of absolute religious and civil freedom,–of equal rights and
toleration.

And is it not fitting that I, who have in my veins the blood of the
Huguenots, should present to you and your Governor the log of the
English emigrants, who left their country for the sake of religious
freedom?

They are blended here,–their names, their interests. No man asks and no
man has a right to ask or have ascertained by any method authorized by
law what is the conscientious religious tenet or opinion of any man, of
any citizen, as a prerequisite for holding an office of trust or power
in the United States.

I think it well on this occasion to make, as I am sure you are making,
acknowledgment to that heroic little country, the Lowlands as they call
it, the Netherlands,–the country without one single feature of military
defence except the brave hearts of the men who live in it and defend it.

Holland was the anvil upon which religious and civil liberty was beaten
out in Europe at a time when the clang was scarcely heard anywhere else.
We can never forget our historical debt to that country and to those
people. Puritan, Independent, Huguenot, whoever he may be, forced to
flee for conscience’s sake, will not forget that in the Netherlands
there was found in his time of need the asylum where conscience,
property and person might be secure.

And now my task is done. I am deeply grateful for the part that I have
been enabled to take in this act of just and natural restitution. In
Massachusetts or out of Massachusetts there is no one more willing than
I to assist this work; and here, sir [addressing Governor Wolcott], I
fulfil my trust in placing in your hands the manuscript.

To you, as the honored representative of the people of this
Commonwealth, I commit this book, in pursuance of my obligations, gladly
undertaken under the decree of the Episcopal Consistorial Court of
London.

ADDRESS

OF

HIS EXCELLENCY ROGER WOLCOTT.

[Illustration:]

ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR WOLCOTT.

On receiving the volume, Governor Wolcott, addressing Mr. Bayard, spoke
as follows: I thank you, sir, for the diligent and faithful manner in
which you have executed the honorable trust imposed upon you by the
decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London, a copy of
which you have now placed in my hands. It was fitting that one of your
high distinction should be selected to perform so dignified an office.

The gracious act of international courtesy which is now completed will
not fail of grateful appreciation by the people of this Commonwealth and
of the nation. It is honorable alike to those who hesitated not to
prefer the request and to those whose generous liberality has prompted
compliance with it. It may be that the story of the departure of this
precious relic from our shores may never in its every detail be
revealed; but the story of its return will be read of all men, and will
become a part of the history of the Commonwealth. There are places and
objects so intimately associated with the world’s greatest men or with
mighty deeds that the soul of him who gazes upon them is lost in a sense
of reverent awe, as it listens to the voice that speaks from the past,
in words like those which came from the burning bush, “Put off thy shoes
from off thy feet, for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground.”

On the sloping hillside of Plymouth, that bathes its feet in the waters
of the Atlantic, such a voice is breathed by the brooding genius of the
place, and the ear must be dull that fails to catch the whispered words.
For here not alone did godly men and women suffer greatly for a great
cause, but their noble purpose was not doomed to defeat, but was carried
to perfect victory. They stablished what they planned. Their feeble
plantation became the birthplace of religious liberty, the cradle of a
free Commonwealth. To them a mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they have
made the civilized world their debtor. In the varied tapestry which
pictures our national life, the richest spots are those where gleam the
golden threads of conscience, courage and faith, set in the web by that
little band. May God in his mercy grant that the moral impulse which
founded this nation may never cease to control its destiny; that no act
of any future generation may put in peril the fundamental principles on
which it is based,–of equal rights in a free state, equal privileges in
a free church and equal opportunities in a free school.

In this precious volume which I hold in my hands–the gift of England to
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts–is told the noble, simple story “of
Pli[~m]oth Plantation.” In the midst of suffering and privation and
anxiety the pious hand of William Bradford here set down in ample detail
the history of the enterprise from its inception to the year 1647. From
him we may learn “that all great and honourable actions are accompanied
with great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with
answerable courages.”

The sadness and pathos which some might read into the narrative are to
me lost in victory. The triumph of a noble cause even at a great price
is theme for rejoicing, not for sorrow, and the story here told is one
of triumphant achievement, and not of defeat.

As the official representative of the Commonwealth, I receive it, sir,
at your hands. I pledge the faith of the Commonwealth that for all time
it shall be guarded in accordance with the terms of the decree under
which it is delivered into her possession as one of her chiefest
treasures. I express the thanks of the Commonwealth for the priceless
gift. And I venture the prophecy that for countless years to come and to
untold thousands these mute pages shall eloquently speak of high
resolve, great suffering and heroic endurance made possible by an
absolute faith in the over-ruling providence of Almighty God.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

BY THE

BISHOP OF LONDON.

[Illustration: THE BISHOP OF LONDON]

(Copy)

FULHAM PALACE, S.W.
Oct. 16, 1897.

DEAR SIR,

I would ask you to express to the Convention of the two branches of the
General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts my grateful thanks
for the copy of their resolution of May 26, which was presented to me by
Mr. Adams.[A]

I consider it a great privilege to have been associated with an act of
courtesy, which was also an act of justice, in restoring to its proper
place a document which is so important in the records of your
illustrious Commonwealth.

I am

Yours faithfully,
M. London.

H.D. COOLIDGE, Esq.
Clerk of the Convention.

OF PLIMOTH PLANTATION.

Of Plimoth Plantation.

And first of y^e occasion and ind[~u]sments ther unto; the which that I
may truly unfould, I must begine at y^e very roote & rise of y^e same.
The which I shall endevor to manefest in a plaine stile, with singuler
regard unto y^e simple trueth in all things, at least as near as my
slender judgmente can attaine the same.

1. Chapter.

It is well knowne unto y^e godly and judicious, how ever since y^e first
breaking out of y^e lighte of y^e gospell in our Honourable Nation of
England, (which was y^e first of nations whom y^e Lord adorned ther
with, affter y^t grosse darknes of popery which had covered & overspred
y^e Christian worled,) what warrs & opposissions ever since, Satan hath
raised, maintained, and continued against the Saincts, from time to
time, in one sorte or other. Some times by bloody death and cruell
torments; other whiles imprisonments, banishments, & other hard usages;
as being loath his kingdom should goe downe, the trueth prevaile, and
y^e churches of God reverte to their anciente puritie, and recover their
primative order, libertie, & bewtie. But when he could not prevaile by
these means, against the maine trueths of y^e gospell, but that they
began to take rootting in many places, being watered with y^e blooud of
y^e martires, and blessed from heaven with a gracious encrease; He then
begane to take him to his anciente strategemes, used of old against the
first Christians. That when by y^e bloody & barbarous persecutions of
y^e Heathen Emperours, he could not stoppe & subuerte the course of y^e
gospell, but that it speedily overspred with a wounderfull celeritie the
then best known parts of y^e world, He then begane to sow errours,
heresies, and wounderfull dissentions amongst y^e professours them
selves, (working upon their pride & ambition, with other corrupte
passions incidente to all mortall men, yea to y^e saints them selves in
some measure,) by which wofull effects followed; as not only bitter
contentions, & hartburnings, schismes, with other horrible confusions,
but Satan tooke occasion & advantage therby to foyst in a number of vile
ceremoneys, with many unproffitable cannons & decrees, which have since
been as snares to many poore & peaceable souls even to this day. So as
in y^e anciente times, the persecutions[2] by y^e heathen & their
Emperours, was not greater then of the Christians one against other; the
Arians & other their complices against y^e orthodoxe & true Christians.
As witneseth Socrates in his 2. booke. His words are these;[B] _The
violence truly_ (saith he) _was no less than that of ould practised
towards y^e Christians when they were compelled & drawne to sacrifice to
idoles; for many indured sundrie kinds of tormente, often rackings, &
dismembering of their joynts; confiscating of ther goods; some bereaved
of their native soyle; others departed this life under y^e hands of y^e
tormentor; and some died in banishm[=e]te, & never saw ther cuntrie
againe, &c._

The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold in these later times, since
y^e trueth begane to springe & spread after y^e great defection made by
Antichrist, y^t man of si[=n]e.

For to let pass y^e infinite examples in sundrie nations and severall
places of y^e world, and instance in our owne, when as y^t old serpente
could not prevaile by those firie flames & other his cruell tragedies,
which he[C] by his instruments put in ure every wher in y^e days of
queene Mary & before, he then begane an other kind of warre, & went more
closly to worke; not only to oppuggen, but even to ruinate & destroy y^e
kingdom of Christ, by more secrete & subtile means, by kindling y^e
flames of contention and sowing y^e seeds of discorde & bitter enmitie
amongst y^e proffessors & seeming reformed them selves. For when he
could not prevaile by y^e former means against the principall doctrins
of faith, he bente his force against the holy discipline & outward
regimente of the kingdom of Christ, by which those holy doctrines
should be conserved, & true pietie maintained amongest the saints &
people of God.

Mr. Foxe recordeth how y^t besids those worthy martires & confessors
which were burned in queene Marys days & otherwise tormented,[D] _many
(both studients & others) fled out of y^e land, to y^e number of 800.
And became severall congregations. At Wesell, Frankford, Bassill, Emden,
Markpurge, Strausborugh, & Geneva, &c._ Amongst whom (but especialy
those at Frankford) begane y^t bitter warr of contention & persecuti[=o]
aboute y^e ceremonies, & servise-booke, and other popish and
antichristian stuffe, the plague of England to this day, which are like
y^e highplases in Israell, w^ch the prophets cried out against, & were
their ruine; [3] which y^e better parte sought, according to y^e puritie
of y^e gospell, to roote out and utterly to abandon. And the other parte
(under veiled pretences) for their ouwn ends & advancments, sought as
stifly to continue, maintaine, & defend. As appeareth by y^e discourse
therof published in printe, An^o: 1575; a booke y^t deserves better to
be knowne and considred.

The one side laboured to have y^e right worship of God & discipline of
Christ established in y^e church, according to y^e simplicitie of y^e
gospell, without the mixture of mens inventions, and to have & to be
ruled by y^e laws of Gods word, dispensed in those offices, & by those
officers of Pastors, Teachers, & Elders, &c. according to y^e Scripturs.
The other partie, though under many colours & pretences, endevored to
have y^e episcopall dignitie (affter y^e popish ma[=n]er) with their
large power & jurisdiction still retained; with all those courts,
cannons, & ceremonies, togeather with all such livings, revenues, &
subordinate officers, with other such means as formerly upheld their
antichristian greatnes, and enabled them with lordly & tyranous power to
persecute y^e poore servants of God. This contention was so great, as
neither y^e honour of God, the commone persecution, nor y^e mediation of
Mr. Calvin & other worthies of y^e Lord in those places, could prevaile
with those thus episcopally minded, but they proceeded by all means to
disturbe y^e peace of this poor persecuted church, even so farr as to
charge (very unjustly, & ungodlily, yet prelatelike) some of their
cheefe opposers, with rebellion & hightreason against y^e Emperour, &
other such crimes.

And this cont[=e]tion dyed not with queene Mary, nor was left beyonde
y^e seas, but at her death these people returning into England under
gracious queene Elizabeth, many of them being preferred to bishopricks &
other promotions, according to their aimes and desires, that inveterate
hatered against y^e holy discipline of Christ in his church hath
continued to this day. In somuch that for fear [4] it should preveile,
all plotts & devices have been used to keepe it out, incensing y^e
queene & state against it as dangerous for y^e co[=m]on wealth; and that
it was most needfull y^t y^e fundamentall poynts of Religion should be
preached in those ignorante & superstitious times; and to wi[=n]e y^e
weake & ignorante, they might retaine diverse harmles ceremoneis; and
though it were to be wished y^t diverse things were reformed, yet this
was not a season for it. And many the like, to stop y^e mouthes of y^e
more godly, to bring them over to yeeld to one ceremoney after another,
and one corruption after another; by these wyles begyleing some &
corrupting others till at length they begane to persecute all y^e
zealous professors in y^e land (though they knew little what this
discipline mente) both by word & deed, if they would not submitte to
their ceremonies, & become slaves to them & their popish trash, which
have no ground in y^e word of God, but are relikes of y^t man of sine.
And the more y^e light of y^e gospell grew, y^e more y^ey urged their
subscriptions to these corruptions. So as (notwithstanding all their
former pretences & fair colures) they whose eyes God had not justly
blinded might easily see wherto these things tended. And to cast
contempte the more upon y^e sincere servants of God, they opprobriously
& most injuriously gave unto, & imposed upon them, that name of
Puritans, which [it] is said the Novatians out of prid did assume &
take unto themselves.[E] And lamentable it is to see y^e effects which
have followed. Religion hath been disgraced, the godly greeved,
afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled, sundrie have lost their lives in
prisones & otherways. On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced,
ignorance, profannes, & atheisme increased, & the papists encouraged to
hope againe for a day.

This made that holy man Mr. Perkins[F] crie out in his exhortation to
repentance, upon Zeph. 2. _Religion_ (saith he) _hath been amongst us
this 35. years; but the more it is published, the more it is contemned &
reproached of many, &c. Thus not prophanes nor wickednes, but Religion
it selfe is a byword, a moking-stock, & a matter of reproach; so that in
England at this day the man or woman y^t begines to profes Religion, &
to serve God, must resolve with him selfe to sustaine_ [5] _mocks &
injueries even as though he lived amongst y^e enimies of Religion._ And
this co[=m]one experience hath confirmed & made too apparente.

_A late observation, as it were by the way, worthy to be Noted._[G]

Full litle did I thinke, y^t the downfall of y^e Bishops, with their
courts, cannons, & ceremonies, &c. had been so neare, when I first
begane these scribled writings (which was aboute y^e year 1630, and so
peeced up at times of leasure afterward), or that I should have lived
to have seene or heard of y^e same; but it is y^e Lords doing, and
ought to be marvelous in our eyes! Every plante which mine heavenly
father hath not planted (saith our Saviour) shall be rooted up. Mat:
15. 13.[H] I have snared the, and thou art taken, O Babell (Bishops),
and thou wast not aware; thou art found, and also caught, because thou
hast striven against the Lord. Jer. 50. 24. But will they needs strive
against y^e truth, against y^e servants of God; what, & against the
Lord him selfe? Doe they provoke the Lord to anger? Are they stronger
than he? 1. Cor: 10. 22. No, no, they have mete with their match.
Behold, I come unto y^e, O proud man, saith the Lord God of hosts; for
thy day is come, even the time that I will visite the. Jer: 50. 31.
May not the people of God now say (and these pore people among y^e
rest), The Lord hath brought forth our righteousnes; come, let us
declare in Sion the work of the Lord our God. Jer: 51. 10. Let all
flesh be still before the Lord; for he is raised up out of his holy
place. Zach: 2. 13.

In this case, these poore people may say (among y^e thousands of
Israll), _When the Lord brougt againe the captivite of Zion, we were
like them that dreame. Psa: 126. 1. The Lord hath done greate things
for us, wherof we rejoyce. v. 3. They that sow in teares, shall reap
in joye. They wente weeping, and carried precious seede, but they
shall returne with joye, and bring their sheaves, v. 5, 6._

Doe you not now see y^e fruits of your labours, O all yee servants of
y^e Lord that have suffered for his truth, and have been faithfull
witneses of y^e same, and yee litle handfull amongst y^e rest, y^e
least amongest y^e thousands of Israll? You have not only had a seede
time, but many of you have seene y^e joyefull harvest; should you not
then rejoyse, yea, and againe rejoyce, and say Hallelu-iah,
salvation, and glorie, and honour, and power, be to y^e Lord our God;
for true and righteous are his judgments. Rev. 19. 1, 2.

But thou wilte aske what is y^e mater? What is done? Why, art thou a
stranger in Israll, that thou shouldest not know what is done? Are not
those Jebusites overcome that have vexed the people of Israll so long,
even holding Jerusalem till Davids days, and been as thorns in their
sids, so many ages; and now begane to scorne that any David should
meadle with them; they begane to fortifie their tower, as that of the
old Babelonians; but those proud Anakimes are throwne downe, and their
glory laid in y^e dust. The tiranous bishops are ejected, their courts
dissolved, their cannons forceless, their servise casheired, their
ceremonies uselese and despised; their plots for popery prevented, and
all their superstitions discarded & returned to Roome from whence they
came, and y^e monuments of idolatrie rooted out of y^e land. And the
proud and profane suporters, and cruell defenders of these (as bloody
papists & wicked athists, and their malignante consorts) marvelously
over throwne. And are not these greate things? Who can deney it?

But who hath done it? Who, even he that siteth on y^e white horse, who
is caled faithfull, & true, and judgeth and fighteth righteously, Rev:
19. 11. whose garments are dipte in blood, and his name was caled the
word of God, v. 13. for he shall rule them with a rode of iron; for it
is he that treadeth the winepress of the feircenes and wrath of God
almighty. And he hath upon his garmente, and upon his thigh, a name
writen, The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, v. 15, 16.

Hallelu-iah.

Anno Dom: 1646.

But that I may come more near my intendmente; when as by the travell &
diligence of some godly & zealous preachers, & Gods blessing on their
labours, as in other places of y^e land, so in y^e North parts, many
became inlightened by the word of God, and had their ignorance & sins
discovered unto them, and begane by his grace to reforme their lives,
and make conscience of their wayes, the worke of God was no sooner
manifest in them, but presently they were both scoffed and scorned by
y^e prophane multitude, and y^e ministers urged with y^e yoak of
subscription, or els must be silenced; and y^e poore people were so
vexed with apparators, & pursuants, & y^e comissarie courts, as truly
their affliction was not smale; which, notwithstanding, they bore
sundrie years with much patience, till they were occasioned (by y^e
continuance & encrease of these troubls, and other means which the Lord
raised up in those days) to see further into things by the light of y^e
word of God. How not only these base and beggerly ceremonies were
unlawfull, but also that y^e lordly & tiranous power of y^e prelats
ought not to be submitted unto; which thus, contrary to the freedome of
the gospell, would load & burden mens consciences, and by their
compulsive power make a prophane mixture of persons & things in the
worship of God. And that their offices & calings, courts & cannons, &c.
were unlawfull and antichristian; being such as have no warrante in y^e
word of God; but the same y^t were used in poperie, & still retained. Of
which a famous author thus writeth in his Dutch co[=m]taries.[I] At the
coming of king James into England; _The new king_ (saith he) _found
their established y^e reformed religion, according to y^e reformed
religion of king Edward y^e 6. Retaining, or keeping still y^e
spirituall state of y^e Bishops, &c. after y^e ould maner, much varying
& differing from y^e reformed churches in Scotland, France, & y^e
Neatherlands, Embden, Geneva, &c. whose reformation is cut, or shapen
much nerer y^e first Christian churches, as it was used in y^e Apostles
times._[J]

[6] So many therfore of these proffessors as saw y^e evill of these
things, in thes parts, and whose harts y^e Lord had touched w^th
heavenly zeale for his trueth, they shooke of this yoake of
antichristian bondage, and as y^e Lords free people, joyned them selves
(by a covenant of the Lord) into a church estate, in y^e felowship of
y^e gospell, to walke in all his wayes, made known, or to be made known
unto them, according to their best endeavours, whatsoever it should cost
them, the Lord assisting them. And that it cost them something this
ensewing historie will declare.

These people became 2. distincte bodys or churches, & in regarde of
distance of place did congregate severally; for they were of sundrie
townes & vilages, some in Notingamshire, some of Lincollinshire, and
some of Yorkshire, wher they border nearest togeather. In one of these
churches (besids others of note) was Mr. John Smith, a man of able
gifts, & a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor. But
these afterwards falling into some errours in y^e Low Countries, ther
(for y^e most part) buried them selves, & their names.

But in this other church (w^ch must be y^e subjecte of our discourse)
besids other worthy men, was M^r. Richard Clifton, a grave and
rever[=e]d preacher, who by his paines and dilligens had done much good,
and under God had ben a means of y^e conversion of many. And also that
famous and worthy man M^r. John Robinson, who afterwards was their
pastor for many years, till y^e Lord tooke him away by death. Also M^r.
William Brewster a reverent man, who afterwards was chosen an elder of
y^e church and lived with them till old age.

But after these things they could not long continue in any peaceable
condition, but were hunted & persecuted on every side, so as their
former afflictions were but as flea-bitings in comparison of these which
now came upon them. For some were taken & clapt up in prison, others had
their houses besett & watcht night and day, & hardly escaped their
hands; and y^e most were faine to flie & leave their howses &
habitations, and the means of their livelehood. Yet these & many other
sharper things which affterward befell them, were no other then they
looked for, and therfore were y^e better prepared to bear them by y^e
assistance of Gods grace & spirite. Yet seeing them selves thus
molested, [7] and that ther was no hope of their continuance ther, by a
joynte consente they resolved to goe into y^e Low-Countries, wher they
heard was freedome of Religion for all men; as also how sundrie from
London, & other parts of y^e land, had been exiled and persecuted for
y^e same cause, & were gone thither, and lived at Amsterdam, & in other
places of y^e land. So affter they had continued togeither aboute a
year, and kept their meetings every Saboth in one place or other,
exercising the worship of God amongst them selves, notwithstanding all
y^e dilligence & malice of their adverssaries, they seeing they could no
longer continue in y^t condition, they resolved to get over into
Holl[=a]d as they could; which was in y^e year 1607. & 1608.; of which
more at large in y^e next chap.

2. Chap.

_Of their departure into Holland and their troubls ther aboute, with
some of the many difficulties they found and mete withall_.

An^o. 1608.

Being thus constrained to leave their native soyle and countrie, their
lands & livings, and all their freinds & famillier acquaintance, it was
much, and thought marvelous by many. But to goe into a countrie they
knew not (but by hearsay), wher they must learne a new language, and get
their livings they knew not how, it being a dear place, & subjecte to
y^e misseries of warr, it was by many thought an adventure almost
desperate, a case intolerable, & a misserie worse then death. Espetially
seeing they were not aquainted with trads nor traffique, (by which y^t
countrie doth subsiste,) but had only been used to a plaine countrie
life, & y^e inocente trade of husbandrey. But these things did not
dismay them (though they did some times trouble them) for their desires
were sett on y^e ways of God, & to injoye his ordinances; but they
rested on his providence, & knew whom they had beleeved. Yet [8] this
was not all, for though they could not stay, yet were y^e not suffered
to goe, but y^e ports and havens were shut against them, so as they were
faine to seeke secrete means of conveance, & to bribe & fee y^e
mariners, & give exterordinarie rates for their passages. And yet were
they often times betrayed (many of them), and both they & their goods
intercepted & surprised, and therby put to great trouble & charge, of
which I will give an instance or tow, & omitte the rest.

Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get passage at Boston in
Lincoln-shire, and for that end had hired a shipe wholy to them selves,
& made agreement with the maister to be ready at a certaine day, and
take them and their goods in, at a conveniente place, wher they
accordingly would all attende in readines. So after long waiting, &
large expences, though he kepte not day with them, yet he came at
length & tooke them in, in y^e night. But when he had them & their goods
abord, he betrayed them, haveing before hand complotted with y^e
serchers & other officers so to doe; who tooke them, and put them into
open boats, & ther rifled & ransaked them, searching them to their
shirts for money, yea even y^e women furder then became modestie; and
then caried them back into y^e towne, & made them a spectackle & wonder
to the multitude, which came flocking on all sids to behould them. Being
thus first, by the chatch-poule officers, rifled, & stripte of their
money, books, and much other goods, they were presented to y^e
magestrates, and messengers sente to informe y^e lords of y^e Counsell
of them; and so they were co[=m]ited to ward. Indeed y^e magestrats used
them courteously, and shewed them what favour they could; but could not
deliver them, till order came from y^e Counsell-table. But y^e issue was
that after a months imprisonmente, y^e greatest parte were dismiste, &
sent to y^e places from whence they came; but 7. of y^e principall were
still kept in prison, and bound over to y^e Assises.

The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte made by some of these
& others, to get over at an other place. And it so fell out, that they
light of a Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his owne belonging to
Zealand; they made agreemente with him, and acquainted [9] him with
their condition, hoping to find more faithfullnes in him, then in y^e
former of their owne nation. He bad them not fear, for he would doe well
enough. He was by appointment to take them in betweene Grimsbe & Hull,
wher was a large co[=m]one a good way distante from any towne. Now
aganst the prefixed time, the women & children, with y^e goods, were
sent to y^e place in a small barke, which they had hired for y^t end;
and y^e men were to meete them by land. But it so fell out, that they
were ther a day before y^e shipe came, & y^e sea being rough, and y^e
women very sicke, prevailed with y^e seamen to put into a creeke hardby,
wher they lay on ground at lowwater. The nexte morning y^e shipe came,
but they were fast, & could not stir till aboute noone. In y^e mean
time, y^e shipe maister, perceiveing how y^e matter was, sente his boate
to be getting y^e men abord whom he saw ready, walking aboute y^e shore.
But after y^e first boat full was gott abord, & she was ready to goe for
more, the m^r espied a greate company, both horse & foote, with bills, &
gunes, & other weapons; for y^e countrie was raised to take them. Y^e
Dutch-man seeing y^t, swore his countries oath, “sacremente,” and having
y^e wind faire, waiged his Ancor, hoysed sayles, & away. But y^e poore
men which were gott abord, were in great distress for their wives and
children, which they saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of
their helps; and them selves also, not having a cloath to shifte them
with, more then they had on their baks, & some scarce a peney aboute
them, all they had being abord y^e barke. It drew tears from their eyes,
and any thing they had they would have given to have been a shore
againe; but all in vaine, ther was no remedy, they must thus sadly part.
And afterward endured a fearfull storme at sea, being 14. days or more
before y^ey arived at their porte, in 7. wherof they neither saw son,
moone, nor stars, & were driven near y^e coast of Norway; the mariners
them selves often despairing of life; and once with shriks & cries gave
over all, as if y^e ship had been foundred in y^e sea, & they sinking
without recoverie. But when mans hope & helpe wholy failed, y^e Lords
power & mercie appeared in ther recoverie; for y^e ship rose againe, &
gave y^e mariners courage againe to manage her. And if modestie woud
suffer me, I might declare with what fervente [10] prayres they cried
unto y^e Lord in this great distres, (espetialy some of them,) even
without any great distraction, when y^e water rane into their mouthes &
ears; & the mariners cried out, We sinke, we sinke; they cried (if not
with mirakelous, yet with a great hight or degree of devine faith), Yet
Lord thou canst save, yet Lord thou canst save; with shuch other
expressions as I will forbeare. Upon which y^e ship did not only
recover, but shortly after y^e violence of y^e storme begane to abate,
and y^e Lord filed their afflicted minds with shuch comforts as every
one ca[=n]ot understand, and in y^e end brought them to their desired
Haven, wher y^e people came flockeing admiring their deliverance, the
storme having ben so longe & sore, in which much hurt had been don, as
y^e masters freinds related unto him in their congrattulations.

But to returne to y^e others wher we left. The rest of y^e men y^t were
in greatest danger, made shift to escape away before y^e troope could
surprise them; those only staying y^t best might, to be assistante unto
y^e women. But pitifull it was to see y^e heavie case of these poore
women in this distress; what weeping & crying on every side, some for
their husbands, that were caried away in y^e ship as is before related;
others not knowing what should become of them, & their litle ones;
others againe melted in teares, seeing their poore litle ones hanging
aboute them, crying for feare, and quaking with could. Being thus
aprehended, they were hurried from one place to another, and from one
justice to another, till in y^e ende they knew not what to doe with
them; for to imprison so many women & innocent children for no other
cause (many of them) but that they must goe with their husbands, semed
to be unreasonable and all would crie out of them; and to send them home
againe was as difficult, for they aledged, as y^e trueth was, they had
no homes to goe to, for they had either sould, or otherwise disposed of
their houses & livings. To be shorte, after they had been thus turmolyed
a good while, and conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad
to be ridd of them in y^e end upon any termes; for all were wearied &
tired with them. Though in y^e mean time they (poore soules) indured
miserie enough; and thus in the end necessitie forste a way for them.

But y^t I be not tedious in these things, I will omitte y^e rest, though
I might relate many other notable passages and troubles which they
endured & underwente in these their wanderings & travells both at land &
sea; but I hast to [11] other things. Yet I may not omitte y^e fruite
that came hearby, for by these so publick troubls, in so many eminente
places, their cause became famouss, & occasioned many to looke into y^e
same; and their godly cariage & Christian behaviour was such as left a
deep impression in the minds of many. And though some few shrunk at
these first conflicts & sharp beginings, (as it was no marvell,) yet
many more came on with fresh courage, & greatly animated others. And in
y^e end, notwithstanding all these stormes of oppossition, they all gatt
over at length, some at one time & some at an other, and some in one
place & some in an other, and mette togeather againe according to their
desires, with no small rejoycing.

The 3. Chap.

_Of their setling in Holand, & their maner of living, & entertainmente
ther._

Being now come into y^e Low Countries, they saw many goodly & fortified
cities, strongly walled and garded with troopes of armed men. Also they
heard a strange & uncouth language, and beheld y^e differente ma[=n]ers
& customes of y^e people, with their strange fashons and attires; all so
farre differing from y^t of their plaine countrie villages (wherin they
were bred, & had so longe lived) as it seemed they were come into a new
world. But these were not y^e things they much looked on, or long tooke
up their thoughts; for they had other work in hand, & an other kind of
warr to wage & maintaine. For though they saw faire & bewtifull cities,
flowing with abundance of all sorts of welth & riches, yet it was not
longe before they saw the gri[=m]e & grisly face of povertie coming upon
them like an armed man, with whom they must bukle & incounter, and from
whom they could not flye; but they were armed with faith & patience
against him, and all his encounters; and though they were sometimes
foyled, yet by Gods assistance they prevailed and got y^e victorie.

Now when M^r. Robinson, M^r. Brewster, & other principall members were
come over, (for they were of y^e last, & stayed to help y^e weakest
over before them,) such things were [12] thought on as were necessarie
for their setling and best ordering of y^e church affairs. And when they
had lived at Amsterdam aboute a year, M^r. Robinson, their pastor, and
some others of best discerning, seeing how M^r. John Smith and his
companie was allready fallen in to contention with y^e church y^t was
ther before them, & no means they could use would doe any good to cure
y^e same, and also that y^e flames of contention were like to breake out
in y^t anciente church it selfe (as affterwards lamentably came to
pass); which things they prudently foreseeing, thought it was best to
remove, before they were any way engaged with y^e same; though they well
knew it would be much to y^e prejudice of their outward estats, both at
presente & in licklyhood in y^e future; as indeed it proved to be.

_Their remoovall to Leyden._

For these & some other reasons they removed to Leyden, a fair &
bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation, but made more famous by y^e
universitie wherwith it is adorned, in which of late had been so many
learned men. But wanting that traffike by sea which Amsterdam injoyes,
it was not so beneficiall for their outward means of living & estats.
But being now hear pitchet they fell to such trads & imployments as they
best could; valewing peace & their spirituall comforte above any other
riches whatsoever. And at lenght they came to raise a competente &
comforteable living, but with hard and continuall labor.

Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they continued many years in
a comfortable condition, injoying much sweete & delightefull societie &
spirituall comforte togeather in y^e wayes of God, under y^e able
ministrie, and prudente governmente of M^r. John Robinson, & M^r.
William Brewster, who was an assistante unto him in y^e place of an
Elder, unto which he was now called & chosen by the church. So as they
grew in knowledge & other gifts & graces of y^e spirite of God, & lived
togeather in peace, & love, and holines; and many came unto them from
diverse parts of England, so as they grew a great congregation. And if
at any time any differences arose, or offences broak[13] out (as it
cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst y^e best of men) they
were ever so mete with, and nipt in y^e head betims, or otherwise so
well composed, as still love, peace, and communion was continued; or els
y^e church purged of those that were incurable & incorrigible, when,
after much patience used, no other means would serve, which seldom came
to pass. Yea such was y^e mutuall love, & reciprocall respecte that this
worthy man had to his flocke, and his flocke to him, that it might be
said of them as it once was of y^t famouse Emperour Marcus Aurelious,[K]
and y^e people of Rome, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted
more in haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing such a pastor. His
love was greate towards them, and his care was all ways bente for their
best good, both for soule and body; for besids his singuler abilities in
devine things (wherin he excelled), he was also very able to give
directions in civill affaires, and to foresee dangers & inconveniences;
by w^ch means he was very helpfull to their outward estats, & so was
every way as a commone father unto them. And none did more offend him
then those that were close and cleaving to them selves, and retired from
y^e comm[=o]e good; as also such as would be stiffe & riged in matters
of outward order, and invey against y^e evills of others, and yet be
remisse in them selves, and not so carefull to express a vertuous
conversation. They in like maner had ever a reverente regard unto him, &
had him in precious estimation, as his worth & wisdom did deserve; and
though they esteemed him highly whilst he lived & laboured amongst them,
yet much more after his death, when they came to feele y^e wante of his
help, and saw (by woefull experience) what a treasure they had lost, to
y^e greefe of their harts, and wounding of their sowls; yea such a loss
as they saw could not be repaired; for it was as hard for them to find
such another leader and feeder in all respects, as for y^e Taborits to
find another Ziska. And though they did not call themselves orphans, as
the other did, after his death, yet they had cause as much to lamente,
in another regard, their present condition, and after usage. But to
returne; I know not but it may be spoken to y^e honour of God, & without
prejudice [14] to any, that such was y^e true pietie, y^e humble zeale,
& fervent love, of this people (whilst they thus lived together) towards
God and his waies, and y^e single hartednes & sinceir affection one
towards another, that they came as near y^e primative patterne of y^e
first churches, as any other church of these later times have done,
according to their ranke & qualitie.

But seeing it is not my purpose to treat of y^e severall passages that
befell this people whilst they thus lived in y^e Low Countries, (which
might worthily require a large treatise of it selfe,) but to make way to
shew y^e begining of this plantation, which is that I aime at; yet
because some of their adversaries did, upon y^e rumore of their
removall, cast out slanders against them, as if that state had been
wearie of them, & had rather driven them out (as y^e heathen historians
did faine of Moyses & y^e Isralits when they went out of Egipte), then
y^t it was their owne free choyse & motion, I will therfore mention a
perticuler or too to shew y^e contrary, and the good acceptation they
had in y^e place wher they lived. And first though many of them weer
poore, yet ther was none so poore, but if they were known to be of y^t
congregation, the _Dutch_ (either bakers or others) would trust them in
any reasonable matter when y^ey wanted money. Because they had found by
experience how carfull they were to keep their word, and saw them so
painfull & dilligente in their callings; yea, they would strive to gett
their custome, and to imploy them above others, in their worke, for
their honestie & diligence.

Againe; y^e magistrats of y^e citie, aboute y^e time of their coming
away, or a litle before, in y^e publick place of justice, gave this
comendable testemoney of them, in y^e reproofe of the Wallons, who were
of y^e French church in y^t citie. These English, said they, have lived
amongst us now this 12. years, and yet we never had any sute or
accusation came against any of them; but your strifs & quarels are
continuall, &c. In these times allso were y^e great troubls raised by
y^e Arminians, who, as they greatly mollested y^e whole state, so this
citie in particuler, in which was y^e cheefe universitie; so as ther
were dayly & hote disputs in y^e schooles ther aboute; and as y^he
studients & other lerned were devided in their oppinions hearin, so were
y^e 2. proffessors or devinitie readers them selves; the one daly
teaching for it, y^e other against it. Which grew to that pass, that few
of the discipls of y^e one would hear y^e other teach. But M^r.
Robinson, though he taught thrise a weeke him selfe, & write sundrie
books, besids his manyfould pains otherwise, yet he went constantly [15]
to hear ther readings, and heard y^e one as well as y^e other; by which
means he was so well grounded in y^e controversie, and saw y^e force of
all their arguments, and knew y^e shifts of y^e adversarie, and being
him selfe very able, none was fitter to buckle with them then him selfe,
as appered by sundrie disputs; so as he begane to be terrible to y^e
Arminians; which made Episcopius (y^e Arminian professor) to put forth
his best stringth, and set forth sundrie Theses, which by publick
dispute he would defend against all men. Now Poliander y^e other
proffessor, and y^e cheefe preachers of y^e citie, desired M^r. Robinson
to dispute against him; but he was loath, being a stranger; yet the
other did importune him, and tould him y^t such was y^e abilitie and
nimblnes of y^e adversarie, that y^e truth would suffer if he did not
help them. So as he condescended, & prepared him selfe against the time;
and when y^e day came, the Lord did so help him to defend y^e truth &
foyle this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent nonplus, in this
great & publike audience. And y^e like he did a 2. or 3. time, upon such
like occasions. The which as it caused many to praise God y^t the trueth
had so famous victory, so it procured him much honour & respecte from
those lerned men & others which loved y^e trueth. Yea, so farr were they
from being weary of him & his people, or desiring their absence, as it
was said by some, of no mean note, that were it not for giveing offence
to y^e state of England, they would have preferd him otherwise if he
would, and alowd them some publike favour. Yea when ther was speech of
their remoovall into these parts, sundrie of note & eminencie of y^t
nation would have had them come under them, and for y^t end made them
large offers. Now though I might aledg many other perticulers & examples
of the like kinde, to shew y^e untruth & unlicklyhode of this slander,
yet these shall suffice, seeing it was beleeved of few, being only
raised by y^e malice of some, who laboured their disgrace.

The 4. Chap.

_Showing y^e reasons & causes of their remoovall._

After they had lived in this citie about some 11. or 12. years, (which
is y^e more observable being y^e whole time of y^t famose truce between
that state & y^e Spaniards,) and sundrie of them were taken away by
death, & many others begane to be well striken in years, the grave
mistris Experience haveing taught them many things, [16] those prudent
governours with sundrie of y^e sagest members begane both deeply to
apprehend their present dangers, & wisely to foresee y^e future, &
thinke of timly remedy. In y^e agitation of their thoughts, and much
discours of things hear aboute, at length they began to incline to this
conclusion, of remoovall to some other place. Not out of any
newfanglednes, or other such like giddie humor, by which men are
oftentimes transported to their great hurt & danger, but for sundrie
weightie & solid reasons; some of y^e cheefe of which I will hear
breefly touch. And first, they saw & found by experience the hardnes of
y^e place & countrie to be such, as few in comparison would come to
them, and fewer that would bide it out, and continew with them. For many
y^t came to them, and many more y^t desired to be with them, could not
endure y^t great labor and hard fare, with other inconveniences which
they underwent & were contented with. But though they loved their
persons, approved their cause, and honoured their sufferings, yet they
left them as it weer weeping, as Orpah did her mother in law Naomie, or
as those Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused & borne
with, though they could not all be Catoes. For many, though they desired
to injoye y^e ordinances of God in their puritie, and y^e libertie of
the gospell with them, yet, alass, they admitted of bondage, with danger
of conscience, rather then to indure these hardships; yea, some
preferred & chose y^e prisons in England, rather then this libertie in
Holland, with these afflictions. But it was thought that if a better and
easier place of living could be had, it would draw many, & take away
these discouragments. Yea, their pastor would often say, that many of
those w^o both wrate & preached now against them, if they were in a
place wher they might have libertie and live comfortably, they would
then practise as they did.

2^ly. They saw that though y^e people generally bore all these
difficulties very cherfully, & with a resolute courage, being in y^e
best & strength of their years, yet old age began to steale on many of
them, (and their great & continuall labours, with other crosses and
sorrows, hastened it before y^e time,) so as it was not only probably
thought, but apparently seen, that within a few years more they would be
in danger to scatter, by necessities pressing them, or sinke under their
burdens, or both. And therfore according to y^e devine proverb, y^t a
wise man seeth y^e plague when it cometh, & hideth him selfe, Pro. 22.
3., so they like skillfull & beaten souldiers were fearfull either to be
intrapped or surrounded by their enimies, so as they should neither be
able to fight nor flie; and therfor thought it better to dislodge
betimes to some place of better advantage & less danger, if any such
could be found. [16] Thirdly; as necessitie was a taskmaster over them,
so they were forced to be such, not only to their servants, but in a
sorte, to their dearest chilldren; the which as it did not a litle wound
y^e tender harts of many a loving father & mother, so it produced
likwise sundrie sad & sorowful effects. For many of their children, that
were of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, haveing lernde to
bear y^e yoake in their youth, and willing to bear parte of their
parents burden, were, often times, so oppressed with their hevie
labours, that though their minds were free and willing, yet their bodies
bowed under y^e weight of y^e same, and became decreped in their early
youth; the vigor of nature being consumed in y^e very budd as it were.
But that which was more lamentable, and of all sorowes most heavie to be
borne, was that many of their children, by these occasions, and y^e
great licentiousnes of youth in y^t countrie, and y^e manifold
temptations of the place, were drawne away by evill examples into
extravagante & dangerous courses, getting y^e raines off their neks, &
departing from their parents. Some became souldiers, others tooke upon
them farr viages by sea, and other some worse courses, tending to
dissolutnes & the danger of their soules, to y^e great greefe of their
parents and dishonour of God. So that they saw their posteritie would be
in danger to degenerate & be corrupted.

Lastly, (and which was not least,) a great hope & inward zeall they had
of laying some good foundation, or at least to make some way therunto,
for y^e propagating & advancing y^e gospell of y^e kingdom of Christ in
those remote parts of y^e world; yea, though they should be but even as
stepping-stones unto others for y^e performing of so great a work.

These, & some other like reasons, moved them to undertake this
resolution of their removall; the which they afterward prosecuted with
so great difficulties, as by the sequell will appeare.

The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast & unpeopled
countries of America, which are frutfull & fitt for habitation, being
devoyd of all civill inhabitants, wher ther are only salvage & brutish
men, which range up and downe, litle otherwise then y^e wild beasts of
the same. This proposition being made publike and coming to y^e scaning
of all, it raised many variable opinions amongst men, and caused many
fears & doubts amongst them selves. Some, from their reasons & hops
conceived, laboured to stirr up & incourage the rest to undertake &
prosecute y^e same; others, againe, out of their fears, objected against
it, & sought to diverte from it, aledging many things, and those neither
unreasonable nor unprobable; as that it was a great designe, and
subjecte to many unconceivable perills & dangers; as, besids the
casulties of y^e seas (which none can be freed from) the length of y^e
vioage was such, as y^e weake bodys of women and other persons worne out
with age & traville (as many of them were) could never be able to
endure. And yet if they should, the miseries of y^e land which they
should be [17] exposed unto, would be to hard to be borne; and lickly,
some or all of them togeither, to consume & utterly to ruinate them. For
ther they should be liable to famine, and nakednes, & y^e wante, in a
maner, of all things. The chang of aire, diate, & drinking of water,
would infecte their bodies with sore sickneses, and greevous diseases.
And also those which should escape or overcome these difficulties,
should yett be in continuall danger of y^e salvage people, who are
cruell, barbarous, & most trecherous, being most furious in their rage,
and merciles wher they overcome; not being contente only to kill, & take
away life, but delight to tormente men in y^e most bloodie ma[=n]er that
may be; fleaing some alive with y^e shells of fishes, cutting of y^e
members & joynts of others by peesmeale, and broiling on y^e coles, eate
y^e collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live; with other
cruelties horrible to be related. And surely it could not be thought but
y^e very hearing of these things could not but move y^e very bowels of
men to grate within them, and make y^e weake to quake & tremble. It was
furder objected, that it would require greater su[=m]es of money to
furnish such a voiage, and to fitt them with necessaries, then their
consumed estats would amounte too; and yett they must as well looke to
be seconded with supplies, as presently to be tr[=a]sported. Also many
presidents of ill success, & lamentable misseries befalne others in the
like designes, were easie to be found, and not forgotten to be aledged;
besids their owne experience, in their former troubles & hardships in
their removall into Holand, and how hard a thing it was for them to live
in that strange place, though it was a neighbour countrie, & a civill
and rich comone wealth.

It was answered, that all great & honourable actions are accompanied
with great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with
answerable courages. It was granted y^e dangers were great, but not
desperate; the difficulties were many, but not invincible. For though
their were many of them likly, yet they were not cartaine; it might be
sundrie of y^e things feared might never befale; others by providente
care & y^e use of good means, might in a great measure be prevented; and
all of them, through y^e help of God, by fortitude and patience, might
either be borne, or overcome. True it was, that such atempts were not to
be made and undertaken without good ground & reason; not rashly or
lightly as many have done for curiositie or hope of gaine, &c. But their
condition was not ordinarie; their ends were good & honourable; their
calling lawfull, & urgente; and therfore they might expecte y^e blessing
of God in their proceding. Yea, though they should loose their lives in
this action, yet might they have comforte in the same, and their
endeavors would be honourable. They lived hear but as men in exile, & in
a poore condition; and as great miseries might possibly befale them in
this place, for y^e 12. years of truce were now out, & ther was nothing
but beating of drumes, and preparing for warr, the events wherof are
allway uncertaine. Y^e Spaniard might prove as cruell as [18] the
salvages of America, and y^e famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther,
& their libertie less to looke out for remedie. After many other
perticuler things answered & aledged on both sids, it was fully
concluded by y^e major parte, to put this designe in execution, and to
prosecute it by the best means they could.

The 5. Chap.

_Shewing what means they used for preparation to this waightie vioag._

And first after thir humble praiers unto God for his direction &
assistance, & a generall conferrence held hear aboute, they consulted
what perticuler place to pitch upon, & prepare for. Some (& none of y^e
meanest) had thoughts & were ernest for Guiana, or some of those fertill
places in those hott climats; others were for some parts of Virginia,
wher y^e English had all ready made enterance, & begining. Those for
Guiana aledged that the cuntrie was rich, fruitfull, & blessed with a
perpetuall spring, and a florishing greenes; where vigorous nature
brought forth all things in abundance & plentie without any great labour
or art of man. So as it must needs make y^e inhabitants rich, seing less
provisions of clothing and other things would serve, then in more
coulder & less frutfull countries must be had. As also y^t the Spaniards
(having much more then they could possess) had not yet planted there,
nor any where very near y^e same. But to this it was answered, that out
of question y^e countrie was both frutfull and pleasante, and might
yeeld riches & maintenance to y^e possessors, more easily then y^e
other; yet, other things considered, it would not be so fitt for them.
And first, y^t such hott countries are subject to greevuos diseases,
and many noysome impediments, which other more temperate places are
freer from, and would not so well agree with our English bodys. Againe,
if they should ther live, & doe well, the jealous Spaniard would never
suffer them long, but would displante or overthrow them, as he did y^e
French in Florida, who were seated furder from his richest countries;
and the sooner because they should have none to protect them, & their
owne strength would be too smale to resiste so potent an enemie, & so
neare a neighbor.

On y^e other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if they lived
among y^e English w^ch wear ther planted, or so near them as to be under
their goverment, they should be in as great danger to be troubled and
persecuted for the cause of religion, as if they lived in England, and
it might be worse. And if they lived too farr of, they should neither
have succour, nor defence from them.

But at length y^e conclusion was, to live as a distincte body by them
selves, under y^e generall Goverment of Virginia; and by their freinds
to sue to his majestie that he would be pleased to grant them freedome
of Religion; and y^t this might be obtained, they wear putt in good hope
by some great persons, of good ranke & qualitie, that were made their
freinds. Whereupon 2. were chosen [19] & sent in to England (at y^e
charge of y^e rest) to sollicite this matter, who found the Virginia
Company very desirous to have them goe thither, and willing to grante
them a patent, with as ample priviliges as they had, or could grant to
any, and to give them the best furderance they could. And some of y^e
cheefe of y^t company douted not to obtaine their suite of y^e king for
liberty in Religion, and to have it confirmed under y^e kings broad
seale, according to their desires. But it prooved a harder peece of
worke then they tooke it for; for though many means were used to bring
it aboute, yet it could not be effected; for ther were diverse of good
worth laboured with the king to obtaine it, (amongst whom was one of his
cheefe secretaries,[L]) and some other wrought with y^e archbishop to
give way therunto; but it proved all in vaine. Yet thus farr they
prevailed, in sounding his majesties mind, that he would connive at
them, & not molest them, provided they carried them selves peacably. But
to allow or tolerate them by his publick authoritie, under his seale,
they found it would not be. And this was all the cheefe of y^e Virginia
companie or any other of their best freinds could doe in the case. Yet
they perswaded them to goe on, for they presumed they should not be
troubled. And with this answer y^e messengers returned, and signified
what diligence had bene used, and to what issue things were come.

But this made a dampe in y^e busines, and caused some distraction, for
many were afraid that if they should unsetle them selves, & put of their
estates, and goe upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and but a
sandie foundation. Yea, it was thought they might better have presumed
hear upon without makeing any suite at all, then, haveing made it, to be
thus rejected. But some of y^e cheefest thought other wise, and y^t they
might well proceede hereupon, & that y^e kings majestie was willing
enough to suffer them without molestation, though for other reasons he
would not confirme it by any publick acte. And furdermore, if ther was
no securitie in this promise intimated, ther would be no great certainty
in a furder confirmation of y^e same; for if after wards ther should be
a purpose or desire to wrong them, though they had a seale as broad as
y^e house flore, it would not serve y^e turne; for ther would be means
enew found to recall or reverse it. Seeing therfore the course was
probable, they must rest herein on Gods providence, as they had done in
other things.

Upon this resolution, other messengers were dispatched, to end with y^e
Virginia Company as well as they could. And to procure [20] a patent
with as good and ample conditions as they might by any good means
obtaine. As also to treate and conclude with such merchants and other
freinds as had manifested their forwardnes to provoke too and adventure
in this vioage. For which end they had instructions given them upon
what conditions they should proceed with them, or els to conclude
nothing without further advice. And here it will be requisite to inserte
a letter or too that may give light to these proceedings.

_A coppie of leter from Sir Edwin Sands, directed to M^r. John Robinson
& M^r. William Brewster._

After my hartie salutations. The agents of your congregation, Robert
Cushman & John Carver, have been in co[=m]unication with diverse
selecte gentlemen of his Majesties Counsell for Virginia; and by y^e
writing of 7. Articles subscribed with your names, have given them y^t
good degree of satisfaction, which hath caried them on with a
resolution to sett forward your desire in y^e best sorte y^t may be,
for your owne & the publick good. Divers perticulers wherof we leave
to their faithfull reporte; having carried them selves heere with that
good discretion, as is both to their owne and their credite from
whence they came. And wheras being to treate for a multitude of
people, they have requested further time to conferr with them that are
to be interessed in this action, aboute y^e severall particularities
which in y^e prosecution therof will fall out considerable, it hath
been very willingly assented too. And so they doe now returne unto
you. If therfore it may please God so to directe your desires as that
on your parts ther fall out no just impediments, I trust by y^e same
direction it shall likewise appear, that on our parte, all forwardnes
to set you forward shall be found in the best sorte which with reason
may be expected. And so I betake you with this designe (w^ch I hope
verily is y^e worke of God), to the gracious protection and blessing
of the Highest.

Your very loving freind
EDWIN SANDYS.

London, No[~v]b^r 12.
An^o 1617.

_Their answer was as foloweth._

Righte Wor^pl:

Our humble duties remembred, in our owne, our messengers, and our
churches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmente of your singuler
love, expressing [21] itselfe, as otherwise, so more spetially in your
great care and earnest endeavor of our good in this weightie bussines
aboute Virginia, which y^e less able we are to requite, we shall
thinke our selves the more bound to commend in our prayers unto God
for recompence; whom, as for y^e presente you rightly behould in our
indeavors, so shall we not be wanting on our parts (the same God
assisting us) to returne all answerable fruite, and respecte unto y^e
labour of your love bestowed upon us. We have with y^e best speed and
consideration withall that we could, sett downe our requests in
writing, subscribed, as you willed, w^th the hands of y^e greatest
parte of our congregation, and have sente y^e same unto y^e Counsell
by our agente, & a deacon of our church, John Carver, unto whom we
have also requested a gentleman of our company to adyone him selfe; to
the care & discretion of which two, we doe referr y^e prosecuting of
y^e bussines. Now we perswade our selves Right Wor^pp: that we need
not provoke your godly & loving minde to any further or more tender
care of us, since you have pleased so farr to interest us in your
selfe, that, under God, above all persons and things in the world, we
relye upon you, expecting the care of your love, counsell of your
wisdome, & the help & countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding,
for your encouragmente in y^e worke, so farr as probabilities may
leade, we will not forbeare to mention these instances of indusmente.

1. We veryly beleeve & trust y^e Lord is with us, unto whom & whose
service we have given our selves in many trialls; and that he will
graciously prosper our indeavours according to y^e simplicitie of our
harts therin.

2^ly. We are well weaned from y^e delicate milke of our mother
countrie, and enured to y^e difficulties of a strange and hard land,
which yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome.

3^ly. The people are for the body of them, industrious, & frugall, we
thinke we may safly say, as any company of people in the world.

4^ly. We are knite togeather as a body in a most stricte & sacred bond
and covenante of the Lord, of the violation[M] wherof we make great
conscience, and by vertue wherof we doe hould our selves straitly tied
to all care of each others good, and of y^e whole by every one and so
mutually.

5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small things can
discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish them selves at home
againe. We knowe our entertainmente in England, and in Holand; we
shall much prejudice both our arts & means by removall; who, if we
should be driven to returne, we should not hope to recover our present
helps and comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to
attaine unto y^e like in any other place during our lives, w^ch are
now drawing towards their periods.

[22] These motives we have been bould to tender unto you, which you
in your wisdome may also imparte to any other our wor^pp: freinds of
y^e Counsell with you; of all whose godly dispossition and loving
towards our despised persons, we are most glad, & shall not faile by
all good means to continue & increase y^e same. We will not be further
troublesome, but doe, with y^e renewed remembrance of our humble
duties to your Wor^pp: and (so farr as in modestie we may be bould) to
any other of our wellwillers of the Counsell with you, we take our
leaves, co[=m]iting your persons and counsels to y^e guidance and
direction of the Almighty.

Yours much bounden in all duty,
JOHN ROBINSON,
WILLIAM BREWSTER.

Leyden, Desem: 15.
An^o: 1617.

For further light in these proceedings see some other letters & notes as
followeth.

_The coppy of a letter sent to S^r. John Worssenham._

Right Wor^pll: with due acknowledgmente of our thankfullnse for your
singular care & pains in the bussines of Virginia, for our, &, we
hope, the co[=m]one good, we doe remember our humble dutys unto you,
and have sent inclosed, as is required, a further explanation of our
judgments in the 3. points specified by some of his majesties Hon^bl
Privie Counsell; and though it be greevious unto us that such unjust
insinuations are made against us, yet we are most glad of y^e occasion
of making our just purgation unto so honourable personages. The
declarations we have sent inclosed, the one more breefe & generall,
which we thinke y^e fitter to be presented; the other something more
large, and in which we express some smale accidentall differances,
which if it seeme good unto you and other of our wor^pl freinds, you
may send in stead of y^e former. Our prayers unto God is, y^t your
Wor^pp may see the frute of your worthy endeaours, which on our parts
we shall not faile to furder by all good means in us. And so praing
y^t you would please with y^e convenientest speed y^t may be, to give
us knowledge of y^e success of y^e bussines with his majesties Privie
Counsell, and accordingly what your further pleasure is, either for
our direction or furtherance in y^e same, so we rest

Your Wor^pp in all duty,
JOHN ROBINSON,
WILLIAM BREWSTER.

Leyden, Jan: 27.
An^o: 1617. old stile.

_The first breefe note was this._

Touching y^e Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for
teaching, elders for ruling, & deacons for distributing y^e churches
contribution, as allso for y^e too Sacrements, baptisme, and y^e Lords
supper, we doe wholy and in all points agree [23] with y^e French
reformed churches, according to their publick confession of faith.

The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly take if it be required of
us, and that conveniente satisfaction be not given by our taking y^e
oath of Alleagence.

JOHN ROB:
WILLIAM BREWSTER.

_Y^e 2. was this._

Touching y^e Ecclesiasticall ministrie, &c. as in y^e former, we agree
in all things with the French reformed churches, according to their
publick confession of faith; though some small differences be to be
found in our practises, not at all in y^e substance of the things, but
only in some accidentall circumstances.

1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads covered; ours
uncovered.

2. We chose none for Governing Elders but such as are able to teach;
which abilitie they doe not require.

3. Their elders & deacons are an[=u]all, or at most for 2. or 3.
years; ours perpetuall.

4. Our elders doe administer their office in admonitions &
excommunications for publick scandals, publickly & before y^e
congregation; theirs more privately, & in their consistories.

5. We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as wherof y^e one
parente, at y^e least, is of some church, which some of ther churches
doe not observe; though in it our practice accords with their publick
confession and y^e judgmente of y^e most larned amongst them.

Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none in these points.
Then aboute y^e oath, as in y^e former.

Subscribed,
JOHN R.
W. B.

_Part of another letter from him that delivered these._

London. Feb: 14.
1617.

Your letter to S^r. John Worstenholme I delivered allmost as soone as
I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him y^e opening & reading.
Ther were 2. papers inclosed, he read them to him selfe, as also y^e
letter, and in y^e reading he spake to me & said, Who shall make them?
viz. y^e ministers; I answered his Wor^pp that y^e power of making was
in y^e church, to be ordained by y^e imposition of hands, by y^e
fittest instruments they had. It must either be in y^e church or from
y^e pope, & y^e pope is Antichrist. Ho! said S^r. John, what y^e pope
houlds good, (as in y^e Trinitie,) that we doe well to assente too;
but, said he, we will not enter into dispute now. And as for your
letters he would not show them at any hand, least he should spoyle
all. He expected you should have been of y^e archb[~p] minde for y^e
calling of ministers, but it seems you differed. I could have wished
to have known y^e contents of your tow inclosed, at w^ch he stuck so
much, espetially y^e larger. I asked his Wor^p what good news he had
for me to write to morrow. He tould me very good news, for both the
kings majestie and y^e bishops have consented. He said he would goe to
M^r. Chancelor, S^r. Fulk Grivell, as this day, & nexte weeke I should
know more. I mett S^r. Edw: Sands on Wedensday night; he wished me to
be at the Virginia Courte y^e nexte Wedensday, wher I purpose to be.
Thus loath to be troublsome at present, I hope to have somewhate nexte
week of certentie concerning you. I co[=m]itte you to y^e Lord. Yours,

S. B.

[24] These things being long in agitation, & messengers passing too and
againe aboute them, after all their hopes they were long delayed by many
rubs that fell in y^e way; for at y^e returne of these messengers into
England they found things farr otherwise then they expected. For y^e
Virginia Counsell was now so disturbed with factions and quarrels
amongst them selves, as no bussines could well goe forward. The which
may the better appear in one of the messengers letters as followeth.

To his loving freinds, &c.

I had thought long since to have write unto you, but could not effecte
y^t which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as I wished; yet,
notwithstanding, I doubt not but M^r. B. hath writen to M^r. Robinson.
But I thinke my selfe bound also to doe something, least I be thought
to neglecte you. The maine hinderance of our proseedings in y^e
Virginia bussines, is the dissentions and factions, as they terme it,
amongs y^e Counsell & Company of Virginia; which are such, as that
ever since we came up no busines could by them be dispatched. The
occasion of this trouble amongst them is, for that a while since S^r.
Thomas Smith, repining at his many offices & troubls, wished y^e
Company of Virginia to ease him of his office in being Treasurer &
Gover^r. of y^e Virginia Company. Wereupon y^e Company tooke occasion
to dismisse him, and chose S^r. Edwin Sands Treasure^r & Gover^r of
y^e Company. He having 60. voyces, S^r. John Worstenholme 16. voices,
and Alderman Johnsone 24. But S^r. Thomas Smith, when he saw some
parte of his honour lost, was very angrie, & raised a faction to
cavill & contend aboute y^e election, and sought to taxe S^r. Edwin
with many things that might both disgrace him, and allso put him by
his office of Governour. In which contentions they yet stick, and are
not fit nor readie to intermedle in any bussines; and what issue
things will come to we are not yet certaine. It is most like S^r.
Edwin will carrie it away, and if he doe, things will goe well in
Virginia; if otherwise, they will goe ill enough allways. We hope in
some 2. or 3. Court days things will setle. Mean space I thinke to goe
downe into Kente, & come up againe aboute 14. days, or 3. weeks hence;
except either by these afforesaid contentions, or by y^e ille tidings
from Virginia, we be wholy discouraged, of which tidings I am now to
speake.

Captaine Argoll is come home this weeke (he upon notice of y^e intente
of y^e Counsell, came away before S^r. Georg Yeardley came ther, and
so ther is no small dissention). But his tidings are ill, though his
person be wellcome. He saith M^r. Blackwells shipe came not ther till
March, but going towards winter, they had still norwest winds, which
carried them to the southward beyond their course. And y^e m^r of y^e
ship & some 6. of y^e mariners dieing, it seemed they could not find
y^e bay, till after long seeking & beating aboute. M^r. Blackwell is
dead, & M^r. Maggner, y^e Captain; yea, ther are dead, he saith, 130.
persons, one & other in y^t ship; it is said ther was in all an 180.
persons in y^e ship, so as they were packed togeather like herings.
They had amongst them y^e fluxe, and allso wante of fresh water; so as
it is hear rather wondred at y^t so many are alive, then that so many
are dead. The marchants hear say it was M^r. Blackwells faulte to pack
so many in y^e ship; yea, & ther were great mutterings & repinings
amongst them, and upbraiding of M^r. Blackwell, for his dealing and
dispossing of them, when they saw how he had dispossed of them, & how
he insulted over them. Yea, y^e streets at Gravsend runge of their
extreame quarrelings, crying out one of another, Thou hast brought me
to this, and, I may thanke the for this. Heavie newes it is, and I
would be glad to heare how farr it will discourage. I see none hear
discouraged much, [25] but rather desire to larne to beware by other
mens harmes, and to amend that wherin they have failed. As we desire
to serve one another in love, so take heed of being inthraled by any
imperious persone, espetially if they be discerned to have an eye to
them selves. It doth often trouble me to thinke that in this bussines
we are all to learne and none to teach; but better so, then to depend
upon such teachers as M^r. Blackwell was. Such a strategeme he once
made for M^r. Johnson & his people at Emden, w^ch was their
subversion. But though he ther clenlily (yet unhonstly) plucked his
neck out of y^e collar, yet at last his foote is caught. Hear are no
letters come, y^e ship captain Argole came in is yet in y^e west
parts; all y^t we hear is but his report; it seemeth he came away
secretly. The ship y^t M^r. Blackwell went in will be hear shortly. It
is as M^r. Robinson once said; he thought we should hear no good of
them.

M^r. B. is not well at this time; whether he will come back to you or
goe into y^e north, I yet know not. For my selfe, I hope to see an end
of this bussines ere I come, though I am sorie to be thus from you; if
things had gone roundly forward, I should have been with you within
these 14. days. I pray God directe us, and give us that spirite which
is fitting for such a bussines. Thus having su[=m]arily pointed at
things w^ch M^r. Brewster (I thinke) hath more largly write of to M^r.
Robinson, I leave you to the Lords protection.

Yours in all readines, &c.
ROBART CUSHMAN.

London, May 8.
An^o: 1619.

A word or tow by way of digression touching this M^r. Blackwell; he was
an elder of y^e church at Amsterdam, a man well known of most of them.
He declined from y^e trueth w^th M^r. Johnson & y^e rest, and went with
him when y^ey parted assunder in y^t wofull maner, w^ch brought so great
dishonour to God, scandall to y^e trueth, & outward ruine to them selves
in this world. But I hope, notwithstanding, through y^e mercies of y^e
Lord, their souls are now at rest with him in y^e heavens, and y^t they
are arrived in y^e Haven of hapines; though some of their bodies were
thus buried in y^e terrable seas, and others sunke under y^e burthen of
bitter afflictions. He with some others had prepared for to goe to
Virginia. And he, with sundrie godly citizens, being at a private
me[=e]ing (I take it a fast) in London, being discovered, many of them
were apprehended, wherof M^r. Blackwell was one; but he so glosed w^th
y^e b[~p]s,[N] and either dissembled or flatly denyed y^e trueth which
formerly he had maintained; and not only so, but very unworthily
betrayed and accused another godly man who had escaped, that so he
might slip his own neck out of y^e collar, & to obtaine his owne
freedome brought others into bonds. Wherupon he so wone y^e b[~p]s
favour (but lost y^e Lord’s) as he was not only dismiste, but in open
courte y^e arch-bishop gave him great applause and his sollemne blessing
to proseed in his vioage. But if such events follow y^e b[~p]s blessing,
happie are they y^t misse y^e same; it is much better to keepe a good
conscience and have y^e Lords blessing, whether in life or death.

But see how y^e man thus apprehended by M^r. Blackwells means, writs to
a freind of his.

Right dear friend & christian brother, _M^r. Carver_, I salute you &
yours in y^e Lord, &c. As for my owne presente condition, I doubt not
but you well understand it ere this by our brother Maistersone, who
should have tasted of y^e same cupp, had his place of residence & his
person been as well knowne as my selfe. Some what I have written to
_M^r. Cushman_ how y^e matter _still continues_. I have petitioned
_twise_ to M^r. Sherives, and _once_ to my Lord Cooke, and have used
such reasons to move them to pittie, that if they were not overruled
by some others, I suppose I should soone gaine my libertie; as that I
was a yonge man living by my [26] credite, indebted to diverse in our
citie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a close & tedious
prison; besids great rents abroad, all my bussines lying still, my
only servante lying lame in y^e countrie, my wife being also great
with child. And yet no answer till y^e lords of his majesties Counsell
gave consente. Howbeit, M^r. Blackwell, a man as deepe in this action
as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate, with a great deale less adoe;
yea, with an addition of y^e Arch[~p]: blessing. I am sorie for M^r.
Blackwels weaknes, I wish it may prove no worse. But yet he & some
others of them, _before their going_, were not sorie, but thought it
was for y^e best that I was nominated, not because y^e Lord sanctifies
evill to good, but that y^e action was good, yea for y^e best. One
reason I well remember he used was, because this trouble would
encrease y^e Virginia plantation, in that now people begane to be more
generally inclined to goe; and if he had not nomminated some such as
I, he had not bene free, being it was knowne that diverse citizens
besids them selves were ther. I expecte an answer shortly what they
intende conscerning me; I purpose to write to some others of you, by
whom you shall know the certaintie. Thus not haveing further at
present to acquaint you withall, co[=m]ending myselfe to your prairs,
I cease, & co[=m]itte you and us all to y^e Lord.

From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter.
Your freind, & brother in bonds,
SABIN STARESMORE.

Sept^r: 4. An^o: 1618.

But thus much by y^e way, which may be of instruction & good use.

But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, they had
a patent granted them, and confirmed under y^e Companies seale; but
these devissions and distractions had shaken of many of ther pretended
freinds, and disappointed them of much of their hoped for & proffered
means. By the advise of some freinds this pattente was not taken in y^e
name of any of their owne, but in y^e name of Mr. John Wincob (a
religious gentleman then belonging to y^e Countess of Lincoline), who
intended to goe with them. But God so disposed as he never went, nor
they ever made use of this patente, which had cost them so much labour
and charge, as by y^e sequell will appeare. This patente being sente
over for them to veiw & consider, as also the passages aboute y^e
propossitions between them & such marchants & freinds as should either
goe or adventure with them, and espetially with those[O] on whom y^ey
did cheefly depend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been
large, they were requested to fitt and prepare them selves with all
speed. A right emblime, it may be, of y^e uncertine things of this
world; y^t when men have toyld them selves for them, they vanish into
smoke.

The 6. Chap.

_Conscerning y^e agreements and artickles between them, and such
marchants & others as adventured moneys; with other things falling out
aboute making their provissions._

Upon y^e receite of these things by one of their messengers, they had a
sollemne meeting and a day of humilliation to seeke y^e Lord for his
direction; and their pastor tooke this texte, 1 _Sam_. 23. 3, 4. _And
David’s men said unto him, see, we be afraid hear in Judah, how much
more if we come to Keilah against the host of the Phillistines? Then
David asked counsell of y^e Lord againe, &c._ From which texte he taught
many things very aptly, and befitting ther present occasion and
condition, strengthing them against their fears and perplexities, and
incouraging them in their resolutions. [27] After which they concluded
both what number and what persons should prepare them selves to goe with
y^e first; for all y^t were willing to have gone could not gett ready
for their other affairs in so shorte a time; neither if all could have
been ready, had ther been means to have trasported them alltogeather.
Those that staied being y^e greater number required y^e pastor to stay
with them; and indeede for other reasons he could not then well goe, and
so it was y^e more easilie yeelded unto. The other then desired y^e
elder, M^r. Brewster, to goe with them, which was also condescended
unto. It was also agreed on by mutuall consente and covenante, that
those that went should be an absolute church of them selves, as well as
those y^t staid; seing in such a dangrous vioage, and a removall to such
a distance, it might come to pass they should (for y^e body of them)
never meete againe in this world; yet with this proviso, that as any of
y^e rest came over to them, or of y^e other returned upon occasion, they
should be reputed as members without any further dismission or
testimoniall. It was allso promised to those y^t wente first, by y^e
body of y^e rest, that if y^e Lord gave them life, & me[=a]s, &
opportunitie, they would come to them as soone as they could.

Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with y^e proseedings of
y^e Virginia Company, & y^e ill news from thence aboute M^r. Blackwell &
his company, and making inquirey about y^e hiring & buying of shiping
for their vioage, some Dutchmen made them faire offers aboute goeing
with them. Also one M^r. Thomas Weston, a m^{r}chant of London, came to
Leyden aboute y^e same time, (who was well aquainted with some of them,
and a furtherer of them in their former proseedings,) haveing much
conferance w^th M^r. Robinson & other of y^e cheefe of them, perswaded
them to goe on (as it seems) & not to medle with y^e Dutch, or too much
to depend on the Virginia Company; for if that failed, if they came to
resolution, he and such marchants as were his freinds (togeather with
their owne means) would sett them forth; and they should make ready, and
neither feare wante of shipping nor money; for what they wanted should
be provided. And, not so much for him selfe as for y^e satisfing of such
frends as he should procure to adventure in this bussines, they were to
draw such articls of agreemente, and make such propossitions, as might
y^e better induce his freinds to venture. Upon which (after y^e formere
conclusion) articles were drawne & agreed unto, and were showne unto
him, and approved by him; and afterwards by their messenger (M^r. John
Carver) sent into England, who, togeather with Robart Cushman, were to
receive y^e moneys & make provissione both for shiping & other things
for y^e vioage; with this charge, not to exseede their co[=m]ission, but
to proseed according to y^e former articles. Also some were chossen to
doe y^e like for such things as were to be prepared there; so those that
weare to goe, prepared them selves with all speed, and sould of their
estats and (such as were able) put in their moneys into y^e commone
stock, which was disposed by those appointed, for y^e making of generall
provissions. Aboute this time also they had heard, both by M^r. Weston
and others, y^t sundrie Hon^bl: Lords had obtained a large grante from
y^e king, for y^e more northerly parts of that countrie, derived out of
y^e Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from their Govermente, and to
be called by another name, viz. New-England. Unto which M^r. Weston, and
y^e cheefe of them, begane to incline it was [28] best for them to goe,
as for other reasons, so cheefly for y^e hope of present profite to be
made by y^e fishing that was found in y^t countrie.

But as in all bussineses y^e acting parte is most difficulte, espetially
wher y^e worke of many agents must concurr, so it was found in this; for
some of those y^t should have gone in England, fell of & would not goe;
other marchants & freinds y^t had offered to adventure their moneys
withdrew, and pretended many excuses. Some disliking they wente not to
Guiana; others againe would adventure nothing excepte they wente to
Virginia. Some againe (and those that were most relied on) fell in utter
dislike with Virginia, and would doe nothing if they wente thither. In
y^e midds of these distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of their
estats, and laid out their moneys, were brought into a greate streight,
fearing what issue these things would come too; but at length y^e
generalitie was swaid to this latter opinion.

But now another difficultie arose, for M^r. Weston and some other that
were for this course, either for their better advantage or rather for
y^e drawing on of others, as they pretended, would have some of those
conditions altered y^t were first agreed on at Leyden. To which y^e 2.
agents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them who is most charged
with it) did consente; seeing els y^t all was like to be dashte, & y^e
opportunitie lost, and y^t they which had put of their estats and paid
in their moneys were in hazard to be undon. They presumed to conclude
with y^e marchants on those termes, in some things contrary to their
order & co[=m]ission, and without giving them notice of y^e same; yea,
it was conceled least it should make any furder delay; which was y^e
cause afterward of much trouble & contention.

It will be meete I here inserte these conditions, which are as foloweth.

An^o: 1620. July 1.

1. The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person that goeth
being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10^li., and ten pounds to
be accounted a single share.

2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out with
10^li. either in money or other provissions, be accounted as haveing
20^li. in stock, and in y^e devission shall receive a double share.

3. The persons transported & y^e adventurers shall continue their
joynt stock & partnership togeather, y^e space of 7. years, (excepte
some unexpected impedimente doe cause y^e whole company to agree
otherwise,) during which time, all profits & benifits that are gott by
trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any
person or persons, remaine still in y^e co[=m]one stock untill y^e
division.

4. That at their co[=m]ing ther, they chose out such a number of fitt
persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon y^e
sea; imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon y^e land; as
building houses, tilling, and planting y^e ground, & makeing shuch
co[=m]odities as shall be most usefull for y^e collonie.

5. That at y^e end of y^e 7. years, y^e capitall & profits, viz. the
houses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided betwixte y^e
adventurers, and planters; w^ch done, every man shall be free from
other of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure.

[29] 6. Whosoever cometh to y^e colonie herafter, or putteth any into
y^e stock, shall at the ende of y^e 7. years be alowed proportionably
to y^e time of his so doing.

7. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall be
alowed for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a single share
in y^e devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or
if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed
for a person, both in tr[=a]sportation and devision.

8. That such children as now goe, & are under y^e age of ten years,
have noe other shar in y^e devision, but 50. acers of unmanured land.

9. That such persons as die before y^e 7. years be expired, their
executors to have their parte or sharr at y^e devision, proportionably
to y^e time of their life in y^e collonie.

10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their
meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of y^e co[=m]on stock
& goods of y^e said collonie.

The cheefe & principall differences betwene these & the former
conditions, stood in those 2. points; that y^e houses, & lands improved,
espetialy gardens & home lotts should remaine undevided wholy to y^e
planters at y^e 7. years end. 2^ly, y^t they should have had 2. days in
a weeke for their owne private imploymente, for y^e more comforte of
them selves and their families, espetialy such as had families. But
because letters are by some wise men counted y^e best parte of
histories, I shall shew their greevances hereaboute by their owne
letters, in which y^e passages of things will be more truly discerned.

_A letter of M^r. Robinsons to John Carver._

June 14. 1620. N. Stile.

My dear freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise remember in my
best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease to co[=m]end to
God by my best & most earnest praires. You doe throwly understand by
our generall letters y^e estate of things hear, which indeed is very
pitifull; espetialy by wante of shiping, and not seeing means lickly,
much less certaine, of having it provided; though withall ther be
great want of money & means to doe needfull things. M^r. Pickering,
you know before this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robart
Cushman presumed of I know not how many 100^li. from him, & I know
not whom. Yet it seems strange y^t we should be put to him to receive
both his & his partners adventer, and yet M^r. Weston write unto him,
y^t in regard of it, he hath drawne upon him a 100^li. more. But ther
is in this some misterie, as indeed it seems ther is in y^e whole
course. Besids, wheras diverse are to pay in some parts of their
moneys yet behinde, they refuse to doe it, till they see shiping
provided, or a course taken for it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man
hear would pay any thing, if he had againe his money in his purse. You
know right well we depended on M^r. Weston alone, and upon such means
as he would procure for this commone bussines; and when we had in hand
another course with y^e Dutchmen, broke it of at his motion, and upon
y^e conditions by him shortly after propounded. He did this in his
love I know, but things appeare not answerable from him hitherto. That
he should have first have put in his moneys, is thought by many to
have been but fitt, but y^t I can well excuse, he being a marchante
and haveing use of it to his benefite; wheras others, if it had been
in their hands, would have consumed it. [30] But y^t he should not but
have had either shipping ready before this time, or at least certaine
means, and course, and y^e same knowne to us for it, or have taken
other order otherwise, cannot in my conscience be excused. I have
heard y^t when he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put it of
from him selfe, and referred it to y^e others;[P] and would come to
Georg Morton, & enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce
been some accessarie unto it. Wether he hath failed of some helps from
others which he expected, and so be not well able to goe through with
things, or whether he hath feared least you should be ready too soone
& so encrease y^e charge of shiping above y^t is meete, or whether he
have thought by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking y^t
therby M^r. Brewer and M^r. Pickering would be drawne by importunitie
to doe more, or what other misterie is in it, we know not; but sure we
are y^t things are not answerable to such an occasion. M^r. Weston
maks himselfe mery with our endeavors about buying a ship, but we have
done nothing in this but with good reason, as I am perswaded, nor yet
that I know in any thing els, save in those tow; y^e one, that we
imployed Robart Cushman, who is known (though a good man, & of
spetiall abilities in his kind, yet) most unfitt to deale for other
men, by reason of his singularitie, and too great indifferancie for
any conditions, and for (to speak truly) that[Q] we have had nothing
from him but termes & presumptions. The other, y^t we have so much
relyed, by implicite faith as it were, upon generalities, without
seeing y^e perticuler course & means for so waghtie an affaire set
down unto us. For shiping, M^r. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon
hireing, which yet I wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle
hope of help from hence if so it be. Of M^r. Brewer you know what to
expecte. I doe not thinke M^r. Pickering will ingage, excepte in y^e
course of buying, in former letters specified. Aboute y^e conditions,
you have our reasons for our judgments of what is agreed. And let this
spetially be borne in minde, y^t the greatest parte of y^e Collonie is
like to be imployed constantly, not upon dressing ther perticuler land
& building houses, but upon fishing, trading, &c. So as y^e land &
house will be but a trifell for advantage to y^e adventurers, and yet
the devission of it a great discouragmente to y^e planters, who would
with singuler care make it comfortable with borowed houres from their
sleep. The same consideration of co[=m]one imploymente constantly by
the most is a good reason not to have y^e 2. daies in a weeke denyed
y^e few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate to
co[=m]one good. Consider also how much unfite that you & your liks
must serve a new prentishipe of 7. years, and not a daies freedome
from taske. Send me word what persons are to goe, who of usefull
faculties, & how many, & perticulerly of every thing. I know you wante
not a minde. I am sorie you have not been at London all this while,
but y^e provissions could not wante you. Time will suffer me to write
no more; fare you & yours well allways in y^e Lord, in whom I rest.

Yours to use,
JOHN ROBINSON.

_An other letter from sundrie of them at y^e same time._

[31] To their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cushman, these,
&c.

Good bretheren, after salutations, &c. We received diverse letters at
y^e coming of M^r. Nash & our pilott, which is a great incouragmente
unto us, and for whom we hop after times will minister occasion of
praising God; and indeed had you not sente him, many would have been
ready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of y^e new
conditions which have bene taken up by you, which all men are against,
and partly in regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those
many waightie bussineses you referr to us here. For y^e former wherof,
wheras Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising
therupon to alter y^e same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no
brains, we desire him to exercise them therin, refering him to our
pastors former reasons, and them to y^e censure of y^e godly wise. But
our desires are that you will not entangle your selvs and us in any
such unreasonable courses as those are, viz. y^t the marchants should
have y^e halfe of mens houses and lands at y^e dividente; and that
persons should be deprived of y^e 2. days in a weeke agreed upon, yea
every momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason wherof we
cannot conceive why any should carie servants for their own help and
comfort; for that we can require no more of them then all men one of
another. This we have only by relation from M^r. Nash, & not from any
writing of your owne, & therfore hope you have not proceeded farr in
so great a thing without us. But requiring you not to exseed the
bounds of your co[=m]ission, which was to proceed upon y^e things or
conditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going over
about it), we leave it, not without marveling, that you^r selfe, as
you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our consultations, and
how few, as you fear, understands the busnes aright, should trouble us
with such matters as these are, &c.

Salute M^r. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived; we
pray you make known our estate unto him, and if you thinke good shew
him our letters, at least tell him (y^t under God) we much relie upon
him & put our confidence in him; and, as your selves well know, that
if he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand;
presuming that if he had not seene means to accomplish it, he would
not have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr help
us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him. Since
therfore, good brethren, we have plainly opened y^e state of things
with us in this matter, you will, &c. Thus beseeching y^e Allmightie,
who is allsufficiente to raise us out of this depth of dificulties, to
assiste us herein; raising such means by his providence and fatherly
care for us, his pore children & servants, as we may with comforte
behould y^e hand of our God for good towards us in this our bussines,
which we undertake in his name & fear, we take leave & remaine

Your perplexed, yet hopfull
bretheren,

S. F.
E. W.
W. B.
J. A.[R]

June 10. New Stille,
An^o: 1620.

_A letter of Robart Cushmans to them._

Brethern, I understand by letters & passagess y^t have come to me,
that ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceedings amongst
you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting
but y^t partly by writing, and more principally by word when we shall
come togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been
perswaded [32] by some, espetialy this bearer, to come and clear
things unto you; but as things now stand I ca[=n]ot be absente one
day, excepte I should hazard all y^e viage. Neither conceive I any
great good would come of it. Take then, brethern, this as a step to
give you contente. First, for your dislike of y^e alteration of one
clause in y^e conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no
blame lye on me at all. For y^e articles first brought over by John
Carver were never seene of any of y^e adventurers hear, excepte M^r.
Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; nor
M^r. Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at y^e
first ther was 500^li. withdrawne by S^r. Georg Farrer and his brother
upon that dislike, so all y^e rest would have withdrawne (M^r. Weston
excepted) if we had not altered y^t clause. Now whilst we at Leyden
conclude upon points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which
was not my falte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter y^e equitie of y^t
condition, & our inconveniences, which might be sett against all M^r.
Rob: inconveniences, that without y^e alteration of y^t clause, we
could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to
subsiste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons,
which were not mine, but other mens wiser then my selfe, without
answer to any one of them, here cometh over many quirimonies, and
complaints against me, of lording it over my brethern, and making
conditions fitter for theeves & bondslaves then honest men, and that
of my owne head I did what I list. And at last a paper of reasons,
framed against y^t clause in y^e conditions, which as y^ey were
delivered me open, so my answer is open to you all. And first, as they
are no other but inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as
great on y^e other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them,
so they misse & mistake both y^e very ground of y^e article and nature
of y^e project. For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no
divission of houses & lands, it had been better for y^e poore. True,
and y^t showeth y^e inequalitie of y^e condition; we should more
respecte him y^t ventureth both his money and his person, then him y^t
ventureth but his person only.

2. Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing a
store house; no one shall be porer then another for 7. years, and if
any be rich, none can be pore. At y^e least, we must not in such
bussines crie, Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it life in
wraks, not in venturs; you are by this most in a hopefull pitie of
makeing, therfore complaine not before you have need.

3. This will hinder y^e building of good and faire houses, contrarie
to y^e advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it; our purpose is to
build for y^e presente such houses as, if need be, we may with litle
greefe set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; our riches shall not
be in pompe, but in strenght; if God send us riches, we will imploye
them to provid more men, ships, munition, &c. You may see it amongst
the best pollitiks, that a co[=m]onwele is readier to ebe then to
flow, when once fine houses and gay cloaths come up.

4. The Gove^t may prevente excess in building. A. But if it be on all
men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, y^e Gove^r laboure
is spared.

5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean
wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, qualities, then I
say he that is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house,
fare, means, &c. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2^ly. Such
retired persons, as have aneie only to them selves, are fitter to
come wher catching is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone,
then in any societie, either civill or religious.

6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5^li. A. True, it may be
not worth halfe 5^li. [33] If then so smale a thing will content them,
why strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to suspecte us to
be worldly & covetous? I will not say what I have heard since these
complaints came first over.

7. Our freinds with us y^t adventure mind not their owne profite, as
did y^e old adventurers. A. Then they are better then we, who for a
litle matter of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more
apparente brethern looke too it, that make profite your maine end;
repente of this, els goe not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. 2^ly.
Though some of them mind not their profite, yet others doe mind it;
and why not as well as we? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and
we must labour to give them all contente, if we can.

8. It will break y^e course of co[=m]unitie, as may be showed by many
reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster
comunion, as may be showed by many reasons.

9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, &c. A. As it
is better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids our living
still upon it, and if such profite in y^t way come, our labour shall
be y^e less on y^e land, and our houses and lands must & will be of
less value.

10. Our hazard is greater then theirs. A. True, but doe they put us
upon it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not y^e motion & resolution
been always in our selves? doe they any more then in seeing us
resolute if we had means, help us to means upon equall termes &
conditions? If we will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys.
Thus I have pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you
will consider seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them.

Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but
surly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If
you mean it of y^e 2. days in a week for perticuler, as some
insinuate, you are deceived; you may have 3. days in a week for me if
you will. And when I have spoken to y^e adventurers of times of
working, they have said they hope we are men of discretion &
conscience, and so fitte to be trusted our selves with that. But
indeed y^e ground of our proceedings at Leyden was mistaken, and so
here is nothing but tottering every day, &c.

As for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as soone have gone
to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and
their riggour as bad to us as y^e Spanish Inquision. If any practise
of mine discourage them, let them yet draw back; I will undertake they
shall have their money againe presently paid hear. Or if the company
thinke me to be y^e Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe; I shall
be content to stay with good will, having but the cloaths on my back;
only let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full litle
did I expecte these things which are now come to pass, &c.

Yours,
R. CUSHMAN.

But whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at Leyden I well
know not; I rather thinke it was staied by M^r. Carver & kept by him,
forgiving offence. But this which follows was ther received; both which
I thought pertenent to recite.

_Another of his to y^e aforesaid, June_ 11. 1620.[S]

Salutations, &c. I received your l[~e]r. yesterday, by John Turner,
with another y^e same day from Amsterdam by M^r. W. savouring of y^e
place whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements I find her,
togeather with y^e demurrs and retirings ther, had made me to say, I
would give up my accounts to John Carver, & at his comeing aquainte
him fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only y^e pore
cloaths on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further
consideration, [34] I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to
aquainte M^r. Weston with y^e fainted state of our bussines; and
though he hath been much discontented at some thing amongst us of
late, which hath made him often say, that save for his promise, he
would not meadle at all with y^e bussines any more, yet considering
how farr we were plunged into maters, & how it stood both on our
credits & undoing, at y^e last he gathered up him selfe a litle more,
& coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he would not yet leave it.
And so advising togeather we resolved to hire a ship, and have tooke
liking of one till Monday, about 60. laste, for a greater we cannot
gett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing our
neer freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without
troubling them any further; and if y^e ship fale too small, it fitteth
well y^t such as stumble at strawes allready, may rest them ther a
while, least worse blocks come in y^e way ere 7. years be ended. If
you had beaten this bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us
as now you doe, we could thus have done much more conveniently. But it
is as it is; I hope our freinds ther, if they be quitted of the ship
hire, will be indusced to venture y^e more. All y^t I now require is
y^t salt and netts may ther be boughte, and for all y^e rest we will
here provid it; yet if that will not be, let them but stand for it a
month or tow, and we will take order to pay it all. Let M^r.
_Reinholds_ tarie ther, and bring y^e ship to Southampton. We have
hired another pilote here, one M^r. _Clarke_, who went last year to
Virginia with a ship of kine.

You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come
hence on Tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to have
answerd to my complaints; but I shal lerne to pass litle for their
censurs; and if I had more minde to goe & dispute & expostulate with
them, then I have care of this waightie bussines, I were like them who
live by clamours & jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at
libertie to doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather
study to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men be
set on it, let them beat y^e eair; I hope such as are my sinceire
freinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my actions. But
of your mistaking aboute y^e mater, & other things tending to this
bussines, I shall nexte informe you more distinctly. Mean space
entreate our freinds not to be too bussie in answering matters, before
they know them. If I doe such things as I ca[=n]ot give reasons for,
it is like you have sett a foole aboute your bussines, and so turne
y^e reproofe to your selves, & send an other, and let me come againe
to my Combes. But setting a side my naturall infirmities, I refuse not
to have my cause judged, both of God, & all indifferent men; and when
we come togeather I shall give accounte of my actions hear. The Lord,
who judgeth justly without respect of persons, see into y^e equitie of
my cause, and give us quiet, peacable, and patient minds, in all these
turmoiles, and sanctifie unto us all crosses whatsoever. And so I take
my leave of you all, in all love & affection.

I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days.

Your pore brother,
ROBART CUSHMAN.

June 11. 1620.

Besids these things, ther fell out a differance amongs those 3. that
received [35] the moneys & made y^e provissions in England; for besids
these tow formerly mentioned sent from Leyden for this end, viz. M^r.
Carver & Robart Cushman, ther was one chosen in England to be joyned
with them, to make y^e provisions for y^e vioage; his name was M^r.
Martin, he came from Billirike in Essexe, from which parts came sundrie
others to goe with them, as also from London & other places; and
therfore it was thought meete & conveniente by them in Holand that these
strangers that were to goe with them, should apointe one thus to be
joyned with them, not so much for any great need of their help, as to
avoyd all susspition, or jelosie of any partiallitie. And indeed their
care for giving offence, both in this & other things afterward, turned
to great inconvenience unto them, as in y^e sequell will apeare; but
however it shewed their equall & honest minds. The provissions were for
y^e most parte made at Southhamton, contrarie to M^r. Westons & Robert
Cushm[=a]s mind (whose counsells did most concure in all things). A
touch of which things I shall give in a letter of his to M^r. Carver,
and more will appear afterward.

To his loving freind M^r. John Carver, these, &c.

Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full of
affection & complaints, and what it is you would have of me I know
not; for your crieing out, Negligence, negligence, negligence, I
marvell why so negligente a man was used in y^e bussines. Yet know you
y^t all that I have power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind,
I warent you. You have reference to M^r. Weston to help us with money,
more then his adventure; wher he protesteth but for his promise, he
would not have done any thing. He saith we take a heady course, and
is offended y^t our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he
was not made aquainted with our quantitie of things; and saith y^t in
now being in 3. places, so farr remote, we will, with going up &
downe, and wrangling & expostulating, pass over y^e so[=m]er before we
will goe. And to speake y^e trueth, ther is fallen already amongst us
a flatt schisme; and we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett
forwarde a voiage. I have received from Leyden since you wente 3. or
4. letters directed to you, though they only conscerne me. I will not
trouble you with them. I always feared y^e event of y^e Amsterdamers
striking in with us. I trow you must exco[=m]unicate me, or els you
must goe without their companie, or we shall wante no quareling; but
let them pass. We have reckoned, it should seeme, without our host;
and, counting upon a 150. persons, ther cannot be founde above
1200^li. & odd moneys of all y^e venturs you can reckone, besids some
cloath, stockings, & shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come
shorte at least 3. or 400^li. I would have had some thing shortened at
first of beare & other provissions in hope of other adventurs, & now
we could have, both in Amsterd: & Kente, beere inough to serve our
turne, but now we cannot accept it without prejudice. You fear we have
begune to build & shall not be able to make an end; indeed, our
courses were never established by counsell, we may therfore justly
fear their standing. Yea, ther was a [36] schisme amongst us 3. at y^e
first. You wrote to M^r. Martin, to prevente y^e making of y^e
provissions in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolution how
much he would have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or
exception. Surely he y^t is in a societie & yet regards not counsell,
may better be a king then a consorte. To be short, if ther be not some
other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we y^t should be partners
of humilitie and peace, shall be examples of jangling & insulting. Yet
your money which you ther must have, we will get provided for you
instantly. 500^li. you say will serve; for y^e rest which hear & in
Holand is to be used, we may goe scratch for it. For M^r.[T] Crabe, of
whom you write, he hath promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I
shall not be without feare till I see him shipped, for he is much
opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke y^e best of all, and
bear with patience what is wanting, and y^e Lord guid us all.

Your loving freind,
ROBART CUSHMAN.

London, June 10.
An^o: 1620.

I have bene y^e larger in these things, and so shall crave leave in some
like passages following, (thoug in other things I shal labour to be more
contracte,) that their children may see with what difficulties their
fathers wrastled in going throug these things in their first
begi[=n]ings, and how God brought them along notwithstanding all their
weaknesses & infirmities. As allso that some use may be made hereof in
after times by others in such like waightie imployments; and herewith I
will end this chapter.

The 7. Chap.

_Of their departure from Leyden, and other things ther aboute, with
their arivall at South hamton, were they all mete togeather, and tooke
in ther provissions._

At length, after much travell and these debats, all things were got
ready and provided. A smale ship[U] was bought, & fitted in Holand,
which was intended as to serve to help to transport them, so to stay in
y^e cuntrie and atend upon fishing and shuch other affairs as might be
for y^e good & benefite of y^e colonie when they came ther. Another was
hired at London, of burden about 9. score; and all other things gott in
readines. So being ready to departe, they had a day of solleme
humiliation, their pastor taking his texte from Ezra 8. 21. _And ther at
y^e river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves
before our God, and seeke of him a right way for us, and for our
children, and for all our substance._ Upon which he spente a good parte
of y^e day very profitably, and suitable to their presente occasion. The
rest of the time was spente in powering out prairs to y^e Lord with
great fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears. And y^e time being come
that they must departe, they were accompanied with most of their
brethren out of y^e citie, unto a towne sundrie miles of called
Delfes-Haven, wher the ship lay ready to receive them. So they lefte y^t
goodly & pleasante citie, which had been ther resting place near 12.
years; but they knew they were pilgrimes,[V] & looked not much on those
things, but lift up their eyes to y^e heavens, their dearest cuntrie,
and quieted their spirits. When they [37] came to y^e place they found
y^e ship and all things ready; and shuch of their freinds as could not
come with them followed after them, and sundrie also came from
Amsterdame to see them shipte and to take their leave of them. That
night was spent with litle sleepe by y^e most, but with freindly
entertainmente & christian discourse and other reall expressions of true
christian love. The next day, the wind being faire, they wente aborde,
and their freinds with them, where truly dolfull was y^e sight of that
sade and mournfull parting; to see what sighs and sobbs and praires did
sound amongst them, what tears did gush from every eye, & pithy speeches
peirst each harte; that sundry of y^e Dutch strangers y^t stood on y^e
key as spectators, could not refraine from tears. Yet comfortable &
sweete it was to see shuch lively and true expressions of clear &
unfained love. But the tide (which stays for no man) caling them away
y^t were thus loath to departe, their Re[~v][=e]^d: pastor falling downe
on his knees, (and they all with him,) with watrie cheeks co[=m]ended
them with most fervente praiers to the Lord and his blessing. And then
with mutuall imbrases and many tears, they tooke their leaves one of an
other; which proved to be y^e last leave to many of them.

Thus hoysing saile,[W] with a prosperus winde they came in short time to
Southhamton, wher they found the bigger ship come from London, lying
ready, w^th all the rest of their company. After a joyfull wellcome, and
mutuall congratulations, with other frendly entertainements, they fell
to parley aboute their bussines, how to dispatch with y^e best
expedition; as allso with their agents, aboute y^e alteration of y^e
conditions. M^r. Carver pleaded he was imployed hear at Hamton, and knew
not well what y^e other had don at London. M^r. Cushman answered, he had
done nothing but what he was urged too, partly by y^e grounds of equity,
and more espetialy by necessitie, other wise all had bene dasht and many
undon. And in y^e begining he aquainted his felow agents here with, who
consented unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to receive y^e
money at London and send it downe to them at Hamton, wher they made y^e
provissions; the which he accordingly did, though it was against his
minde, & some of y^e marchants, y^t they were their made. And for
giveing them notise at Leyden of this change, he could not well in
regarde of y^e shortnes of y^e time; againe, he knew it would trouble
them and hinder y^e bussines, which was already delayed overlong in
regard of y^e season of y^e year, which he feared they would find to
their cost. But these things gave not contente at presente. Mr. Weston,
likwise, came up from London to see them dispatcht and to have y^e
conditions confirmed; but they refused, and answered him, that he knew
right well that these were not according to y^e first agreemente,
neither could they yeeld to them without y^e consente of the rest that
were behind. And indeed they had spetiall charge when they came away,
from the cheefe of those that were behind, not to doe it. At which he
was much offended, and tould them, they must then looke to stand on
their owne leggs. So he returned in displeasure, and this was y^e first
ground of discontent betweene them. And wheras ther wanted well near
100^li. to clear things at their going away, he would not take order to
disburse a penie, but let them shift as they could. [38] So they were
forst to selle of some of their provissions to stop this gape, which was
some 3. or 4. score firkins of butter, which comoditie they might best
spare, haveing provided too large a quantitie of y^t kind. Then they
write a leter to y^e marchants & adventures aboute y^e diferances
concerning y^e conditions, as foloweth.

Aug. 3. An^o: 1620.

Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion of writing
at all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see y^e most of
you hear, but espetially because ther should any differance at all be
conceived betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr
togeather, we thinke it meete (though brefly) to show you y^e just
cause & reason of our differing from those articles last made by
Robart Cushman, without our comission or knowledg. And though he might
propound good ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his doing it.
Our maine diference is in y^e 5. & 9. article, concerning y^e deviding
or holding of house and lands; the injoying wherof some of your selves
well know, was one spetiall motive, amongst many other, to provoke us
to goe. This was thought so reasonable, y^t when y^e greatest of you
in adventure (whom we have much cause to respecte), when he
propounded conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he set this
downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto you, with some
additions then added by us; which being liked on both sids, and a day
set for y^e paimente of moneys, those of Holland paid in theirs. After
y^t, Robart Cushman, M^r. Peirce, & M^r. Martine, brought them into a
better forme, & write them in a booke now extante; and upon Robarts
shewing them and delivering M^r. Mullins a coppy therof under his hand
(which we have), he payd in his money. And we of Holland had never
seen other before our coming to Hamton, but only as one got for him
selfe a private coppy of them; upon sight wherof we manyfested uter
dislike, but had put of our estats & were ready to come, and therfore
was too late to rejecte y^e vioage. Judge therfore we beseech you
indiferently of things, and if a faulte have bene co[=m]ited, lay it
wher it is, & not upon us, who have more cause to stand for y^e one,
then you have for y^e other. We never gave Robart Cushman comission to
make any one article for us, but only sent him to receive moneys upon
articles before agreed on, and to further y^e provissions till John
Carver came, and to assiste him in it. Yet since you conceive your
selves wronged as well as we, we thought meete to add a branch to y^e
end of our 9. article, as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe,
which you conceive to be in it. But that it may appeare to all men y^t
we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire also y^e good &
inriching of our freinds who have adventured your moneys with our
persons, we have added our last article to y^e rest, promising you
againe by leters in y^e behalfe of the whole company, that if large
profits should not arise within y^e 7. years, y^t we will continue
togeather longer with you, if y^e Lord give a blessing.[X] This we
hope is sufficente to satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds,
since we are asured y^t if the whole charge was devided into 4. parts,
3. of them will not stand upon it, nether doe regarde it, &c. We are
in shuch a streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60^li.
worth of our provissions to cleare y^e Haven, & withall put our selves
upon great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole
to mend a shoe, [39] nor every man a sword to his side, wanting many
muskets, much armoure, &c. And yet we are willing to expose our selves
to shuch eminente dangers as are like to insue, & trust to y^e good
providence of God, rather then his name & truth should be evill spoken
of for us. Thus saluting all of you in love, and beseeching the Lord
to give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe all our harts in y^e
bonds of peace & love, we take leave & rest,

Yours, &c.

Aug. 3. 1620.

It was subscribed with many names of y^e cheefest of y^e company.

At their parting M^r. Robinson write a leter to y^e whole company, which
though it hath already bene printed, yet I thought good here likwise to
inserte it; as also a breefe leter writ at y^e same time to M^r. Carver,
in which y^e tender love & godly care of a true pastor appears.

My dear Brother,–I received inclosed in your last leter y^e note of
information, w^ch I shall carefuly keepe & make use of as ther shall
be occasion. I have a true feeling of your perplexitie of mind & toyle
of body, but I hope that you who have allways been able so plentifully
to administer comforte unto others in their trials, are so well
furnished for your selfe as that farr greater difficulties then you
have yet undergone (though I conceive them to have been great enough)
cannot oppresse you, though they press you, as y^e Aspostle speaks.
The spirite of a man (sustained by y^e spirite of God) will sustaine
his infirmitie, I dout not so will yours. And y^e beter much when you
shall injoye y^e presence & help of so many godly & wise bretheren,
for y^e bearing of part of your burthen, who also will not admitte
into their harts y^e least thought of suspition of any y^e least
negligence, at least presumption, to have been in you, what so ever
they thinke in others. Now what shall I say or write unto you & your
goodwife my loving sister? even only this, I desire (& allways shall)
unto you from y^e Lord, as unto my owne soule; and assure your selfe
y^t my harte is with you, and that I will not forslowe my bodily
coming at y^e first oppertunitie. I have writen a large leter to y^e
whole, and am sorie I shall not rather speak then write to them; & the
more, considering y^e wante of a preacher, which I shall also make
sume spurr to my hastening after you. I doe ever co[=m]end my best
affection unto you, which if I thought you made any doubte of, I would
express in more, & y^e same more ample & full words. And y^e Lord in
whom you trust & whom you serve ever in this bussines & journey, guid
you with his hand, protecte you with his winge, and shew you & us his
salvation in y^e end, & bring us in y^e mean while togeather in y^e
place desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake.

Amen.
Yours, &c.
Jo: R.

July 27. 1620.

This was y^e last letter y^t M^r. Carver lived to see from him. The
other follows.

[Y]Lovinge Christian friends, I doe hartily & in y^e Lord salute you
all, as being they with whom I am presente in my best affection, and
most ernest longings after you, though I be constrained for a while to
be bodily absente from you. I say constrained, God knowing how
willingly, & much rather then otherwise, I would have borne my part
with you in this first brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held
back for y^e present. Make accounte of me in y^e mean while, as of a
man devided in my selfe with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set a
side) having my beter parte with [40] you. And though I doubt not but
in your godly wisdoms, you both foresee & resolve upon y^t which
concerneth your presente state & condition, both severally & joyntly,
yet have I thought it but my duty to add some furder spurr of
provocation unto them, who rune allready, if not because you need it,
yet because I owe it in love & dutie. And first, as we are daly to
renew our repentance with our God, espetially for our sines known, and
generally for our unknowne trespasses, so doth y^e Lord call us in a
singuler maner upon occasions of shuch difficultie & danger as lieth
upon you, to a both more narrow search & carefull reformation of your
ways in his sight; least he, calling to remembrance our sines
forgotten by us or unrepented of, take advantage against us, & in
judgmente leave us for y^e same to be swalowed up in one danger or
other; wheras, on the contrary, sine being taken away by ernest
repentance & y^e pardon therof from y^e Lord sealed up unto a mans
conscience by his spirite, great shall be his securitie and peace in
all dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with hapie
deliverance from all evill, whether in life or in death.

Now next after this heavenly peace with God & our owne consciences, we
are carefully to provide for peace with all men what in us lieth,
espetially with our associats, & for y^e watchfullnes must be had,
that we neither at all in our selves doe give, no nor easily take
offence being given by others. Woe be unto y^e world for offences, for
though it be necessarie (considering y^e malice of Satan & mans
corruption) that offences come, yet woe unto y^e man or woman either
by whom y^e offence cometh, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7. And if offences
in y^e unseasonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more
to be feared then death itselfe, as y^e Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9.
15. how much more in things simply evill, in which neither honour of
God nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded. Neither yet is
it sufficiente y^t we keepe our selves by y^e grace of God from
giveing offence, exepte withall we be armed against y^e taking of them
when they be given by others. For how imperfect & lame is y^e work of
grace in y^t person, who wants charritie to cover a multitude of
offences, as y^e scriptures speake. Neither are you to be exhorted to
this grace only upon y^e co[=m]one grounds of Christianitie, which
are, that persons ready to take offence, either wante charitie, to
cover offences, of wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie; or lastly,
are grosse, though close hipocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Mat.
7. 1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne experience, few or none have bene
found which sooner give offence, then shuch as easily take it; neither
have they ever proved sound & profitable members in societies, which
have nurished this touchey humor. But besids these, ther are diverse
motives provoking you above others to great care & conscience this
way: As first, you are many of you strangers, as to y^e persons, so to
y^e infirmities one of another, & so stand in neede of more
watchfullnes this way, least when shuch things fall out in men & women
as you suspected not, you be inordinatly affected with them; which
doth require at your hands much wisdome & charitie for y^e covering &
preventing of incident offences that way. And lastly, your intended
course of civill comunitie will minister continuall occasion of
offence, & will be as fuell for that fire, excepte you dilligently
quench it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking of offence
causlesly or easilie at mens doings be so carefuly to be avoyded, how
much more heed is to be taken y^t we take not offence at God him
selfe, which yet we certainly doe so oft[=e] as we doe murmure at his
providence in our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch afflictions as
wherwith he pleaseth to visite us. Store up therfore patience against
y^e evill day, without which we take offence at y^e Lord him selfe in
his holy & just works.

A 4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that with
your co[=m]one imployments you joyne co[=m]one affections truly bente
upon y^e generall good, avoyding as a deadly [41] plague of your both
co[=m]one & spetiall comfort all retirednes of minde for proper
advantage, and all singularly affected any maner of way; let every man
represe in him selfe & y^e whol body in each person, as so many rebels
against y^e commone good, all private respects of mens selves, not
sorting with y^e generall conveniencie. And as men are carfull not to
have a new house shaken with any violence before it be well setled &
y^e parts firmly knite, so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much more
carfull, y^t the house of God which you are, and are to be, be not
shaken with unnecessarie novelties or other oppositions at y^e first
setling therof.

Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst your
selves civill govermente, and are not furnished with any persons of
spetiall eminencie above y^e rest, to be chosen by you into office of
goverment, let your wisdome & godlines appeare, not only in chusing
shuch persons as doe entirely love and will promote y^e co[=m]one
good, but also in yeelding unto them all due honour & obedience in
their lawfull administrations; not behoulding in them y^e
ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods ordinance for your good, not
being like y^e foolish multitud who more honour y^e gay coate, then
either y^e vertuous minde of y^e man, or glorious ordinance of y^e
Lord. But you know better things, & that y^e image of y^e Lords power
& authoritie which y^e magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how meane
persons soever. And this dutie you both may y^e more willingly and
ought y^e more conscionably to performe, because you are at least for
y^e present to have only them for your ordinarie governours, which
your selves shall make choyse of for that worke.

Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in minde of, and of
those before mentioned, in more words, but I will not so farr wrong
your godly minds as to thinke you heedless of these things, ther being
also diverce among you so well able to admonish both them selves &
others of what concerneth them. These few things therfore, & y^e same
in few words, I doe ernestly co[=m]end unto your care & conscience,
joyning therwith my daily incessante prayers unto y^e Lord, y^t he who
hath made y^e heavens & y^e earth, y^e sea and all rivers of waters,
and whose providence is over all his workes, espetially over all his
dear children for good, would so guide & gard you in your wayes, as
inwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly by y^e hand of his power, as y^t
both you & we also, for & with you, may have after matter of praising
his name all y^e days of your and our lives. Fare you well in him in
whom you trust, and in whom I rest.

An unfained wellwiller of your hapie
success in this hopefull voyage,
JOHN ROBINSON.

This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in it selfe, and
suitable to their occation, I thought meete to inserte in this place.

All things being now ready, & every bussines dispatched, the company was
caled togeather, and this letter read amongst them, which had good
acceptation with all, and after fruit with many. Then they ordered &
distributed their company for either shipe, as they conceived for y^e
best. And chose a Governor & 2. or 3. assistants for each shipe, to
order y^e people by y^e way, and see to y^e dispossing of there
provissions, and shuch like affairs. All which was not only with y^e
liking of y^e maisters of y^e ships, but according to their desires.
Which being done, they sett sayle from thence aboute y^e 5. of August;
but what befell them further upon y^e coast of England will appeare in
y^e nexte chapter.

The 8. Chap.

_Off the troubls that befell them on the coaste, and at sea being
forced, after much trouble, to leave one of ther ships & some of their
companie behind them._

[42] Being thus put to sea they had not gone farr, but M^r. Reinolds y^e
master of y^e leser ship complained that he found his ship so leak as he
durst not put further to sea till she was mended. So y^e m^r. of y^e
biger ship (caled M^r. Jonas) being consulted with, they both resolved
to put into Dartmouth & have her ther searched & mended, which
accordingly was done, to their great charg & losse of time and a faire
winde. She was hear thorowly searcht from steme to sterne, some leaks
were found & mended, and now it was conceived by the workmen & all, that
she was sufficiente, & they might proceede without either fear or
danger. So with good hopes from hence, they put to sea againe,
conceiving they should goe comfortably on, not looking for any more
lets of this kind; but it fell out otherwise, for after they were gone
to sea againe above 100. leagues without the Lands End, houlding company
togeather all this while, the m^r. of y^e small ship complained his ship
was so leake as he must beare up or sinke at sea, for they could scarce
free her with much pumping. So they came to consultation againe, and
resolved both ships to bear up backe againe & put into Pli[=m]oth, which
accordingly was done. But no spetiall leake could be founde, but it was
judged to be y^e generall weaknes of y^e shipe, and that shee would not
prove sufficiente for the voiage. Upon which it was resolved to dismise
her & parte of y^e companie, and proceede with y^e other shipe. The
which (though it was greevous, & caused great discouragmente) was put in
execution. So after they had tooke out such provission as y^e other ship
could well stow, and concluded both what number and what persons to send
bak, they made another sad parting, y^e one ship going backe for London,
and y^e other was to proceede on her viage. Those that went bak were for
the most parte such as were willing so to doe, either out of some
discontente, or feare they conceived of y^e ill success of y^e vioage,
seeing so many croses befale, & the year time so farr spente; but
others, in regarde of their owne weaknes, and charge of many yonge
children, were thought least usefull, and most unfite to bear y^e brunte
of this hard adventure; unto which worke of God, and judgmente of their
brethern, they were contented to submite. And thus, like Gedions armie,
this small number was devided, as if y^e Lord by this worke of his
providence thought these few to many for y^e great worke he had to doe.
But here by the way let me show, how afterward it was found y^t the
leaknes of this ship was partly by being over masted, and too much
pressed with sayles; for after she was sould & put into her old trime,
she made many viages & performed her service very sufficiently, to y^e
great profite of her owners. But more espetially, by the cuning &
deceite of y^e m^r. & his company, who were hired to stay a whole year
in y^e cuntrie, and now fancying dislike & fearing wante of victeles,
they ploted this strategem to free them selves; as afterwards was
knowne, & by some of them confessed. For they apprehended y^t the
greater ship, being of force, & in whom most of y^e provissions were
stowed, she would retayne enough for her selfe, what soever became of
them or y^e passengers; & indeed shuch speeches had bene cast out by
some of them; and yet, besids other incouragments, y^e cheefe of them
that came from Leyden wente in this shipe to give y^e m^r. contente. But
so strong was self love & his fears, as he forgott all duty and [43]
former kindnesses, & delt thus falsly with them, though he pretended
otherwise. Amongest those that returned was M^r. Cushman & his familie,
whose hart & courage was gone from them before, as it seems, though his
body was with them till now he departed; as may appear by a passionate
letter he write to a freind in London from Dartmouth, whilst y^e ship
lay ther a mending; the which, besids y^e expressions of his owne fears,
it shows much of y^e providence of God working for their good beyonde
man’s expectation, & other things concerning their condition in these
streats. I will hear relate it. And though it discover some infirmities
in him (as who under temtation is free), yet after this he continued to
be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and to doe y^e offices of a
loving freind & faithfull brother unto them, and pertaker of much
comforte with them.

The letter is as followth.

To his loving friend Ed: S.[Z] at Henige House in y^e Duks Place,
these, &c.

Dartmouth, Aug. 17.

Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you & your wife, with
loving E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. For
besids y^e eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then
deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased me, which will not in all
lie^{c}lyhoode leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it
is a bundle of lead, as it were, crushing my harte more & more these
14. days, as that allthough I doe y^e acctions of a liveing man, yet I
am but as dead; but y^e will of God be done. Our pinass will not cease
leaking, els I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage
hither hath been as full of crosses, as our selves have been of
crokednes. We put in hear to tri[=m]e her, & I thinke, as others
also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. howers more, shee would
have sunke right downe. And though she was twise tri[=m]ed at Hamton,
yet now shee is open and leakie as a seive; and ther was a borde, a
man might have puld of with his fingers, 2 foote longe, wher y^e water
came in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton 7. days, in fair weather,
waiting for her, and now we lye hear waiting for her in as faire a
wind as can blowe, and so have done these 4. days, and are like to lye
4. more, and by y^t time y^e wind will happily turne as it did at
Hampton. Our victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe
from the coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall not
have a months victialls when we come in y^e countrie. Neare 700^li.
hath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I know not. Mr. Martin saith
he neither can nor will give any accounte of it, and if he be called
upon for accounts he crieth out of unthankfullnes for his paines &
care, that we are susspitious of him, and flings away, & will end
nothing. Also he so insult[=e]h over our poore people, with shuch
scorne & contempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes.
It would break your hart to see his dealing,[AA] and y^e mourning of
our people. They complaine to me, & alass! I can doe nothing for them;
if I speake to him, he flies in my face, as mutinous, and saith no
complaints shall be heard or received but by him selfe, and saith they
are forwarde, & waspish, discontented people, & I doe ill to hear
them. Ther are others y^t would lose all they have put in, or make
satisfaction for what they have had, that they might departe: but he
will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe ashore, least they should
rune away. The sailors also are so offended at his ignorante bouldnes,
in medling & controuling in things he knows not what belongs too, as
y^t some threaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave y^e
shipe & goe their way. But at y^e best this cometh of it, y^t he maks
him selfe a scorne & laughing stock unto them. As for M^r. Weston,
excepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten times
more then ever he loved us, for not confirming y^e conditions. But
now, since some pinches have taken them, they begine to reveile y^e
trueth, & say M^r. Robinson was in y^e falte who charged them never to
consente to those conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede
apointed them to chose them they did chose.[AB] But he & they will rue
too late, they may [44] now see, & all be ashamed when it is too late,
that they were so ignorante, yea, & so inordinate in their courses. I
am sure as they were resolved not to seale those conditions, I was not
so resolute at Hampton to have left y^e whole bussines, excepte they
would seale them, & better y^e vioage to have bene broken of then,
then to have brought such miserie to our selves, dishonour to God, &
detrimente to our loving freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or 5.
of y^e cheefe of them which came from Leyden, came resolved never to
goe on those conditions. And M^r. Martine, he said he never received
no money on those conditions, he was not beholden to y^e marchants for
a pine, they were bloudsuckers, & I know not what. Simple man, he
indeed never made any conditions w^th the marchants, nor ever spake
with them. But did all that money flie to Hampton, or was it his owne?
Who will goe & lay out money so rashly & lavishly as he did, and never
know how he comes by it, or on what conditions? 2^ly. I tould him of
y^e alteration longe agoe, & he was contente; but now he dominires, &
said I had betrayed them into y^e hands of slaves; he is not beholden
to them, he can set out 2. ships him selfe to a viage. When, good man?
He hath but 50^li. in, & if he should give up his accounts he would
not have a penie left him, as I am persuaded,[AC] &c. Freind, if ever
we make a plantation, God works a mirakle; especially considering how
scante we shall be of victualls, and most of all ununited amongst our
selves, & devoyd of good tutors & regimente. Violence will break all.
Wher is y^e meek & humble spirite of Moyses? & of Nehemiah who
reedified y^e wals of Jerusalem, & y^e state of Israell? Is not y^e
sound of Rehoboams braggs daly hear amongst us? Have not y^e
philosophers and all wise men observed y^t, even in setled co[=m]one
welths, violente governours bring either them selves, or people, or
boath, to ruine; how much more in y^e raising of co[=m]one wealths,
when y^e morter is yet scarce tempered y^t should bind y^e wales. If I
should write to you of all things which promiscuously forerune our
ruine, I should over charge my weake head and greeve your tender hart;
only this, I pray you prepare for evill tidings of us every day. But
pray for us instantly, it may be y^e Lord will be yet entreated one
way or other to make for us. I see not in reason how we shall escape
even y^e gasping of hunger starved persons; but God can doe much, &
his will be done. It is better for me to dye, then now for me to bear
it, which I doe daly, & expecte it howerly; haveing received y^e
sentance of death, both within me & without me. Poore William King &
my selfe doe strive[AD] who shall be meate first for y^e fishes; but
we looke for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after y^e
flesh no more, but looking unto y^e joye y^t is before us, we will
endure all these things and accounte them light in comparison of y^t
joye we hope for. Remember me in all love to our freinds as if I named
them, whose praiers I desire ernestly, & wish againe to see, but not
till I can with more comforte looke them in y^e face. The Lord give us
that true comforte which none can take from us. I had a desire to make
a breefe relation of our estate to some freind. I doubte not but your
wisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things as here after you
shall be called to it. That which I have writen is treue, & many
things more which I have forborne. I write it as upon my life, and
last confession in England. What is of use to be spoken [45] of
presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile,
conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, & my body
feeble, y^e Lord make me strong in him, & keepe both you & yours.

Your loving friend,
ROBART CUSHMAN.

Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 1620.

These being his conceptions & fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be
much stronger now at Plimoth.

The 9. Chap.

_Of their vioage, & how they passed y^e sea, and of their safe arrivall
at Cape Codd._

SEPT^R: 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now all being compacte
togeather in one shipe,[AE] they put to sea againe with a prosperus
winde, which continued diverce days togeather, which was some
incouragmente unto them; yet according to y^e usuall maner many were
afflicted with sea-sicknes. And I may not omite hear a spetiall worke of
Gods providence. Ther was a proud & very profane yonge man, one of y^e
sea-men, of a lustie, able body, which made him the more hauty; he
would allway be contemning y^e poore people in their sicknes, & cursing
them dayly with gre[=e]ous execrations, and did not let to tell them,
that he hoped to help to cast halfe of them over board before they came
to their jurneys end, and to make mery with what they had; and if he
were by any gently reproved, he would curse and swear most bitterly. But
it plased God before they came halfe seas over, to smite this yong man
with a greeveous disease, of which he dyed in a desperate maner, and so
was him selfe y^e first y^t was throwne overbord. Thus his curses light
on his owne head; and it was an astonishmente to all his fellows, for
they noted it to be y^e just hand of God upon him.

After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a season, they were
incountred many times with crosse winds, and mette with many feirce
stormes, with which y^e shipe was shroudly shaken, and her upper works
made very leakie; and one of the maine beames in y^e midd ships was
bowed & craked, which put them in some fear that y^e shipe could not be
able to performe y^e vioage. So some of y^e cheefe of y^e company,
perceiveing y^e mariners to feare y^e suffisiencie of y^e shipe, as
appeared by their mutterings, they entred into serious consulltation
with y^e m^r. & other officers of y^e ship, to consider in time of y^e
danger; and rather to returne then to cast them selves into a desperate
& inevitable perill. And truly ther was great distraction & differance
of opinion amongst y^e mariners them selves; faine would they doe what
could be done for their wages sake, (being now halfe the seas over,) and
on y^e other hand they were loath to hazard their lives too desperatly.
But in examening of all opinions, the m^r. & others affirmed they knew
y^e ship to be stronge & firme under water; and for the buckling of y^e
maine beame, ther was a great iron scrue y^e passengers brought out of
Holland, which would raise y^e beame into his place; y^e which being
done, the carpenter & m^r. affirmed that with a post put under it, set
firme in y^e lower deck, & otherways bounde, he would make it
sufficiente. And as for y^e decks & uper workes they would calke them as
well as they could, and though with y^e workeing of y^e ship they [46]
would not longe keepe stanch, yet ther would otherwise be no great
danger, if they did not overpress her with sails. So they co[=m]ited
them selves to y^e will of God, & resolved to proseede. In sundrie of
these stormes the winds were so feirce, & y^e seas so high, as they
could not beare a knote of saile, but were forced to hull, for diverce
days togither. And in one of them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty
storme, a lustie yonge man (called John Howland) coming upon some
occasion above y^e grattings, was, with a seele of the shipe throwne
into [y^e] sea; but it pleased God y^t he caught hould of y^e top-saile
halliards, which hunge over board, & rane out at length; yet he held
his hould (though he was sundrie fadomes under water) till he was hald
up by y^e same rope to y^e brime of y^e water, and then with a boat
hooke & other means got into y^e shipe againe, & his life saved; and
though he was something ill with it, yet he lived many years after, and
became a profitable member both in church & co[=m]one wealthe. In all
this viage ther died but one of y^e passengers, which was William
Butten, a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, when they drew near y^e
coast. But to omite other things, (that I may be breefe,) after longe
beating at sea they fell with that land which is called Cape Cod; the
which being made & certainly knowne to be it, they were not a litle
joyfull. After some deliberation had amongst them selves & with y^e m^r.
of y^e ship, they tacked aboute and resolved to stande for y^e southward
(y^e wind & weather being faire) to finde some place aboute Hudsons
river for their habitation. But after they had sailed y^t course aboute
halfe y^e day, they fell amongst deangerous shoulds and roring breakers,
and they were so farr intangled ther with as they conceived them selves
in great danger; & y^e wind shrinking upon them withall, they resolved
to bear up againe for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy to gett out
of those dangers before night overtooke them, as by Gods providence they
did. And y^e next day they gott into y^e Cape-harbor wher they ridd in
saftie. A word or too by y^e way of this cape; it was thus first named
by Capten Gosnole & his company,[AF] Anno: 1602, and after by Capten
Smith was caled Cape James; but it retains y^e former name amongst
seamen. Also y^t pointe which first shewed those dangerous shoulds unto
them, they called Pointe Care, & Tuckers Terrour; but y^e French & Dutch
to this day call it Malabarr, by reason of those perilous shoulds, and
y^e losses they have suffered their.

Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe to land, they fell
upon their knees & blessed y^e God of heaven, who had brought them over
y^e vast & furious ocean, and delivered them from all y^e periles &
miseries therof, againe to set their feete on y^e firme and stable
earth, their proper elemente. And no marvell if they were thus joyefull,
seeing wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles on y^e coast
of his owne Italy; as he affirmed,[AG] that he had rather remaine
twentie years on his way by land, then pass by sea to any place in a
short time; so tedious & dreadfull was y^e same unto him.

But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amased at
this poore peoples presente condition; and so I thinke will the reader
too, when he well considers [47] y^e same. Being thus passed y^e vast
ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their preparation (as may be
remembred by y^t which wente before), they had now no freinds to
wellcome them, nor inns to entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten
bodys, no houses or much less townes to repaire too, to seeke for
succoure. It is recorded in scripture[AH] as a mercie to y^e apostle &
his shipwraked company, y^t the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes
in refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when they mette with
them (as after will appeare) were readier to fill their sids full of
arrows then otherwise. And for y^e season it was winter, and they that
know y^e winters of y^t cuntrie know them to be sharp & violent, &
subjecte to cruell & feirce stormes, deangerous to travill to known
places, much more to serch an unknown coast. Besids, what could they see
but a hidious & desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts & willd men? and
what multituds ther might be of them they knew not. Nether could they,
as it were, goe up to y^e tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willdernes a
more goodly cuntrie to feed their hops; for which way soever they turnd
their eys (save upward to y^e heavens) they could have litle solace or
content in respecte of any outward objects. For su[=m]er being done, all
things stand upon them with a wetherbeaten face; and y^e whole countrie,
full of woods & thickets, represented a wild & savage heiw. If they
looked behind them, ther was y^e mighty ocean which they had passed, and
was now as a maine barr & goulfe to seperate them from all y^e civill
parts of y^e world. If it be said they had a ship to sucour them, it is
trew; but what heard they daly from y^e m^r. & company? but y^t with
speede they should looke out a place with their shallop, wher they would
be at some near distance; for y^e season was shuch as he would not stirr
from thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them wher they would
be, and he might goe without danger; and that victells consumed apace,
but he must & would keepe sufficient for them selves & their returne.
Yea, it was muttered by some, that if they gott not a place in time,
they would turne them & their goods ashore & leave them. Let it also be
considred what weake hopes of supply & succoure they left behinde them,
y^t might bear up their minds in this sade condition and trialls they
were under; and they could not but be very smale. It is true, indeed,
y^e affections & love of their brethren at Leyden was cordiall & entire
towards them, but they had litle power to help them, or them selves; and
how y^e case stode betweene them & y^e marchants at their coming away,
hath allready been declared. What could now sustaine them but the
spirite of God & his grace? May not & ought not the children of these
fathers rightly say: _Our faithers were Englishmen which came over this
great ocean, and were ready to perish in this willdernes;[AI] but they
cried unto y^e Lord, and he heard their voyce, and looked on their
adversitie, &c. Let them therfore praise y^e Lord, because he is good, &
his mercies endure for ever._[AJ] _Yea, let them which have been
redeemed of y^e Lord, shew how he hath delivered them from y^e hand of
y^e oppressour. When they wandered in y^e deserte willdernes out of y^e
way, and found no citie to dwell in, both hungrie, & thirstie, their
sowle was overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before y^e Lord his
loving kindnes, and his wonderfull works before y^e sons of men._

The 10. Chap.

_Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and what befell them
theraboute._

[48] Being thus arrived at Cap-Cod y^e 11. of November, and necessitie
calling them to looke out a place for habitation, (as well as the
maisters & mariners importunitie,) they having brought a large shalop
with them out of England, stowed in quarters in y^e ship, they now gott
her out & sett their carpenters to worke to trime her up; but being much
brused & shatered in y^e shipe w^th foule weather, they saw she would be
longe in mending. Wherupon a few of them tendered them selves to goe by
land and discovere those nearest places, whilst y^e shallop was in
mending; and y^e rather because as they wente into y^t harbor ther
seemed to be an opening some 2. or 3 leagues of, which y^e maister
judged to be a river. It was conceived ther might be some danger in y^e
attempte, yet seeing them resolute, they were permited to goe, being 16.
of them well armed, under y^e conduct of Captain Standish, having shuch
instructions given them as was thought meete. They sett forth y^e 15. of
Nove^br: and when they had marched aboute the space of a mile by y^e sea
side, they espied 5. or 6. persons with a dogg coming towards them, who
were salvages; but they fled from them, & ra[=n]e up into y^e woods, and
y^e English followed them, partly to see if they could speake with them,
and partly to discover if ther might not be more of them lying in
ambush. But y^e Indeans seeing them selves thus followed, they againe
forsooke the woods, & rane away on y^e sands as hard as they could, so
as they could not come near them, but followed them by y^e tracte of
their feet sundrie miles, and saw that they had come the same way. So,
night coming on, they made their randevous & set out their sentinels,
and rested in quiete _y^t night_, and the next morning followed their
tracte till they had headed a great creake, & so left the sands, &
turned an other way into y^e woods. But they still followed them by
geuss, hopeing to find their dwellings; but they soone lost both them &
them selves, falling into shuch thickets as were ready to tear their
cloaths & armore in peeces, but were most distresed for wante of
drinke. But at length they found water & refreshed them selves, being
y^e first New-England water they drunke of, and was now in thir great
thirste as pleasante unto them as wine or bear had been in for-times.
Afterwards they directed their course to come to y^e other [49] shore,
for they knew it was a necke of land they were to crosse over, and so at
length gott to y^e sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, & by
y^e way found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly after a good
quantitie of clear ground wher y^e Indeans had formerly set corne, and
some of their graves. And proceeding furder they saw new-stuble wher
corne had been set y^e same year, also they found wher latly a house had
been, wher some planks and a great ketle was remaining, and heaps of
sand newly padled with their hands, which they, digging up, found in
them diverce faire Indean baskets filled with corne, and some in eares,
faire and good, of diverce collours, which seemed to them a very goodly
sight, (haveing never seen any shuch before). This was near y^e place of
that supposed river they came to seeck; unto which they wente and found
it to open it selfe into 2. armes with a high cliffe of sand in y^e
enterance, but more like to be crikes of salte water then any fresh, for
ought they saw; and that ther was good harborige for their shalope;
leaving it further to be discovered by their shalop when she was ready.
So their time limeted them being expired, they returned to y^e ship,
least they should be in fear of their saftie; and tooke with them parte
of y^e corne, and buried up y^e rest, and so like y^e men from Eshcoll
carried with them of y^e fruits of y^e land, & showed their breethren;
of which, & their returne, they were marvelusly glad, and their harts
incouraged.

After this, y^e shalop being got ready, they set out againe for y^e
better discovery of this place, & y^e m^r. of y^e ship desired to goe
him selfe, so ther went some 30. men, but found it to be no harbor for
ships but only for boats; ther was allso found 2. of their houses
covered with matts, & sundrie of their implements in them, but y^e
people were rune away & could not be seen; also ther was found more of
their corne, & of their beans of various collours. The corne & beans
they brought away, purposing to give them full satisfaction when they
should meete with any of them (as about some 6. months afterward they
did, to their good contente). And here is to be noted a spetiall
providence of God, and a great mercie to this poore people, that hear
they gott seed to plant them corne y^e next year, or els they might have
starved, for they had none, nor any liklyhood to get any [50] till y^e
season had beene past (as y^e sequell did manyfest). Neither is it
lickly they had had this, if y^e first viage had not been made, for the
ground was now all covered with snow, & hard frozen. But the Lord is
never wanting unto his in their greatest needs; let his holy name have
all y^e praise.

The month of November being spente in these affairs, & much foule
weather falling in, the 6. _of Desem^r_: they sente out their shallop
againe with 10. of their principall men, & some sea men, upon further
discovery, intending to circulate that deepe bay of Cap-codd. The
weather was very could, & it frose so hard as y^e sprea of y^e sea
lighting on their coats, they were as if they had been glased; yet _that
night_ betimes they gott downe into y^e botome of y^e bay, and as they
drue nere y^e shore they saw some 10. or 12. Indeans very busie aboute
some thing. They landed aboute a league or 2. from them, and had much a
doe to put a shore any wher, it lay so full of flats. Being landed, it
grew late, and they made them selves a barricade with loggs & bowes as
well as they could in y^e time, & set out their sentenill & betooke them
to rest, and saw y^e smoake of y^e fire y^e savages made y^t night. When
_morning_ was come they devided their company, some to coaste along y^e
shore in y^e boate, and the rest marched throw y^e woods to see y^e
land, if any fit place might be for their dwelling. They came allso to
y^e place wher they saw the Indans y^e night before, & found they had
been cuting up a great fish like a grampus, being some 2. inches thike
of fate like a hogg, some peeces wher of they had left by y^e way; and
y^e shallop found 2. more of these fishes dead on y^e sands, a thing
usuall after storms in y^t place, by reason of y^e great flats of sand
that lye of. So they ranged up and doune all y^t day, but found no
people, nor any place they liked. When y^e sune grue low, they hasted
out of y^e woods to meete with their shallop, to whom they made signes
to come to them into a _creeke_ hardby, the which they did at highwater;
of which they were very glad, for they had not seen each other all y^t
day, since y^e morning. So they made them a barricado (as usually they
did every night) with loggs, staks, & thike pine bowes, y^e height of a
man, leaving it open to leeward, partly to shelter them from y^e could &
wind (making their fire in y^e midle, & lying round aboute it), and
partly to defend them from any sudden assaults of y^e savags, if they
should surround them. So being very weary, they betooke them to rest.
But aboute _midnight_, [51] they heard a hideous & great crie, and their
sentinell caled, “Arme, arme”; so they bestired them & stood to their
armes, & shote of a cupple of moskets, and then the noys seased. They
concluded it was a companie of wolves, or such like willd beasts; for
one of y^e sea men tould them he had often heard shuch a noyse in
New-found land. So they rested till about 5. of y^e clock in the
_morning_; for y^e tide, & ther purposs to goe from thence, made them be
stiring betimes. So after praier they prepared for breakfast, and it
being day dawning, it was thought best to be carring things downe to
y^e boate. But some said it was not best to carrie y^e armes downe,
others said they would be the readier, for they had laped them up in
their coats from y^e dew. But some 3. or 4. would not cary theirs till
they wente them selves, yet as it fell out, y^e water being not high
enough, they layed them downe on y^e banke side, & came up to breakfast.
But presently, all on y^e sudain, they heard a great & strange crie,
which they knew to be the same voyces they heard in y^e night, though
they varied their notes, & one of their company being abroad came runing
in, & cried, “Men, Indeans, Indeans”; and w^{th}all, their arowes came
flying amongst them. Their men rane with all speed to recover their
armes, as by y^e good providence of God they did. In y^e mean time, of
those that were ther ready, tow muskets were discharged at them, & 2.
more stood ready in y^e enterance of ther randevoue, but were comanded
not to shoote till they could take full aime at them; & y^e other 2.
charged againe with all speed, for ther were only 4. had armes ther, &
defended y^e baricado which was first assalted. The crie of y^e Indeans
was dreadfull, espetially when they saw ther men rune out of y^e
randevoue towourds y^e shallop, to recover their armes, the Indeans
wheeling aboute upon them. But some ru[=n]ing out with coats of malle
on, & cutlasses in their hands, they soone got their armes, & let flye
amongs them, and quickly stopped their violence. Yet ther was a lustie
man, and no less valiante, stood behind a tree within halfe a musket
shot, and let his arrows flie at them. He was seen shoot 3. arrowes,
which were all avoyded. He stood 3. shot of a musket, till one taking
full aime at him, and made y^e barke or splinters of y^e tree fly about
his ears, after which he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away they
wente all of them. They left some to keep y^e shalop, and followed them
aboute a quarter of a mille, and shouted once or twise, and shot of 2.
or 3. peces, & so returned. This they did, that they might conceive that
they were not [52] affrade of them or any way discouraged. Thus it
pleased God to vanquish their enimies, and give them deliverance; and by
his spetiall providence so to dispose that not any one of them were
either hurte, or hitt, though their arrows came close by them, & on
every side them, and sundry of their coats, which hunge up in y^e
barricado, were shot throw & throw. Aterwards they gave God sollamne
thanks & praise for their deliverance, & gathered up a bundle of their
arrows, & sente them into England afterward by y^e m^r. of y^e ship, and
called that place y^e first encounter. From hence they departed, &
costed all along, but discerned no place likly for harbor; & therfore
hasted to a place that their pillote, (one Mr. Coppin who had bine in
y^e cuntrie before) did assure them was a good harbor, which he had
been in, and they might fetch it before night; of which they were glad,
for it begane to be foule weather. After some houres sailing, it begane
to snow & raine, & about y^e midle of y^e afternoone, y^e wind
increased, & y^e sea became very rough, and they broake their rudder, &
it was as much as 2. men could doe to steere her with a cupple of oares.
But their pillott bad them be of good cheere, for he saw y^e harbor; but
y^e storme increasing, & night drawing on, they bore what saile they
could to gett in, while they could see. But herwith they broake their
mast in 3. peeces, & their saill fell over bord, in a very grown sea, so
as they had like to have been cast away; yet by Gods mercie they
recovered them selves, & having y^e floud with them, struck into y^e
harbore. But when it came too, y^e pillott was deceived in y^e place,
and said, y^e Lord be mercifull unto them, for his eys never saw y^t
place before; & he & the m^r. mate would have rune her ashore, in a cove
full of breakers, before y^e winde. But a lusty seaman which steered,
bad those which rowed, if they were men, about with her, or ells they
were all cast away; the which they did with speed. So he bid them be of
good cheere & row lustly, for ther was a faire sound before them, & he
doubted not but they should find one place or other wher they might ride
in saftie. And though it was _very darke_, and rained sore, yet in y^e
end they gott under y^e lee of a smalle iland, and remained ther all
y^t night in saftie. But they knew not this to be an iland till morning,
but were devided in their minds; some would keepe y^e boate for fear
they might be amongst y^e Indians; others were so weake and could, they
could not endure, but got a shore, & with much adoe got fire, (all
things being so wett,) and y^e rest were glad to come to them; for after
midnight y^e wind shifted to the [53] north-west, & it frose hard. But
though this had been a day & night of much trouble & danger unto them,
yet God gave them a _morning_ of comforte & refreshing (as usually he
doth to his children), for y^e next day was a faire sunshin[=i]g day,
and they found them sellvs to be on an iland secure from y^e Indeans,
wher they might drie their stufe, fixe their peeces, & rest them selves,
and gave God thanks for his mercies, in their manifould deliverances.
And this being the _last day of y^e weeke_, they prepared ther to keepe
y^e _Sabath_. On _Munday_ they sounded y^e harbor, and founde it fitt
for shipping; and marched into y^e land, & found diverse cornfeilds, &
litle runing brooks, a place (as they supposed) fitt for situation; at
least it was y^e best they could find, and y^e season, & their presente
necessitie, made them glad to accepte of it. So they returned to their
shipp againe with this news to y^e rest of their people, which did much
comforte their harts.

On y^e 15. _of Desem^r_: they wayed anchor to goe to y^e place they had
discovered, & came within 2. leagues of it, but were faine to bear up
againe; but y^e 16. _day_ y^e winde came faire, and they arrived safe in
this harbor. And after wards tooke better view of y^e place, and
resolved wher to pitch their dwelling; and y^e 25. _day_ begane to
erecte y^e first house for co[=m]one use to receive them and their
goods.

The 2. Booke.

The rest of this History (if God give me life, & opportunitie) I shall,
for brevitis sake, handle by way of _annalls_, noteing only the heads of
principall things, and passages as they fell in order of time, and may
seeme to be profitable to know, or to make use of. And this may be as
y^e 2. Booke.

_The remainder of An^o:_ 1620.

I shall a litle returne backe and begine with a combination made by them
before they came ashore, being y^e first foundation of their govermente
in this place; occasioned partly by y^e discontented & mutinous speeches
that some of the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in y^e
ship–That when they came a shore they would use their owne libertie;
for none had power to co[=m]and them, the patente they had being for
Virginia, and not for New-england, which belonged to an other Goverment,
with which y^e Virginia Company had nothing to doe. And partly that
shuch an [54] acte by them done (this their condition considered) might
be as firme as any patent, and in some respects more sure.

The forme was as followeth.

In y^e name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwriten, the loyall
subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by y^e grace of
God, of Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland king, defender of y^e faith,
&c., haveing undertaken, for y^e glorie of God, and advancemente of
y^e Christian faith, and honour of our king & countrie, a voyage to
plant y^e first colonie in y^e Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by
these presents solemnly & mutualy in y^e presence of God, and one of
another, covenant & combine our selves togeather into a civill body
politick, for our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of y^e
ends aforesaid; and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame
such just & equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitutions, & offices,
from time to time, as shall be thought most meete & convenient for y^e
generall good of y^e Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission
and obedience. In witnes wherof we have hereunder subscribed our names
at Cap-Codd y^e 11. of November, in y^e year of y^e raigne of our
soveraigne lord, King James, of England, France, & Ireland y^e
eighteenth, and of Scotland y^e fiftie fourth. An^o: Dom. 1620.

After this they chose, or rather confirmed, M^r. John Carver (a man
godly & well approved amongst them) their Governour for that year. And
after they had provided a place for their goods, or comone store, (which
were long in unlading for want of boats, foulnes of winter weather, and
sicknes of diverce,) and begune some small cottages for their
habitation, as time would admitte, they mette and consulted of lawes &
orders, both for their civill & military Govermente, as y^e necessitie
of their condition did require, still adding therunto as urgent occasion
in severall times, and as cases did require.

In these hard & difficulte beginings they found some discontents &
murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous speeches & carriags in
other; but they were soone quelled & overcome by y^e wisdome, patience,
and just & equall carrage of things by y^e Gov^r and better part, w^ch
clave faithfully togeather in y^e maine. But that which was most sadd &
lamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths time halfe of their company
dyed, espetialy in Jan: & February, being y^e depth of winter, and
wanting houses & other comforts; being infected with y^e scurvie & [55]
other diseases, which this long vioage & their inacomodate condition had
brought upon them; so as ther dyed some times 2. or 3. of a day, in y^e
foresaid time; that of 100. & odd persons, scarce 50. remained. And of
these in y^e time of most distres, ther was but 6. or 7. sound persons,
who, to their great comendations be it spoken, spared no pains, night
nor day, but with abundance of toyle and hazard of their owne health,
fetched them woode, made them fires, drest them meat, made their beads,
washed their lothsome cloaths, cloathed & uncloathed them; in a word,
did all y^e homly & necessarie offices for them w^ch dainty & quesie
stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and all this willingly &
cherfully, without any grudging in y^e least, shewing herein their true
love unto their freinds & bretheren. A rare example & worthy to be
remembred. Tow of these 7. were M^r. William Brewster, ther reverend
Elder, & Myles Standish, ther Captein & military comander, unto whom my
selfe, & many others, were much beholden in our low & sicke condition.
And yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as in this generall calamity
they were not at all infected either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what I
have said of these, I may say of many others who dyed in this generall
vissitation, & others yet living, that whilst they had health, yea, or
any strength continuing, they were not wanting to any that had need of
them. And I doute not but their recompence is with y^e Lord.

But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable passage not to be
forgotten. As this calamitie fell among y^e passengers that were to be
left here to plant, and were hasted a shore and made to drinke water,
that y^e sea-men might have y^e more bear, and one[AK] in his sicknes
desiring but a small cann of beere, it was answered, that if he were
their owne father he should have none; the disease begane to fall
amongst them also, so as allmost halfe of their company dyed before they
went away, and many of their officers and lustyest men, as y^e boatson,
gunner, 3. quarter-maisters, the cooke, & others. At w^ch y^e m^r. was
something strucken and sent to y^e sick a shore and tould y^e Gov^r he
should send for beer for them that had need of it, though he drunke
water homward bound. But now amongst his company [56] ther was farr
another kind of carriage in this miserie then amongst y^e passengers;
for they that before had been boone companions in drinking & joyllity in
y^e time of their health & wellfare, begane now to deserte one another
in this calamitie, saing they would not hasard ther lives for them, they
should be infected by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after
they came to dye by it, would doe litle or nothing for them, but if they
dyed let them dye. But shuch of y^e passengers as were yet abord shewed
them what mercy they could, w^ch made some of their harts relente, as
y^e boatson (& some others), who was a prowd yonge man, and would often
curse & scofe at y^e passengers; but when he grew weak, they had
compassion on him and helped him; then he confessed he did not deserve
it at their hands, he had abused them in word & deed. O! saith he, you,
I now see, shew your love like Christians indeed one to another, but we
let one another lye & dye like doggs. Another lay cursing his wife,
saing if it had not ben for her he had never come this unlucky viage,
and anone cursing his felows, saing he had done this & that, for some of
them, he had spente so much, & so much, amongst them, and they were now
weary of him, and did not help him, having need. Another gave his
companion all he had, if he died, to help him in his weaknes; he went
and got a litle spise & made him a mess of meat once or twise, and
because he dyed not so soone as he expected, he went amongst his
fellows, & swore y^e rogue would cousen him, he would see him choaked
before he made him any more meate; and yet y^e pore fellow dyed before
morning.

All this while y^e Indians came skulking about them, and would sometimes
show them selves aloofe of, but when any aproached near them, they would
rune away. And once they stoale away their tools wher they had been at
worke, & were gone to diner. But about y^e 16. _of March_ a certaine
Indian came bouldly amongst them, and spoke to them in broken English,
which they could well understand, but marvelled at it. At length they
understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but
belonged to y^e eastrene parts, wher some English-ships came to fhish,
with whom he was aquainted, & could name sundrie of them by their names,
amongst whom he had gott his language. He became proftable to them [57]
in aquainting them with many things concerning y^e state of y^e cuntry
in y^e east-parts wher he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto
them; as also of y^e people hear, of their names, number, & strength; of
their situation & distance from this place, and who was cheefe amongst
them. His name was _Samaset_; he tould them also of another Indian whos
name was _Squanto_, a native of this place, who had been in England &
could speake better English then him selfe. Being, after some time of
entertainmente & gifts, dismist, a while after he came againe, & 5. more
with him, & they brought againe all y^e tooles that were stolen away
before, and made way for y^e coming of their great Sachem, called
_Massasoyt_; who, about _4. or 5. days after_, came with the cheefe of
his freinds & other attendance, with the aforesaid _Squanto_. With whom,
after frendly entertainment, & some gifts given him, they made a peace
with him (which hath now continued this 24. years) in these terms.

1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe hurte to any of
their peopl.

2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he should send y^e
offender, that they might punish him.

3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause
it to be restored; and they should doe y^e like to his.

4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aide him; if any did
warr against them, he should aide them.

5. He should send to his neighbours confederats, to certifie them of
this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in
y^e conditions of peace.

6. That when ther men came to them, they should leave their bows &
arrows behind them.

After these things he returned to his place caled _Sowams_, some 40.
mile from this place, but _Squanto_ continued with them, and was their
interpreter, and was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good
beyond their expectation. He directed them how to set their corne, wher
to take fish, and to procure other comodities, and was also their pilott
to bring them to unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them
till he dyed. He was a _native [58] of this place_, & scarce any left
alive besids him selfe. He was caried away with diverce others by one
_Hunt_, a m^r. of a ship, who thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine;
but he got away for England, and was entertained by a marchante in
London, & imployed to New-foundland & other parts, & lastly brought
hither into these parts by one M^r. _Dermer_, a gentle-man imployed by
Sr. Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery, & other designes in these
parts. Of whom I shall say some thing, because it is mentioned in a
booke set forth An^o: 1622. by the Presidente & Counsell for
New-England,[AL] that he made y^e peace betweene y^e salvages of these
parts & y^e English; of which this plantation, as it is intimated, had
y^e benefite. But what a peace it was, may apeare by what befell him &
his men.

This M^r. Dermer was hear the same year that these people came, as
apears by a relation written by him, & given me by a friend, bearing
date June 30. An^o: 1620. And they came in Novemb^r: following, so ther
was but 4. months differance. In which relation to his honored freind,
he hath these passages of this very place.

I will first begine (saith he) w^th that place from whence _Squanto_,
or _Tisquantem_, was taken away; w^ch in Cap: _Smiths mape_ is called
_Plimoth_: and I would that Plimoth had y^e like comodities. I would
that the first plantation might hear be seated, if ther come to the
number of 50. persons, or upward. Otherwise at Charlton, because ther
y^e savages are lese to be feared. The _Pocanawkits_, which live to
y^e _west_ of _Plimoth_, bear an inveterate malice to y^e English, and
are of more streingth then all y^e savags from thence to Penobscote.
Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having
many of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their murderers &
smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no injurie on their parts.
Whether they were English or no, it may be douted; yet they beleeve
they were, for y^e Frenche have so possest them; for which cause
_Squanto_ ca[=n]ot deney but they would have kiled me when I was at
_Namasket_, had he not entreated hard for me. The soyle of y^e borders
of [59] this great bay, may be compared to most of y^e plantations
which I have seene in Virginia. The land is of diverce sorts; for
_Patuxite_ is a hardy but strong soyle, _Nawsel & Saughtughtett_ are
for y^e most part a blakish & deep mould, much like that wher groweth
y^e best Tobaco in Virginia. In y^e botume of y^t great bay is store
of Codd & basse, or mulett, &c.

But above all he comends _Pacanawkite_ for y^e richest soyle, and much
open ground fitt for English graine, &c.

_Massachussets_ is about 9. leagues from _Plimoth_, & situate in y^e
mids betweene both, is full of ilands & peninsules very fertill for
y^e most parte.

With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to transcribe, being now
better knowne then they were to him.

He was taken prisoner by y^e Indeans at _Manamoiak_ (a place not farr
from hence, now well knowne). He gave them what they demanded for his
liberty, but when they had gott what they desired, they kept him still &
indevored to kill his men; but he was freed by seasing on some of them,
and kept them bound till they gave him a cannows load of corne. Of
which, see Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778. But this was An^o: 1619.

After y^e writing of y^e former relation he came to y^e Ile of
_Capawack_ (which lyes south of this place in y^e way to Virginia), and
y^e foresaid _Squanto_ w^th him, wher he going a shore amongst y^e
Indans to trad, as he used to doe, was betrayed & assaulted by them, &
_all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat_; but him selfe gott
abord very sore wounded, & they had cut of his head upon y^e cudy of his
boat, had not y^e man reskued him with a sword. And so they got away, &
made shift to gett into Virginia, wher he dyed; whether of his wounds or
y^e diseases of y^e cuntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine. [60] By
all which it may appeare how farr these people were from peace, and with
what danger this plantation was begune, save as y^e powerfull hand of
the Lord did protect them. These things[AM] were partly the reason why
they kept aloofe & were so long before they came to the English. An
other reason (as after them selvs made kno[=w]) was how aboute 3. _years
before_, a French-ship was cast away at _Cap-Codd_, but y^e men gott
ashore, & saved their lives, and much of their victails, & other goods;
but after y^e Indeans heard of it, they geathered togeather from these
parts, and never left watching & dogging them till they got advantage,
and _kild them all but 3. or 4._ which they kept, & sent from one Sachem
to another, to make sporte with, and used them worse then slaves; (of
which y^e foresaid M^r. Dermer redeemed 2. of them;) and they conceived
this ship was now come to revenge it.

Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came to y^e English to
make freindship, they gott all the _Powachs_ of y^e cuntrie, for 3. days
togeather, in a horid and divellish maner to curse & execrate them with
their cunjurations, which asembly & service they held in a darke &
dismale swampe.

But to returne. The spring now approaching, it pleased God the
mortalitie begane to cease amongst them, and y^e sick and lame recovered
apace, which put as it were new life into them; though they had borne
their sadd affliction with much patience & contentednes, as I thinke
any people could doe. But it was y^e Lord which upheld them, and had
beforehand prepared them; many having long borne y^e yoake, yea from
their youth. Many other smaler maters I omite, sundrie of them having
been allready published in a Jurnall made by one of the company; and
some other passages of jurneys and relations allredy published, to which
I referr those that are willing to know them more perticulerly. And
being now come to y^e 25. of March I shall begine y^e year 1621.

[61] _Anno. 1621._

They now begane to dispatch y^e ship away which brought them over, which
lay tille aboute this time, or y^e begining of Aprill. The reason on
their parts why she stayed so long, was y^e necessitie and danger that
lay upon them, for it was well towards y^e ende of Desember before she
could land any thing hear, or they able to receive any thing ashore.
Afterwards, y^e 14. of Jan: the house which they had made for a generall
randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were faine to retire abord for
shilter. Then the sicknes begane to fall sore amongst them, and y^e
weather so bad as they could not make much sooner any dispatch. Againe,
the Gov^r & cheefe of them, seeing so many dye, and fall downe sick
dayly, thought it no wisdom to send away the ship, their condition
considered, and y^e danger they stood in from y^e Indeans, till they
could procure some shelter; and therfore thought it better to draw some
more charge upon them selves & freinds, then hazard all. The m^r. and
sea-men likewise, though before they hasted y^e passengers a shore to be
goone, now many of their men being dead, & of y^e ablest of them, (as is
before noted,) and of y^e rest many lay sick & weake, y^e m^r. durst not
put to sea, till he saw his men begine to recover, and y^e hart of
winter over.

Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to plant ther corne, in
which servise Squanto stood them in great stead, showing them both y^e
maner how to set it, and after how to dress & tend it. Also he tould
them excepte they gott fish & set with it (in these old grounds) it
would come to nothing, and he showed them y^t in y^e midle of Aprill
they should have store enough come up y^e brooke, by which they begane
to build, and taught them how to take it, and wher to get other
provissions necessary for them; all which they found true by triall &
experience. Some English seed they sew, as wheat & pease, but it came
not to good, eather by y^e badnes of y^e seed, or latenes of y^e season,
or both, or some other defecte.

[62] In this month of _Aprill_ whilst they were bussie about their seed,
their Gov^r (M^r. John Carver) came out of y^e feild very sick, it being
a hott day; he complained greatly of his head, and lay downe, and within
a few howers his sences failed, so as he never spake more till he dyed,
which was within a few days after. Whoss death was much lamented, and
caused great heavines amongst them, as ther was cause. He was buried in
y^e best maner they could, with some vollies of shott by all that bore
armes; and his wife, being a weak woman, dyed within 5. or 6. weeks
after him.

Shortly after William Bradford was chosen Gove^r in his stead, and being
not yet recoverd of his ilnes, in which he had been near y^e point of
death, Isaak Allerton was chosen to be an Asistante unto him, who, by
renewed election every year, continued sundry years togeather, which I
hear note once for all.

_May 12._ was y^e first mariage in this place, which, according to y^e
laudable custome of the Low-Cuntries, in which they had lived, was
thought most requisite to be performed by the magistrate, as being a
civill thing, upon which many questions aboute inheritances doe depende,
with other things most proper to their cognizans, and most consonante to
y^e scripturs, Ruth 4. and no wher found in y^e gospell to be layed on
y^e ministers as a part of their office. “This decree or law about
mariage was published by y^e Stats of y^e Low-Cuntries An^o: 1590. That
those of any religion, after lawfull and open publication, coming before
y^e magistrats, in y^e Town or Stat-house, were to be orderly (by them)
maried one to another.” Petets Hist, fol: 1029. And this practiss hath
continued amongst, not only them, but hath been followed by all y^e
famous churches of Christ in these parts to this time,–An^o: 1646.

Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at home, it was thought
meete to send some abroad to see their new friend Massasoyet, and to
bestow upon him some gratuitie to bind him y^e faster unto them; as also
that hearby they might veiw y^e countrie, and see in what maner he
lived, what strength he had aboute him, and how y^e ways were to his
place, if at any time they should have occasion. So y^e 2. _of July_
they sente M^r. Edward Winslow & M^r. Hopkins, with y^e foresaid Squanto
for ther guid, who gave him a suite of cloaths, and a horsemans coate,
with some other small things, which were kindly accepted; but they found
but short co[=m]ons, and came both weary & hungrie home. For y^e Indeans
used then to have nothing [63] so much corne as they have since y^e
English have stored them with their hows, and seene their industrie in
breaking up new grounds therwith. _They found his place to be 40. miles
from hence_, y^e soyle good, & y^e people not many, being dead &
abundantly wasted in y^e late great mortalitie which fell in all these
parts aboute _three years_ before y^e coming of y^e English, wherin
thousands of them dyed, they not being able to burie one another; ther
sculs and bones were found in many places lying still above ground,
where their houses & dwellings had been; a very sad spectackle to
behould. But they brought word that y^e Narighansets lived but on y^e
other side of that great bay, & were a strong people, & many in number,
living compacte togeather, & had not been at all touched with this
wasting plague.

Aboute y^e _later end of this month_, one John Billington lost him selfe
in y^e woods, & wandered up & downe some 5. days, living on beries &
what he could find. At length he light on an Indean plantation, 20. mils
south of this place, called _Manamet_, they conveid him furder of, to
_Nawsett_, among those peopl that had before set upon y^e English when
they were costing, whilest y^e ship lay at y^e Cape, as is before noted.
But y^e Gove^r caused him to be enquired for among y^e Indeans, and at
length Massassoyt sent word wher he was, and y^e Gove^r sent a shalop
for him, & had him delivered. Those people also came and made their
peace; and they gave full satisfaction to those whose come they had
found & taken when they were at Cap-Codd.

Thus ther peace & aquaintance was prety well establisht w^th the natives
aboute them; and ther was an other Indean called _Hobamack_ come to live
amongst them, a proper lustie man, and a man of accounte for his vallour
& parts amongst y^e Indeans, and continued very faithfull and constant
to y^e English till he dyed. He & Squanto being gone upon bussines
amonge y^e Indeans, at their returne (whether it was out of envie to
them or malice to the English) ther was a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed
to Massassoyte, but never any good friend to y^e English to this day,
mett with them at an Indean towne caled Namassakett 14. miles to y^e
west of this place, and begane to quarell w^th [64] them, and offered to
stabe Hobamack; but being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him, and
came ru[=n]ing away all sweating and tould y^e Gov^r what had befalne
him, and he feared they had killed Squanto, for they threatened them
both, and for no other cause but because they were freinds to y^e
English, and servisable unto them. Upon this y^e Gove^r taking counsell,
it was conceivd not fitt to be borne; for if they should suffer their
freinds & messengers thus to be wronged, they should have none would
cleave unto them, or give them any inteligence, or doe them serviss
afterwards; but nexte they would fall upon them selves. Whereupon it was
resolved to send y^e Captaine & 14. men well armed, and to goe & fall
upon them in y^e night; and if they found that Squanto was kild, to cut
of Corbitants head, but not to hurt any but those that had a hand in it.
Hobamack was asked if he would goe & be their guid, & bring them ther
before day. He said he would, & bring them to y^e house wher the man
lay, and show them which was he. So they set forth y^e 14. _of August_,
and beset y^e house round; the Captin giving charg to let none pass out,
entred y^e house to search for him. But he was goone away that day, so
they mist him; but understood y^t Squanto was alive, & that he had only
threatened to kill him, & made an offer to stabe him but did not. So
they withheld and did no more hurte, & y^e people came trembling, &
brought them the best provissions they had, after they were aquainted by
Hobamack what was only intended. Ther was 3. sore wounded which broak
out of y^e house, and asaid to pass through y^e garde. These they
brought home with them, & they had their wounds drest & cured, and sente
home. After this they had many gratulations from diverce sachims, and
much firmer peace; yea, those of y^e Iles of Capawack sent to make
frendship; and this Corbitant him selfe used y^e mediation of
Massassoyte to make his peace, but was shie to come neare them a longe
while after.

After this, y^e 18. of Septemb^r: they sente out ther shalop to the
Massachusets, with 10. men, and Squanto for their guid and [65]
interpreter, to discover and veiw that bay, and trade with y^e natives;
the which they performed, and found kind entertainement. The people were
much affraid of y^e Tarentins, a people to y^e eastward which used to
come in harvest time and take away their corne, & many times kill their
persons. They returned in saftie, and brought home a good quanty of
beaver, and made reporte of y^e place, wishing they had been ther
seated; (but it seems y^e Lord, who assignes to all men y^e bounds of
their habitations, had apoynted it for an other use). And thus they
found the Lord to be with them in all their ways, and to blesse their
outgoings & inco[=m]ings, for which let his holy name have y^e praise
for ever, to all posteritie.

They begane now to gather in y^e small harvest they had, and to fitte up
their houses and dwellings against winter, being all well recovered in
health & strenght, and had all things in good plenty; for as some were
thus imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised in fishing,
aboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which y^ey tooke good store, of
which every family had their portion. All y^e so[=m]er ther was no
wante. And now begane to come in store of foule, as winter aproached, of
which this place did abound when they came first (but afterward
decreased by degrees). And besids water foule, ther was great store of
wild Turkies, of which they tooke many, besids venison, &c. Besids they
had aboute a peck a meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest,
Indean corne to y^t proportion. Which made many afterwards write so
largly of their plenty hear to their freinds in England, which were not
fained, but true reports.

In Novemb^r, about y^e time twelfe month that them selves came, ther
came in a small ship to them unexpected or loked for,[AN] in which came
Mr. Cushman (so much spoken of before) and with him 35. persons to
remaine & live in y^e plantation; which did not a litle rejoyce them.
And they when they came a shore and found all well, and saw plenty of
vitails in every house, were no less glade. For most of them were lusty
yonge men, and many of them wild enough, who litle considered whither or
aboute what they wente, till they came into y^e harbore at Cap-Codd, and
ther saw nothing but a naked and barren place. They then begane to
thinke what should become of them, if the people here were dead or cut
of by y^e Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches that some
of y^e sea-men had cast out) to take y^e sayls from y^e yeard least y^e
ship [66] should gett away and leave them ther. But y^e m^r. hereing of
it, gave them good words, and tould them if any thing but well should
have befallne y^e people hear, he hoped he had vitails enough to cary
them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bitt they should have their parte;
which gave them good satisfaction. So they were all landed; but ther was
not so much as bisket-cake or any other victialls[AO] for them, neither
had they any beding, but some sory things they had in their cabins, nor
pot, nor pan, to drese any meate in; nor overmany cloaths, for many of
them had brusht away their coats & cloaks at Plimoth as they came. But
ther was sent over some burching-lane suits in y^e ship, out of which
they were supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition of
strenght, but could have wished that many of them had been of beter
condition, and all of them beter furnished with provissions; but y^t
could not now be helpte.

In this ship M^r. Weston sent a large leter to M^r. Carver, y^e late
Gove^r, now deseased, full of complaints & expostulations aboute former
passagess at Hampton; and y^e keeping y^e shipe so long in y^e country,
and returning her without lading, &c., which for brevitie I omite. The
rest is as followeth.

_Part of Mr. Westons letter_.

I durst never aquainte y^e adventurers with y^e alteration of y^e
conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since been very
glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as much as I doe, they
would not have adventured a halfe-peny of what was necesary for this
ship. That you sent no lading in the ship is wonderfull, and worthily
distasted. I know you^r weaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve
more weaknes of judgmente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of y^e
time you spente in discoursing, arguing, & consulting, would have done
much more; but that is past, &c. If you mean, bona fide, to performe
the conditions agreed upon, doe us y^e favore to coppy them out faire,
and subscribe them with y^e principall of your names. And likwise give
us accounte as perticulerly as you can how our moneys were laid out.
And then I shall be able to give them some satisfaction, whom I am now
forsed with good words to shift of. And consider that y^e life of the
bussines depends on y^e lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any
good purpose, that I may be freed from y^e great sums I have disbursed
for y^e former, and must doe for the later, _I promise you I will
never quit y^e bussines, though all the other adventurers should._

[67] We have procured you a Charter, the best we could, which is beter
then your former, and with less limitation. For any thing y^t is els
worth writting, M^r. Cushman can informe you. I pray write instantly
for M^r. Robinson to come to you. And so praying God to blesse you
with all graces nessessary both for this life & that to come, I rest

Your very loving frend,
THO. WESTON.

London, July 6. 1621.

This ship (caled y^e Fortune) was speedily dispatcht away, being laden
with good clapbord as full as she could stowe, and 2. hoggsheads of
beaver and otter skins, which they gott with a few trifling comodities
brought with them at first, being alltogeather unprovided for trade;
neither was ther any amongst them that ever saw a beaver skin till they
came hear, and were informed by Squanto. The fraight was estimated to be
worth near 500^li. M^r. Cushman returned backe also with this ship, for
so Mr. Weston & y^e rest had apoynted him, for their better information.
And he doubted not, nor them selves neither, but they should have a
speedy supply; considering allso how by M^r. Cushmans perswation, and
letters received from Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they
yeelded[AP] to y^e afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with their
hands. But it proved other wise, for Mr. Weston, who had made y^e large
promise in his leter, (as is before noted,) that if all y^e rest should
fall of, yet he would never quit y^e bussines, but stick to them, if
they yeelded to y^e conditions, and sente some lading in y^e ship; and
of this M^r. Cushman was confident, and confirmed y^e same from his
mouth, & serious protestations to him selfe before he came. But all
proved but wind, for he was y^e first and only man that forsooke them,
and that before he so much as heard of y^e returne of this ship, or knew
what was done; (so vaine is the confidence in man.) But of this more in
its place.

A leter in answer to his write to M^r. Carver, was sente to him from y^e
Gov^r, of which so much as is pertenente to y^e thing in hand I shall
hear inserte.

S^r: Your large letter writen to M^r. Carver, and dated y^e 6. of
July, 1621, I have received y^e 10. of Novemb^r, wherin (after y^e
apologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie imputations upon him
and us all. Touching him, he is departed this life, and now is at rest
[68] in y^e Lord from all those troubls and incoumbrances with which
we are yet to strive. He needs not my appologie; for his care and
pains was so great for y^e commone good, both ours and yours, as that
therwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and shortened his
days; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine. At great charges
in this adventure, I confess you have beene, and many losses may
sustaine; but y^e loss of his and many other honest and industrious
mens lives, cannot be vallewed at any prise. Of y^e one, ther may be
hope of recovery, but y^e other no recompence can make good. But I
will not insiste in generalls, but come more perticulerly to y^e
things them selves. You greatly blame us for keping y^e ship so long
in y^e countrie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay 5. weks at
Cap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (after a long journey) and the
indurance of many a hard brunte, we sought out in the foule winter a
place of habitation. Then we went in so tedious a time to make
provission to sheelter us and our goods, aboute w^ch labour, many of
our armes & leggs can tell us to this day we were not necligent. But
it pleased God to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with so
generall a disease, that the living were scarce able to burie the
dead; and y^e well not in any measure sufficiente to tend y^e sick.
And now to be so greatly blamed, for not fraighting y^e ship, doth
indeed goe near us, and much discourage us. But you say you know we
will pretend weaknes; and doe you think we had not cause? Yes, you
tell us you beleeve it, but it was more weaknes of judgmente, then of
hands. Our weaknes herin is great we confess, therfore we will bear
this check patiently amongst y^e rest, till God send us wiser men. But
they which tould you we spent so much time in discoursing &
consulting, &c., their harts can tell their toungs, they lye. They
cared not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they wounded
others. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are (beyound expectation)
yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will never doe good, but
corrupte and abuse others, &c.

The rest of y^e letter declared how they had subscribed those conditions
according to his desire, and sente him y^e former accounts very
perticulerly; also how y^e ship was laden, and in what condition their
affairs stood; that y^e coming of these [69] people would bring famine
upon them unavoydably, if they had not supply in time (as Mr. Cushman
could more fully informe him & y^e rest of y^e adventurers). Also that
seeing he was now satisfied in all his demands, that offences would be
forgoten, and he remember his promise, &c.

After y^e departure of this ship, (which stayed not above 14. days,) the
Gove^r & his assistante haveing disposed these late co[=m]ers into
severall families, as y^ey best could, tooke an exacte accounte of all
their provissions in store, and proportioned y^e same to y^e number of
persons, and found that it would not hould out above 6. months at halfe
alowance, and hardly that. And they could not well give less this winter
time till fish came in againe. So they were presently put to half
alowance, one as well as an other, which begane to be hard, but they
bore it patiently under hope of supply.

Sone after this ships departure, y^e great people of y^e Narigansets, in
a braving maner, sente a messenger unto them with a bundl of arrows tyed
aboute with a great sneak-skine; which their interpretours tould them
was a threatening & a chaleng. Upon which y^e Gov^r, with y^e advice of
others, sente them a round answere, that if they had rather have warre
then peace, they might begine when they would; they had done them no
wrong, neither did y^ey fear them, or should they find them unprovided.
And by another messenger sente y^e sneake-skine back with bulits in it;
but they would not receive it, but sent it back againe. But these
things I doe but mention, because they are more at large allready put
forth in printe, by M^r. Winslow, at y^e requeste of some freinds. And
it is like y^e reason was their owne ambition, who, (since y^e death of
so many of y^e Indeans,) thought to dominire & lord it over y^e rest, &
conceived y^e English would be a barr in their way, and saw that
Massasoyt took sheilter allready under their wings.

But this made them y^e more carefully to looke to them selves, so as
they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a good strong pale, and make
flankers in convenient places, with gates to shute, which were every
night locked, and a watch kept, and when neede required ther was also
warding in y^e day time. And y^e company was by y^e Captaine and y^e
Gov^r [70] advise, devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had ther
quarter apoynted them, unto which they were to repaire upon any suddane
alarme. And if ther should be any crie of fire, a company were appointed
for a gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet y^e same, to prevent
Indean treachery. This was accomplished very cherfully, and y^e towne
impayled round by y^e begining of March, in which evry family had a
prety garden plote secured. And herewith I shall end this year. Only I
shall remember one passage more, rather of mirth then of waight. One y^e
day called Chrismasday, y^e Gov^r caled them out to worke, (as was
used,) but y^e most of this new-company excused them selves and said it
wente against their consciences to work on y^t day. So y^e Gov^r tould
them that if they made it mater of conscience, he would spare them till
they were better informed. So he led-away y^e rest and left them; but
when they came home at noone from their worke, he found them in y^e
streete at play, openly; some pitching y^e barr, & some at stoole-ball,
and shuch like sports. So he went to them, and tooke away their
implements, and tould them that was against his conscience, that they
should play & others worke. If they made y^e keeping of it mater of
devotion, let them kepe their houses, but ther should be no gameing or
revelling in y^e streets. Since which time nothing hath been atempted
that way, at least openly.

_Anno 1622._

At y^e spring of y^e year they had apointed y^e Massachusets to come
againe and trade with them, and begane now to prepare for that vioag
about y^e later end of March. But upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, their
Indean, tould them upon some jealocies he had, he feared they were
joyned w^th y^e Narighansets and might betray them if they were not
carefull. He intimated also some jealocie of Squanto, by what he
gathered from some private whisperings betweene him and other Indeans.
But [71] they resolved to proseede, and sente out their shalop with 10.
of their cheefe men aboute y^e begining of Aprill, and both Squanto &
Hobamake with them, in regarde of y^e jelocie betweene them. But they
had not bene gone longe, but an Indean belonging to Squantos family came
runing in seeming great fear, and tould them that many of y^e
Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought also Massasoyte, were
coming against them; and he gott away to tell them, not without danger.
And being examined by y^e Gov^r, he made as if they were at hand, and
would still be looking back, as if they were at his heels. At which the
Governor caused them to take armes & stand on their garde, and supposing
y^e boat to be still within hearing (by reason it was calme) caused a
warning peece or 2. to be shote of, the which y^ey heard and came in.
But no Indeans apeared; watch was kepte all night, but nothing was
scene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and thought all was false;
yet y^e Gov^r caused him to send his wife privatly, to see what she
could observe (pretening other occasions), but ther was nothing found,
but all was quiet. After this they proseeded on their vioge to y^e
Massachusets, and had good trade, and returned in saftie, blessed be
God.

But by the former passages, and other things of like nature, they begane
to see y^t Squanto sought his owne ends, and plaid his owne game, by
putting y^e Indeans in fear, and drawing gifts from them to enrich him
selfe; making them beleeve he could stur up warr against whom he would,
& make peece for whom he would. Yea, he made them beleeve they kept y^e
plague buried in y^e ground, and could send it amongs whom they would,
which did much terrifie the Indeans, and made them depend more on him,
and seeke more to him then to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie, and
had like to have cost him his life. For after y^e discovery of his
practises, Massasoyt sought it both privatly and openly; which caused
him to stick close to y^e English, & never durst goe from them till he
dyed. They also made good use of y^e emulation y^t grue betweene
Hobamack and him, which made them cary more squarely. And y^e Gov^r
seemed to countenance y^e one, and y^e Captaine y^e other, by which they
had better intelligence, and made them both more diligente.

[72] Now in a maner their provissions were wholy spent, and they looked
hard for supply, but none came. But about y^e _later end of May_, they
spied _a boat_ at sea, which at first they thought had beene some
Frenchman; but it proved a shalop which came from a ship which M^r.
Weston & an other had set out a fishing, at a place called
Damarins-cove, 40. leagues to y^e eastward of them, wher were y^t year
many more ships come a fishing. This boat brought 7. passengers and some
letters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any. Some part of which I shall
set downe.

M^r. Carver, in my last leters by y^e Fortune, in whom M^r Cushman
wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly expecte y^e shipe back
againe. She departed hence, y^e begining of July, with 35. persons,
though not over well provided with necesaries, by reason of y^e
parsemonie of y^e adventurers.[AQ] I have solisited them to send you a
supply of men and provissions before shee come. They all answer they
will doe great maters, when they hear good news. Nothing before; so
faithfull, constant, & carefull of your good, are your olde & honest
freinds, that if they hear not from you, they are like to send you no
supplie, &c. I am now to relate y^e occasion of sending _this ship_,
hoping if you give credite to my words, you will have a more
favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof Pickering is one, who
taxed me to mind my owne ends, which is in part true, &c. _M^r.
Beachamp and my selfe_ bought _this litle ship_, and have set her out,
partly, if it may be, to uphold[AR] y^e plantation, as well to doe
others good as our selves; and partly to gett up what we are formerly
out; though we are otherwise censured, &c. This is y^e occasion we
have sent _this ship_ and these passengers, on our owne accounte; whom
we desire you will frendly entertaine & supply with shuch necesaries
as you cane spare, and they wante, &c. And among other things we pray
you lend or sell them some seed corne, and if you have y^e salt
remaining of y^e last year, that y^u will let them have it for their
presente use, and we will either pay you for it, or give you more when
we have set our salt-pan to worke, which we desire may be set up in
one of y^e litle ilands in your bay, &c. And because we intende, if
God plase, [73] (and y^e generallitie doe it not,) _to send within a
month another shipe_, who, having discharged her passengers, _shal goe
to Virginia_, &c. And it may be we shall send a _small ship to abide
with you_ on y^e coast, which I conceive may be a great help to y^e
plantation. To y^e end our desire may be effected, which, I assure my
selfe, will be also for your good, we pray you give them
entertainmente in your houses y^e time they shall be with you, that
they may lose no time, but may presently goe in hand to fell trees &
cleave them, to y^e end lading may be ready and our ship stay not.

Some of y^e adventurers have sent you hearwith all some directions for
your furtherance in y^e co[=m]one bussines, who are like those S^t.
James speaks of, y^t bid their brother eat, and warme him, but give
him nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold y^e plantation, but
send you no means wherwithall to doe it, &c. By _y^e next_ we purpose
_to send more people on our owne accounte_, and _to take a patente_;
that if your peopl should be as unhumane as some of y^e adventurers,
not to admite us to dwell with them, which were extreme barbarisme,
and which will never enter into my head to thinke you have any shuch
Pickerings amongst you. Yet to satisfie our passengers I must of force
doe it; and for some other reasons not necessary to be writen, &c. I
find y^e generall so backward, and your freinds at Leyden so could,
that I fear you must stand on your leggs, and trust (as they say) to
God and your selves.

Subscribed,
your loving freind,
THO: WESTON.

Jan: 12. 1621.

Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious & impertinent.

All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie bellies, and a
slender performance of his former late promiss; and as litle did it
either fill or warme them, as those y^e Apostle James spake of, by him
before mentioned. And well might it make them remember what y^e psalmist
saith, Psa. 118. 8. _It is better to trust in the Lord, then to have
confidence in man._ And Psa. 146. _Put not you trust in princes_ (much
less in y^e marchants) _nor in y^e sone of man, for ther is no help in
them._ v. 5. _Blesed is he that hath y^e God of Jacob for his help,
whose hope is in y^e Lord his God._ And as they were now fayled of suply
by him and others in this their greatest neede and wants, which was
caused by him and y^e rest, who put so great a company of men upon them,
as y^e former company were, without any food, and came at shuch a time
as they must live almost a whole year before any could [74] be raised,
excepte they had sente some; so, upon y^e pointe they never had any
supply of vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord gave them
otherwise); for all y^e company sent at any time was allways too short
for those people y^t came with it.

Ther came allso _by y^e same ship_ other leters, but of later date, one
from M^r. Weston, an other from a parte of y^e adventurers, as foloweth.

M^r. Carver, since my last, to y^e end we might y^e more readily
proceed to help y^e generall, at a meeting of some of y^e principall
adventurers, a proposition was put forth, & alowed by all presente
(save Pickering), to adventure each man y^e third parte of what he
formerly had done. And ther are some other y^t folow his example, and
will adventure no furder. In regard wherof y^e greater part of y^e
adventurers being willing to uphold y^e bussines, finding it no reason
that those y^t are willing should uphold y^e bussines of those that
are unwilling, whose backwardnes doth discourage those that are
forward, and hinder other new-adventurers from coming in, we having
well considered therof, have resolved, according to an article in y^e
agreemente, (_that it may be lawfull by a generall consente of y^e
adventurers & planters, upon just occasion, to breake of their joynte
stock_,) to breake it of; and doe pray you to ratifie, and confirme
y^e same on your parts. Which being done, we shall y^e more willingly
goe forward for y^e upholding of you with all things necesarie. But in
any case you must agree to y^e artickls, and send it by y^e first
under your hands & seals. So I end

Your loving freind,
THO: WESTON.

Jan: 17. 1621.

Another leter was write from part of y^e company of y^e adventurers to
the same purpose, and subscribed with 9. of their names, wherof M^r.
Westons & M^r. Beachamphs were tow. Thes things seemed strang unto them,
seeing this unconstancie & shufling; it made them to thinke ther was
some misterie in y^e matter. And therfore y^e Gov^r concealed these
letters from y^e publick, only imparted them to some trustie freinds for
advice, who concluded with him, that this tended to disband & scater
them (in regard of their straits); and if M^r. Weston & others, who
seemed to rune in a perticuler way, should come over with shiping so
provided as his letters did intimate, they most would fall to him, to
y^e prejudice of them selves & y^e rest of the adventurers,[AS] their
freinds, from whom as yet they heard nothing. And it was doubted whether
he had not sente [75] over shuch a company in y^e former ship, for
shuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion of those 7. men which _this
ship, which fished to y^e eastward, had kept till planting time was
over_, and so could set no corne; and allso wanting vitals, (for y^ey
turned them off w^{th}out any, and indeed wanted for them selves,)
neither was their salt-pan come, so as y^ey could not performe any of
those things which M^r. Weston had apointed, and might have starved if
y^e plantation had not succoured them; who, in their wants, gave them as
good as any of their owne. _The ship wente to Virginia_, wher they sould
both ship & fish, of which (it was conceived) M^r. Weston had a very
slender accounte.

_After this came another of his ships_, and brought letters dated y^e
10. of Aprill, from M^r. Weston, as followeth.

M^r. Bradford, these, &c. _The Fortune_ is arived, of whose good news
touching your estate & proce[=e]ings, I am very glad to hear. And how
soever he was robed on y^e way by y^e Frenchmen, yet I hope your loss
will not be great, for y^e conceite of so great a returne doth much
animate y^e adventurers, so y^t I hope some matter of importance will
be done by them, &c. As for my selfe, I have sould my adventure &
debts unto them, so as I am quit[AT] of you, & you of me, for that
matter, &c. Now though I have nothing to pretend as an adventurer
amongst you, yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if you can
apprehend it. I perceive & know as well as another, y^e dispositions
of _your adventurers_, whom y^e hope of gaine hath drawne on to this
they have done; and yet I fear y^t hope will not draw them much
furder. Besids, _most of them are against the sending of them of
Leyden, for whose cause this bussines was first begune_, and some of
y^e most religious (as M^r. Greene by name) excepts against them. So
y^t my advice is (you may follow it if you please) that you forthwith
break of your joynte stock, which you have warente to doe, both in law
& conscience, for y^e most parte of y^e adventurers have given way
unto it by a former letter. And y^e means you have ther, which I hope
will be to some purpose by y^e trade of this spring, may, with y^e
help of some freinds hear, bear y^e charge of tr[=a]sporting those of
Leyden; and when they are with you I make no question but by Gods help
you will be able to subsist of your selves. But I shall leave you to
your discretion.

I desired diverce of y^e adventurers, as M^r. Peirce, M^r. Greene, &
others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or leters,
to send them _by these ships_; and marvelling they sent not so much as
a letter, I asked our passengers what leters they had, and with some
dificultie one of them tould me he had one, which was delivered him
with [76] great charge of secrecie; and for more securitie, to buy a
paire of new-shoes, & sow it betweene y^e soles for fear of
intercepting. I, taking y^e leter, wondering what mistrie might be in
it, broke it open, and found this treacherous letter subscribed by y^e
hands of M^r. Pickering & M^r. Greene. Wich leter had it come to you^r
hands without answer, might have caused y^e hurt, if not y^e ruine, of
us all. For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, and
shewed us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to hold us in
distruste as enimise, &c., it might have been an occasion to have set
us togeather by y^e eares, to y^e distruction of us all. For I doe
beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing what bussines hath been
betweene us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been
violent, and heady against you, &c. I mente to have setled y^e people
I before and now send, with or near you, as well for their as your
more securitie and defence, as help on all occasions. But I find y^e
adventurers so jealous & suspitious, that I have altered my
resolution, & given order to my brother & those with him, to doe as
they and him selfe shall find fitte. Thus, &c.

Your loving friend,
THO: WESTON.

Aprill 10. 1621.

_Some part of Mr. Pickerings letter before mentioned._

To M^r. Bradford & M^r. Brewster, &c.

My dear love remembred unto you all, &c. The company hath bought out
M^r. Weston, and are very glad they are freed of him, he being judged
a man y^t thought him selfe above y^e generall, and not expresing so
much y^e fear of God as was meete in a man to whom shuch trust should
have been reposed in a matter of so great importance. I am sparing to
be so plaine as indeed is clear against him; but a few words to y^e
wise.

M^r. Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in _his ships_, nor
any thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some reason in
respecte of him selfe, &c. His brother Andrew, whom he doth send as
principall _in one of these ships_, is a heady yong man, & violente,
and set against you ther, & y^e company hear; ploting with M^r. Weston
their owne ends, which tend to your & our undooing in respecte of our
estates ther, and prevention of our good ends. For by credible
testimoney we are informed his purpose is to come to your colonie,
pretending he comes for and from y^e adventurers, and will seeke to
gett what you have in readynes [77] into _his ships_, as if they came
from y^e company, & possessing all, will be so much profite to him
selfe. And further to informe them selves what spetiall places or
things you have discovered, to y^e end that they may supres & deprive
you, &c.

The Lord, who is y^e watchman of Israll & slepeth not, preserve you &
deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie that ther is cause to
admonish you of these things concerning this man; so I leave you to
God, who bless and multiply you into thousands, to the advancemente of
y^e glorious gospell of our Lord Jesus. Amen. Fare well.

Your loving freinds,
EDWARD PICKERING.
WILLIAM GREENE.

I pray conceale both y^e writing & deliverie of this leter, but make
the best use of it. _We hope to sete forth a ship our selves with in
this month._

_The heads of his answer._

M^r. Bradford, this is y^e leter y^t I wrote unto you of, which to
answer in every perticuler is needles & tedious. My owne conscience &
all our people can and I thinke will testifie, y^t my end in sending
_y^e ship Sparrow_ was your good, &c. Now I will not deney but ther
are many of our people rude fellows, as these men terme them; yet I
presume they will be governed by such as I set over them. And I hope
not only to be able to reclaime them from y^t profanenes that may
scandalise y^e vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, &c. I am so
farr from sending rude fellows to deprive you either by fraude or
violence of what is yours, as I have charged y^e m^r. of y^e _ship
Sparrow_, not only to leave with you 2000. of bread, but also a good
quantitie of fish,[AU] &c. But I will leave it to you to consider what
evill this leter would or might have done, had it come to your hands &
taken y^e effecte y^e other desired.

Now if you be of y^e mind y^t these men are, deale plainly with us, &
we will seeke our residence els-wher. If you are as freindly as we
have thought you to be, give us y^e entertainment of freinds, and we
will take nothing from you, neither meat, drinke, nor lodging, but
what we will, in one kind or other, pay you for, &c. I shall leave in
y^e countrie _a litle ship_ (if God send her safe thither) with
mariners & fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, & trad with y^e
savages, & y^e old plantation. It may be we shall be as helpfull to
you, as you will be to us. I thinke I shall see you y^e next spring;
and so I comend you to y^e protection of God, who ever keep you.

Your loving friend,
THO: WESTON.

[78] Thus all ther hops in regard of M^r. Weston were layed in y^e dust,
and all his promised helpe turned into an empttie advice, which they
apprehended was nether lawfull nor profitable for them to follow. And
they were not only thus left destitute of help in their extreme wants,
haveing neither vitails, nor any thing to trade with, but others
prepared & ready to glean up what y^e cuntrie might have afforded for
their releefe. As for those harsh censures & susspitions intimated in
y^e former and following leters, they desired to judg as charitably and
wisly of them as they could, waighing them in y^e ballance of love and
reason; and though they (in parte) came from godly & loveing freinds,
yet they conceived many things might arise from over deepe jealocie and
fear, togeather with unmeete provocations, though they well saw M^r.
Weston pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite. For after
the receit of y^e former leters, the Gov^r received one from M^r.
Cushman, who went home in y^e ship, and was allway intimate with M^r.
Weston, (as former passages declare), and it was much marveled that
nothing was heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it was
y^e difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as y^e leter of a
wife to her husband, who was here, and brought by him to y^e Gov^r. It
was as followeth.

Beloved S^r: I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, and many
thanks for your love. By Gods providence we got well home y^e 17. _of
Feb_. Being robbed by y^e French-men by y^e way, and carried by them
into France, and were kepte ther 15. days, and lost all y^t we had
that was worth taking; but thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives
& ship. I see not y^t it worketh any discouragment hear. I purpose by
Gods grace _to see you_ shortly, _I hope in June nexte, or before_. In
y^e mean space know these things, and I pray you be advertised a
litle. M^r. Weston hath quite broken of from our company, through some
discontents y^t arose betwext him and some of our adventurers, & hath
sould all his adventurs, & _hath now sent 3. smale ships for his
perticuler plantation_. The _greatest_ wherof, _being 100. tune_, M^r.
Reynolds goeth m^r. and he with y^e rest purposeth to come him selfe;
for what end I know not.

The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore I pray you
entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for man with them, excepte
it be some of your worst. He hath taken a patente for him selfe. If
they offerr to buy any thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare,
and let them give y^e worth of it. If they borrow any thing of you,
let them leave a good pawne, &c. It is like he [78[AV]] will plant to
y^e southward of y^e Cape, for William Trevore hath lavishly tould but
what he knew or imagined of Capewack, Mohiggen, & y^e Narigansets. I
fear these people will hardly deale so well with y^e savages as they
should. I pray you therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a
distincte body from us, and we have nothing to doe with them, neither
must be blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their
fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses in France. Our freinds
at Leyden are well, and will come to you as many as can _this time_. I
hope all will turne to y^e best, wherfore I pray you be not
discouraged, but gather up your selfe to goe thorow these dificulties
cherfully & with courage in y^t place wherin God hath sett you, untill
y^e day of refreshing come. And y^e Lord God of sea & land bring us
comfortably togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie.

Yours,
ROBART CUSHMAN.

On y^e other sid of y^e leafe, in y^e same leter, came these few lines
from M^r. John Peirce, in whose name the patente was taken, and of whom
more will follow, to be spoken in its place.

Worthy S^r: I desire you to take into consideration that which is
writen on y^e other side, and not any way to damnifie your owne
collony, whos strength is but weaknes, and may therby be more
infeebled. And for y^e leters of association, by y^e next ship we
send, I hope you shall receive satisfaction; in y^e mean time whom you
admite I will approve. But as for M^r. Weston’s company, I thinke them
so base in condition (for y^e most parte) as in all apearance not
fitt for an honest mans company. I wish they prove other wise. My
purpose is not to enlarge my selfe, but cease in these few lins, and
so rest

Your loving freind,
JOHN PEIRCE.

All these things they pondred and well considered, yet concluded to give
his men frendly entertainmente; partly in regard of M^r. Weston him
selfe, considering what he had been unto them, & done for them, & to
some, more espetially; and partly in compassion to y^e people, who were
now come into a willdernes, (as them selves were,) and were by _y^e
ship_ to be presently put a shore, (for she was _to cary other
passengers to Virginia_, who lay at great charge,) and they were
alltogeather unacquainted & knew not what to doe. So as they had
received his former company of 7. men, and vitailed them as their owne
hitherto, so they also received _these_ (being aboute 60. lusty men),
and gave [79] housing for them selves and their goods; and many being
sicke, they had y^e best means y^e place could aford them. They stayed
hear y^e most parte of y^e so[=m]er till _y^e ship came back againe from
Virginia_. Then, by his direction, or those whom he set over them, they
removed into y^e Massachusset Bay, he having got a patente for some part
ther, (by light of ther former discovery in leters sent home). Yet they
left all ther sicke folke hear till they were setled and housed. But of
ther victails they had not any, though they were in great wante, nor
any thing els in recompence of any courtecie done them; neither did they
desire it, for they saw they were an unruly company, and had no good
govermente over them, and by disorder would soone fall into wants if
M^r. Weston came not y^e sooner amongst them; and therfore, to prevente
all after occasion, would have nothing of them.

Amids these streigths, and y^e desertion of those from whom they had
hoped for supply, and when famine begane now to pinch them sore, they
not knowing what to doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) presents them
with an occasion, beyond all expectation. This boat which came from y^e
eastward brought them a letter from a stranger, of whose name they had
never heard before, being a captaine of a ship come ther a fishing. This
leter was as followeth. Being thus inscribed.

To all his good freinds at Plimoth, these, &c.

Freinds, cuntrimen, & neighbours: I salute you, and wish you all
health and hapines in y^e Lord. I make bould with these few lines to
trouble you, because unless I were unhumane, I can doe no less. Bad
news doth spread it selfe too farr; yet I will so farr informe you
that my selfe, with many good freinds in y^e south-collonie of
Virginia, have received shuch a blow, that 400. persons large will not
make good our losses. Therfore I doe intreat you (allthough not
knowing you) that y^e old rule which I learned when I went to schoole,
may be sufficente. That is, Hapie is he whom other mens harmes doth
make to beware. And now againe and againe, wishing all those y^t
willingly would serve y^e Lord, all health and happines in this world,
and everlasting peace in y^e world to come. And so I rest,

Yours,
JOHN HUDLSTON.

By this boat y^e Gov^r returned a thankfull answer, as was meete, and
sent a boate of their owne with them, which was piloted by them, in
which M^r. Winslow was sente to procure what provissions he could of y^e
ships, who was kindly received by y^e foresaid gentill-man, who not only
spared what he [90[AW]] could, but writ to others to doe y^e like. By
which means he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by which
y^e plantation had a duble benefite, first, a present refreshing by y^e
food brought, and secondly, they knew y^e way to those parts for their
benifite hearafter. But what was gott, & this small boat brought, being
devided among so many, came but to a litle, yet by Gods blesing it
upheld them till harvest. It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread
a day to each person; and y^e Gov^r caused it to be dayly given them,
otherwise, had it been in their owne custody, they would have eate it up
& then starved. But thus, with what els they could get, they made pretie
shift till corne was ripe.

This so[=m]er they builte a fort with good timber, both strong & comly,
which was of good defence, made with a flate rofe & batllments, on which
their ordnance were mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch,
espetially in time of danger. It served them allso for a meeting house,
and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a great worke for them
in this weaknes and time of wants; but y^e deanger of y^e time required
it, and both y^e continuall rumors of y^e fears from y^e Indeans hear,
espetially y^e Narigansets, and also y^e hearing of that great massacre
in Virginia, made all hands willing to despatch y^e same.

Now y^e wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which all had their
hungrie bellies filled. But it arose but to a litle, in comparison of a
full years supplie; partly by reason they were not yet well aquainted
with y^e ma[=n]er of Indean corne, (and they had no other,) allso their
many other imployments, but cheefly their weaknes for wante of food, to
tend it as they should have done. Also much was stolne both by night &
day, before it became scarce eatable, & much more afterward. And though
many were well whipt (when they were taken) for a few ears of corne, yet
hunger made others (whom conscience did not restraine) to venture. So as
it well appeared y^e famine must still insue y^e next year allso, if not
some way prevented, or supplie should faile, to which they durst not
trust. Markets there was none to goe too, but only y^e Indeans, and
they had no trading comodities. Behold now another providence of God; a
ship comes into y^e [91] harbor, one Captain Jons being cheefe therin.
They were set out by some marchants to discovere all y^e harbors
betweene this & Virginia, and y^e shoulds of Cap-Cod, and to trade along
y^e coast wher they could. This ship had store of English-beads (which
were then good trade) and some knives, but would sell none but at dear
rates, and also a good quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad of y^e
occasion, and faine to buy at any rate; they were faine to give after
y^e rate of cento per cento, if not more, and yet pay away coat-beaver
at 3^s. per^li, which in a few years after yeelded 20^s. By this means
they were fitted againe to trade for beaver & other things, and intended
to buy what corne they could.

But I will hear take liberty to make a litle digression. Ther was in
_this ship_ a gentle-man by name M^r. John Poory; he had been secretarie
in Virginia, and was now going home passenger _in this ship_. After his
departure he write a leter to y^e Gov^r in the postscrite wherof he hath
these lines.

To your selfe and M^r. Brewster, I must acknowledg my selfe many ways
indebted, whose books I would have you thinke very well bestowed on
him, who esteemeth them shuch juells. My hast would not suffer me to
remember (much less to begg) M^r. Ainsworths elaborate worke upon y^e
5. books of Moyses. Both his & M^r. Robinsons doe highly commend the
authors, as being most conversante in y^e scripturs of all others. And
what good (who knows) it may please God to worke by them, through my
hands, (though most unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente in them.
God have you all in his keeping.

Your unfained and firme friend,
JOHN PORY.

Aug. 28. 1622.

These things I hear inserte for honour sake of y^e authors memorie,
which this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly acknowledg; and him selfe
after his returne did this poore-plantation much credite amongst those
of no mean ranck. But to returne.

[92] _Shortly after harvest_ M^r. Westons people who were now seated at
y^e Massachusets, and by disorder (as it seems) had made havock of their
provissions, begane now to perceive that want would come upon them. And
hearing that they hear had bought trading comodities & intended to trade
for corne, they write to y^e Gov^r and desired they might joyne with
them, and they would imploy their small ship in y^e servise; and furder
requested either to lend or sell them so much of their trading
comodities as their part might come to, and they would undertake to make
paymente when M^r. Weston, or their supply, should come. The Gov^r
condesended upon equall terms of agreemente, thinkeing to goe aboute y^e
Cap to y^e southward with y^e ship, wher some store of corne might be
got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was apointed to goe
with them, and Squanto for a guid & interpreter, about y^e _latter end
of September_; but y^e winds put them in againe, & putting out y^e 2.
time, he fell sick of a feavor, so y^e Gov^r wente him selfe. But they
could not get aboute y^e should of Cap-Cod, for flats & breakers,
neither could Squanto directe them better, nor y^e m^r. durst venture
any further, so they put into Manamoyack Bay and got w^t[AX] they could
ther. In this place Squanto fell sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much
at y^e nose (which y^e Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within
a few days dyed ther; desiring y^e Gov^r to pray for him, that he might
goe to y^e Englishmens God in heaven, and bequeathed sundrie of his
things to sundry of his English freinds, as remembrances of his love; of
whom they had a great loss. They got in this vioage, in one place &
other, about 26. or 28. hogsheads of corne & beans, which was more then
the Indeans could well spare in these parts, for y^e set but a litle
till they got English hows. And so were faine to returne, being sory
they could not gett about the Cap, to have been better laden. After ward
y^e Gov^r tooke a few men & wente to y^e inland places, to get what he
could, and to fetch it home at y^e spring, which did help them
something.

[93] After these things, in _Feb_: a messenger came from John Sanders,
who was left cheefe over M^r. Weston’s men in y^e bay of Massachusets,
who brought a letter shewing the great wants they were falen into; and
he would have borrowed a hh of corne of y^e Indeans, but they would lend
him none. He desired advice whether he might not take it from them by
force to succore his men till he came from y^e eastward, whither he was
going. The Gov^r & rest deswaded him by all means from it, for it might
so exasperate the Indeans as might endanger their saftie, and all of us
might smart for it; for they had already heard how they had so wronged
y^e Indeans by stealing their corne, &c. as they were much incensed
against them. Yea, so base were some of their own company, as they wente
& tould y^e Indeans y^t their Gov^r was purposed to come and take their
corne by force. The which with other things made them enter into a
conspiracie against y^e English, of which more in y^e nexte. Hear with I
end this year.

_Anno Dom: 1623._

It may be thought strang that these people should fall to these
extremities in so short a time, being left competently provided when y^e
ship left them, and had an addition by that moyetie of corn that was got
by trade, besids much they gott of y^e Indans wher they lived, by one
means & other. It must needs be their great disorder, for they spent
excesseivly whilst they had, or could get it; and, it may be, wasted
parte away among y^e Indeans (for he y^t was their cheef was taxed by
some amongst them for keeping Indean women, how truly I know not). And
after they begane to come into wants, many sould away their cloathes and
bed coverings; others (so base were they) became servants to y^e
Indeans, and would cutt them woode & fetch them water, for a cap full of
corne; others fell to plaine stealing, both night & day, from y^e
Indeans, of which they greevosly complained. In y^e end, they came to
that misery, that some starved & dyed with could & hunger. One in
geathering shell-fish was so weake as he stuck fast in y^e mudd, and was
found dead in y^e place. At last most of them left their dwellings &
scatered up & downe in y^e [94] woods, & by y^e water sids, wher they
could find ground nuts & clames, hear 6. and ther ten. By which their
cariages they became contemned & scorned of y^e Indeans, and they begane
greatly to insulte over them in a most insolente maner; insomuch, many
times as they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot with ground
nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the Indeans would come and eate it
up; and when night came, wheras some of them had a sorie blanket, or
such like, to lappe them selves in, the Indeans would take it and let
y^e other lye all nighte in the could; so as their condition was very
lamentable. Yea, in y^e end they were faine to hange one of their men,
whom they could not reclaime from stealing, to give y^e Indeans
contente.

Whilst things wente in this maner with them, y^e Gov^r & people hear
had notice y^t Massasoyte ther freind was sick & near unto death. They
sent to vissete him, and withall sente him such comfortable things as
gave him great contente, and was a means of his recovery; upon which
occasion he discovers y^e conspiracie of these Indeans, how they were
resolved to cutt of M^r. Westons people, for the continuall injuries
they did them, & would now take opportunitie of their weaknes to doe it;
and for that end had conspired with other Indeans their neighbours their
aboute. And thinking the people hear would revenge their death, they
therfore thought to doe y^e like by them, & had solisited him to joyne
with them. He advised them therfore to prevent it, and that speedly by
taking of some of y^e cheefe of them, before it was to late, for he
asured them of y^e truth hereof.

This did much trouble them, and they tooke it into serious delibration,
and found upon examenation other evidence to give light hear unto, to
longe hear to relate. In y^e mean time, came one of them from y^e
Massachucets, with a small pack at his back; and though he knew not a
foote of y^e way, yet he got safe hither, but lost his way, which was
well for him, for he was pursued, and so was mist. He tould them hear
how all things stood amongst them, and that he durst stay no longer, he
apprehended they (by what he observed) would be all knokt in y^e head
shortly. This made them make y^e more hast, & dispatched a boate away
w^th Capten Standish & some men, who found them in a miserable
condition, out of which he rescued them, and helped them to some releef,
cut of some few of y^e cheefe conspirators, and, according to his order,
offered to bring them all hither if they thought good; and they should
fare no worse then them selves, till M^r. Weston or some supplie came to
them. Or, if any other course liked them better, he was to doe them any
helpfullnes he could. They thanked him & y^e rest. But most of them
desired he would help them with some corne, and they would goe with
their smale ship to y^e eastward, wher hapily they might here of M^r.
Weston, or some supply from him, seing y^e time of y^e year was for
fishing ships to [95] be in y^e land. If not, they would worke among y^e
fishermen for their liveing, and get ther passage into England, if they
heard nothing from M^r. Weston in time. So they shipped what they had of
any worth, and he got them all y^e corne he could (scarce leaving to
bring him home), and saw them well out of the bay, under saile at sea,
and so came home, not takeing y^e worth of a peny of any thing that was
theirs. I have but touched these things breefly, because they have
allready been published in printe more at large.

This was y^e end of these that some time bosted of their strength,
(being all able lustie men,) and what they would doe & bring to pass,
in comparison of y^e people hear, who had many women & children and weak
ons amongst them; and said at their first arivall, when they saw the
wants hear, that they would take an other course, and not to fall into
shuch a condition, as this simple people were come too. But a mans way
is not in his owne power; God can make y^e weake to stand; let him also
that standeth take heed least he fall.

Shortly after, M^r. Weston came over with some of y^e fishermen, under
another name, and y^e disguise of a blacke-smith, were he heard of y^e
ruine and disolution of his colony. He got a boat and with a man or 2.
came to see how things were. But by y^e way, for wante of skill, in a
storme, he cast away his shalop in y^e botome of y^e bay between Meremek
river & Pascataquack, & hardly escaped with life, and afterwards fell
into the hands of y^e Indeans, who pillaged him of all he saved from the
sea, & striped him out of all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got
to Pascataquack, & borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got means to come to
Plimoth. A strang alteration ther was in him to such as had seen & known
him in his former florishing condition; so uncertaine are y^e mutable
things of this unstable world. And yet men set their harts upon them,
though they dayly see y^e vanity therof.

After many passages, and much discourse, (former things boyling in his
mind, but bit in as was discernd,) he desired to borrow some beaver of
them; and tould them he had hope of a ship & good supply to come to him,
and then they should have any thing for it they stood in neede of. They
gave litle credite to his supplie, but pitied his case, and remembered
former curtesies. They tould him he saw their wants, and they knew not
when they should have any supply; also how y^e case stood betweene them
& their adventurers, he well knew; they had not much bever, & if they
should let him have it, it were enoughe to make a mutinie among y^e
people, seeing ther was no other means to procure them foode which they
so much wanted, & cloaths allso. Yet they tould him they would help him,
considering his necessitie, but must doe it secretly for y^e former
reasons. So they let him have 100. beaver-skins, which waighed 170^li.
odd pounds. Thus they helpt him when all y^e world faild him, and with
this means he went againe to y^e ships, and stayed his small ship & some
of his men, & bought provissions and fited him selfe; and it was y^e
only foundation [96] of his after course. But he requited them ill, for
he proved after a bitter enimie unto them upon all occasions, and never
repayed them any thing for it, to this day, but reproches and evill
words. Yea, he divolged it to some that were none of their best freinds,
whilst he yet had y^e beaver in his boat; that he could now set them all
togeather by y^e ears, because they had done more then they could
answer, in letting him have this beaver, and he did not spare to doe
what he could. But his malice could not prevaile.

All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew they when they
might expecte any. So they begane to thinke how they might raise as much
corne as they could, and obtaine a beter crope then they had done, that
they might not still thus languish in miserie. At length, after much
debate of things, the Gov^r (with y^e advise of y^e cheefest amongest
them) gave way that they should set corne every man for his owne
perticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves; in all other things
to goe on in y^e generall way as before. And so assigned to every family
a parcell of land, according to the proportion of their number for that
end, only for present use (but made no devission for inheritance), and
ranged all boys & youth under some familie. This had very good success;
for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more corne was
planted then other waise would have bene by any means y^e Gov^r or any
other could use, and saved him a great deall of trouble, and gave farr
better contente. The women now wente willingly into y^e feild, and tooke
their litle-ons with them to set corne, which before would aledg
weaknes, and inabilitie; whom to have compelled would have bene thought
great tiranie and oppression.

The experience that was had in this co[=m]one course and condition,
tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and sober men, may well
evince the vanitie of that conceite of Platos & other ancients,
applauded by some of later times;–that y^e taking away of propertie,
and bringing in co[=m]unitie into a comone wealth, would make them happy
and florishing; as if they were wiser then God. For this comunitie (so
farr as it was) was found to breed much confusion & discontent, and
retard much imploym[=e]t that would have been to their benefite and
comforte. For y^e yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour &
service did repine that they should spend their time & streingth to
worke for other mens wives and children, with out any recompence. The
strong, or man of parts, had no more in devission of victails & cloaths,
then he that was weake and not able to doe a quarter y^e other could;
this was thought injuestice. The aged and graver men to be ranked and
[97] equalised in labours, and victails, cloaths, &c., with y^e meaner &
yonger sorte, thought it some indignite & disrespect unto them. And for
mens wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, as dresing
their meate, washing their cloaths, &c., they deemd it a kind of
slaverie, neither could many husbands well brooke it. Upon y^e poynte
all being to have alike, and all to doe alike, they thought them selves
in y^e like condition, and one as good as another; and so, if it did not
cut of those relations that God hath set amongest men, yet it did at
least much diminish and take of y^e mutuall respects that should be
preserved amongst them. And would have bene worse if they had been men
of another condition. Let none objecte this is men’s corruption, and
nothing to y^e course it selfe. I answer, seeing all men have this
corruption in them, God in his wisdome saw another course fiter for
them.

But to returne. After this course setled, and by that their co[=r]e was
planted, all ther victails were spente, and they were only to rest on
Gods providence; at night not many times knowing wher to have a bitt of
any thing y^e next day. And so, as one well observed, had need to pray
that God would give them their dayly brade, above all people in y^e
world. Yet they bore these wants with great patience & allacritie of
spirite, and that for so long a time as for y^e most parte of 2. years;
which makes me remember what Peter Martire writs, (in magnifying y^e
Spaniards) in his 5. Decade, pag. 208. _They_ (saith he) _led a
miserable life for 5. days togeather, with y^e parched graine of maize
only, and that not to saturitie_; and then concluds, _that shuch pains,
shuch labours, and shuch hunger, he thought none living which is not a
Spaniard could have endured_. But alass! these, when they had maize (y^t
is, Indean corne) they thought it as good as a feast, and wanted not
only for 5. days togeather, but some time 2. or 3. months togeather, and
neither had bread nor any kind of corne. Indeed, in an other place, in
his 2. Decade, page 94. he mentions how others of them were worse put to
it, wher they were faine to eate doggs, toads, and dead men, and so dyed
almost all. From these extremities the[AY] Lord in his goodnes kept
these his people, and in their great wants preserved both their lives
and healthes; let his name have y^e praise. Yet let me hear make use of
his conclusion, which in some sorte may be applied to this people: _That
with their miseries they opened a way to these new-lands; and after
these stormes, with what ease other men came to inhabite in them, in
respecte of y^e calamities these men suffered; so as they seeme to goe
to a bride feaste wher all things are provided for them._

They haveing but one boat left and she not over well fitted, they were
devided into severall companies, 6. or 7. to a gangg or company, and so
wente out with a nett they had bought, to take bass & such like fish, by
course, every company knowing their turne. No sooner was y^e boate
discharged [98] of what she brought, but y^e next company tooke her and
wente out with her. Neither did they returne till they had cauight
something, though it were 5. or 6. days before, for they knew ther was
nothing at home, and to goe home emptie would be a great discouragemente
to y^e rest. Yea, they strive who should doe best. If she stayed longe
or got litle, then all went to seeking of shel-fish, which at low-water
they digged out of y^e sands. And this was their living in y^e so[=m]er
time, till God sente y^m beter; & in winter they were helped with
ground-nuts and foule. Also in y^e so[=m]er they gott now & then a dear;
for one or 2. of y^e fitest was apoynted to range y^e woods for y^t end,
& what was gott that way was devided amongst them.

At length they received some leters from y^e adventurers, too long and
tedious hear to record, by which they heard of their furder crosses and
frustrations; begining in this maner.

Loving freinds, as your sorrows & afflictions have bin great, so our
croses & interceptions in our proceedings hear, have not been small.
For after we had with much trouble & charge sente y^e _Parragon_ away
to sea, and thought all y^e paine past, within 14. days after she came
againe hither, being dangerously leaked, and brused with tempestious
stormes, so as shee was faine to be had into y^e docke, and an 100^li.
bestowed upon her. All y^e passengers lying upon our charg for 6. or
7. weeks, and much discontent and distemper was occasioned hereby, so
as some dangerous evente had like to insewed. But we trust all shall
be well and worke for y^e best and your benefite, if yet with patience
you can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. Whilst these
things were doing, M^r. Westons ship came and brought diverce leters
from you, &c. It rejoyseth us much to hear of those good reports y^t
diverce have brought home from you, &c.

These letters were dated Des. 21: 1622.

So farr of this leter.

This ship was brought by M^r. John Peirce, and set out at his owne
charge, upon hope of great maters. These passengers, & y^e goods the
company sent in her, he tooke in for fraught, for which they agreed with
him to be delivered hear. This was he in whose name their _first
patente_ was taken, by reason of aquaintance, and some aliance that some
of their freinds had with him. But his name was only used in trust. But
when he saw they were hear hopfully thus seated, and by y^e success God
gave them had obtained y^e favour of y^e Counsell of New-England, he
goes and sues to them for _another patent_ of much larger extente (in
their names), which was easily obtained. But he mente to keep it to him
selfe and alow them what he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, and sue
to his courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which follows. But
y^e Lord marvelously crost him; for after this first returne, and y^e
charge above mentioned, when shee was againe fitted, he pesters him
selfe and taks in more passengers, and those not very good to help to
bear his losses, and sets out y^e 2. time. But [99] what y^e event was
will appear from another leter from one of y^e cheefe of y^e company,
dated y^e 9. of Aprill, 1623. writ to y^e Gov^r hear, as followeth.

Loving freind, when I write my last leter, I hope to have received one
from you well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des: I litle
thought to have seen M^r. John Peirce till he had brought some good
tidings from you. But it pleased God, he brought us y^e wofull tidings
of his returne when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, werin
y^e goodnes & mercie of God appeared in sparing their lives, being
109. souls. The loss is so great to M^r. Peirce, &c., and y^e companie
put upon so great charge, as veryly, &c.

Now with great trouble & loss, we have got M^r. John Peirce to assigne
over y^e grand patente to y^e companie, which he had taken in his owne
name, and made quite voyd our former grante. I am sorie to writ how
many hear thinke y^t the hand of God was justly against him, both y^e
first and 2. time of his returne; in regard he, whom you and we so
confidently trusted, but only to use his name for y^e company, should
aspire to be lord over us all, and so make you & us tenants at his
will and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite voyd &
disanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But his
unwillingnes to part with his royall Lordship, and y^e high-rate he
set it at, which was 500^li. which cost him but 50^li., maks many
speake and judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his
ship, with charge aboute y^e passengers, 640^li., &c.

We have agreed with 2. marchants for a ship of 140. tunes, caled y^e
_Anne_, which is to be ready y^e last of this month, to bring 60.
passengers & 60. tune of goods, &c.

This was dated Aprill 9. 1623.

These were ther owne words and judgmente of this mans dealing &
proceedings; for I thought it more meete to render them in theirs then
my owne words. And yet though ther was never got other recompence then
the resignation of this patente, and y^e shares he had in adventure, for
all y^e former great sumes, he was never quiet, but sued them in most of
y^e cheefe courts in England, and when he was still cast, brought it to
y^e Parlemente. But he is now dead, and I will leave him to y^e Lord.

This ship suffered y^e greatest extreemitie at sea at her 2. returne,
that one shall lightly hear of, to be saved; as I have been informed by
M^r. William Peirce who was then m^r. of her, and many others that were
passengers in her. It was aboute y^e _midle of Feb_: The storme was for
y^e most parte of 14. days, but for 2. or 3. days & nights togeather in
most violent extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, y^e storme
beat of their round house and all their uper works; 3. men had worke
enough at y^e helme, and he that cund y^e ship before y^e sea, was faine
[100] to be bound fast for washing away; the seas did so over-rake them,
as many times those upon y^e decke knew not whether they were within
bord or withoute; and once she was so foundered in y^e sea as they all
thought she would never rise againe. But yet y^e Lord preserved them,
and brought them at last safe to _Ports-mouth_, to y^e wonder of all men
y^t saw in what a case she was in, and heard what they had endured.

About y^e later end of _June_ came in a ship, with Captaine Francis
West, who had a comission to be admirall of New-England, to restraine
interlopers, and shuch fishing ships as came to fish & trade without a
licence from y^e Counsell of New-England, for which they should pay a
round sume of money. But he could doe no good of them, for they were to
stronge for him, and he found y^e fisher men to be stuberne fellows. And
their owners, upon complainte made to y^e Parlemente, procured an order
y^t fishing should be free. He tould y^e Gov^r they spooke with a ship
at sea, and were abord her, y^t was coming for this plantation, in which
were sundrie passengers, and they marvelled she was not arrived, fearing
some miscariage; for they lost her in a storme that fell shortly after
they had been abord. Which relation filled them full of fear, yet mixed
with hope. The m^r. of this ship had some 2. [=h][=h] of pease to sell,
but seeing their wants, held them at 9^li. sterling a hoggshead, & under
8^li. he would not take, and yet would have beaver at an under rate. But
they tould him they had lived so long with out, and would doe still,
rather then give so unreasonably. So they went from hence to
Virginia.[AZ]

About 14. days after came in this ship, caled y^e _Anne_, wherof M^r.
William Peirce was m^r., and aboute a weeke or 10. days after came in
y^e pinass which in foule weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell
of about 44. tune, which y^e company had builte to stay in the cuntrie.
They brought about 60. persons for y^e generall, some of them being very
usefull persons, and became good members to y^e body, and some were y^e
wives and children of shuch as were hear allready. And some were so bad,
as they were faine to be at charge to send them home againe y^e next
year. Also, besids these ther came a company, that did not belong to y^e
generall body, but came one[BA] their perticuler, and were to have lands
assigned them, and be for them selves, yet to be subjecte to y^e
generall Goverment; which caused some diferance and disturbance [101]
amongst them, as will after appeare. I shall hear againe take libertie
to inserte a few things out of shuch leters as came in this shipe,
desiring rather to manefest things in ther words and apprehentions, then
in my owne, as much as may be, without tediousness.

Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all, with trust of your healths &
wellfare, being right sorie y^t no supplie hath been made to you all
this while; for defence wher of, I must referr you to our generall
leters. Naitheir indeed have we now sent you many things, which we
should & would, for want of money. But persons, more then inough,
(though not all we should,) for people come flying in upon us, but
monys come creeping in to us. Some few of your old freinds are come,
as, &c. So they come droping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long
you shall enjoye them all. And because people press so hard upon us to
goe, and often shuch as are none of y^e fitest, I pray you write
ernestly to y^e Treasurer and directe what persons should be sente. It
greeveth me to see so weake a company sent you, and yet had I not been
hear they had been weaker. You must still call upon the company hear
to see y^t honest men be sente you, and threaten to send them back if
any other come, &c. We are not any way so much in danger, as by
corrupte an noughty persons. Shuch, and shuch, came without my
consente; but y^e importunitie of their freinds got promise of our
Treasurer in my absence. Neither is ther need we should take any lewd
men, for we may have honest men enew, &c.

Your assured freind,
R. C.

The following was from y^e genrall.

Loving freinds, we most hartily salute you in all love and harty
affection; being yet in hope y^t the same God which hath hithertoo
preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet continue your lives and
health, to his owne praise and all our comforts. Being right sory that
you have not been sent unto all this time, &c. We have in this ship
sent shuch women, as were willing and ready to goe to their husbands
and freinds, with their children, &c. We would not have you
discontente, because we have not sent you more of your old freinds,
and in speciall, him[BB] on whom you most depend. Farr be it from us
to neclecte you, or contemne him. But as y^e intente was at first, so
y^e evente at last shall shew it, that we will deal fairly, and
squarly answer your expectations to the full. Ther are also come unto
you, some honest men to plant upon their particulers besids you. A
thing which if we should not give way unto, we should wrong both them
and you. Them, by puting them on things more inconveniente, and you,
for that being honest men, they will be a strengthening to y^e place,
and good neighbours [102] unto you. Tow things we would advise you of,
which we have likwise signified them hear. First, y^e trade for skins
to be retained for the generall till y^e devidente; 2^ly. y^t their
setling by you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither
inconvenient for y^e lying of your lands, nor hurtfull to your speedy
& easie assembling togeather.

We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte, &c. Diverse other
provissions we have sente you, as will appear in your bill of lading,
and though we have not sent all we would (because our cash is small),
yet it is y^t we could, &c.

And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more rivers and
fertill grounds then y^t wher you are, yet seeing by Gods providence
y^t place fell to you^r lote, let it be accounted as your portion; and
rather fixe your eyes upon that which may be done ther, then languish
in hops after things els-wher. If your place be not y^e best, it is
better, you shall be y^e less envied and encroached upon; and shuch as
are earthly minded, will not setle too near your border.[BC] If y^e
land afford you bread, and y^e sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while
contented, God will one day afford you better fare. And all men shall
know you are neither fugetives nor discontents. But can, if God so
order it, take y^e worst to your selves, with content,[BD] & leave y^e
best to your neighbours, with cherfullnes.

Let it not be greeveous unto you y^t you have been instruments to
breake y^e ise for others who come after with less dificulty, the
honour shall be yours to y^e worlds end, &c.

We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection is towards
you all, as are y^e harts of hundreds more which never saw your faces,
who doubtles pray for your saftie as their owne, as we our selves both
doe & ever shall, that y^e same God which hath so marvelously
preserved you from seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you
from all future dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and
glorious in blise at y^e last day. And so y^e Lord be with you all &
send us joyfull news from you, and inable us with one shoulder so to
accomplish & perfecte this worke, as much glorie may come to Him y^t
confoundeth y^e mighty by the weak, and maketh small thinges great. To
whose greatnes, be all glorie for ever & ever.

This leter was subscribed with 13. of their names.

These passengers, when they saw their low & poore condition a shore,
were much danted and dismayed, and according to their diverse humores
were diversly affected; some wished them selves in England againe;
others fell a weeping, fancying their own miserie in what y^ey saw now
in others; other some pitying the distress they saw their freinds had
been long in, and still were under; in a word, all were full of sadnes.
Only some of their old freinds rejoysed to see them, and y^t it was no
worse with them, for they could not expecte it should be better, and now
hoped they should injoye better days togeather. And truly it was [103]
no marvell they should be thus affected, for they were in a very low
condition, many were ragged in aparell, & some litle beter then halfe
naked; though some y^t were well stord before, were well enough in this
regard. But for food they were all alike, save some y^t had got a few
pease of y^e ship y^t was last hear. The best dish they could presente
their freinds with was a lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or
any thing els but a cupp of fair spring water. And y^e long continuance
of this diate, and their labours abroad, had something abated y^e
freshnes of their former complexion. But God gave them health and
strength in a good measure; and shewed them by experience y^e truth of
y^t word, Deut. 8. 3. _Y^t man liveth not by bread only, but by every
word y^t proceedeth out of y^e mouth of y^e Lord doth a man live._

When I think how sadly y^e scripture speaks of the famine in Jaakobs
time, when he said to his sonns, Goe buy us food, that we may live and
not dye. Gen. 42. 2. and 43. 1, that the famine was great, or heavie in
the land; and yet they had such great herds, and store of catle of
sundrie kinds, which, besids flesh, must needs produse other food, as
milke, butter & cheese, &c., and yet it was counted a sore affliction;
theirs hear must needs be very great, therfore, who not only wanted the
staffe of bread, but all these things, and had no Egipte to goe too. But
God fedd them out of y^e sea for y^e most parte, so wonderfull is his
providence over his in all ages; for his mercie endureth for ever.

On y^e other hand the old planters were affraid that their corne, when
it was ripe, should be imparted to y^e new-co[=m]ers, whose provissions
w^ch they brought with them they feared would fall short before y^e year
wente aboute (as indeed it did). They came to y^e Gov^r and besought him
that as it was before agreed that they should set corne for their
perticuler, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary pains ther
aboute, that they might freely injoye the same, and they would not have
a bitte of y^e victails now come, but waite till harvest for their owne,
and let y^e new-co[=m]ers injoye what they had brought; they would have
none of it, excepte they could purchase any of it of them by bargaine or
exchainge. Their requeste was granted them, for it gave both sides good
contente; for y^e new-co[=m]ers were as much afraid that y^e hungrie
planters would have eat up y^e provissions brought, and they should
have fallen into y^e like condition.

This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, by y^e help of many
hands. Also they sente in her all y^e beaver and other furrs they had, &
M^r. Winslow was sent over with her, to informe of all things, and
procure such things as were thought needfull for their presente
condition. By this time harvest was come, and in stead of famine, now
God gave them plentie, and y^e face of things was changed, to y^e
rejoysing of y^e harts of many, for which they blessed God. And y^e
effect of their particuler planting was well seene, for all had, one way
& other, pretty well to bring y^e year aboute, and some of y^e abler
sorte and more [104] industrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as
any generall wante or famine hath not been amongst them since to this
day.

Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater matters then they
found or could attaine unto, aboute building great houses, and such
pleasant situations for them, as them selves had fancied; as if they
would be great men & rich, all of a sudaine; but they proved castls in
y^e aire. These were y^e conditions agreed on betweene y^e colony and
them.

First, that y^e Gov^r, in y^e name and with y^e consente of y^e company,
doth in all love and frendship receive and imbrace them; and is to
allote them competente places for habitations within y^e towne. And
promiseth to shew them all such other curtesies as shall be reasonable
for them to desire, or us to performe.

2. That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such laws & orders as
are already made, or hear after shall be, for y^e publick good.

3. That they be freed and exempte from y^e generall imployments of the
said company, (which their presente condition of comunitie requireth,)
excepte commune defence, & such other imployments as tend to y^e
perpetuall good of y^e collony.

4^ly. Towards y^e maintenance of Go[~v]^rt, & publick officers of y^e
said collony, every male above y^e age of 16. years shall pay a bushell
of Indean wheat, or y^e worth of it, into y^e commone store.

5^ly. That (according to y^e agreemente y^e marchants made with y^m
before they came) they are to be wholy debared from all trade with the
Indeans for all sorts of furrs, and such like commodities, till y^e time
of y^e comunallitie be ended.

About y^e midle of September arrived Captaine Robart Gorges in y^e Bay
of y^e Massachusets, with sundrie passengers and families, intending
ther to begine a plantation; and pitched upon y^e place M^r. Weston’s
people had forsaken. He had a co[=m]ission from y^e Counsell of
New-England, to be generall Gove^r of y^e cuntrie, and they appoynted
for his counsell & assistance, Captaine Francis West, y^e aforesaid
admirall, Christopher Levite, Esquire, and y^e Gov^r of Plimoth for y^e
time beeing, etc. Allso, they gave him authoritie to chuse such other as
he should find fit. Allso, they gave (by their co[=m]ission) full power
to him and his assistants, or any 3. of them, wherof him selfe was
allway to be one, to doe and execute what to them should seeme good, in
all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, etc., with diverce other
instructions. Of which, and his comission, it pleased him to suffer y^e
Gov^r hear to take a coppy.

He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but before they could
visite him he went to y^e eastward with y^e ship he came in; but a
storme arising, (and they wanting a good pilot to harbor them in those
parts,) they bore up for this harbor. He and his men were hear kindly
entertained; he stayed hear 14. days. In y^e mean time came in M^r.
Weston with his small ship, which he had now recovered. [105[BE]]
Captaine Gorges tooke hold of y^e opportunitie, and acquainted y^e Gov^r
hear, that one occasion of his going to y^e eastward was to meete with
M^r. Weston, and call him to accounte for some abuses he had to lay to
his charge. Wherupon he called him before him, and some other of his
assistants, with y^e Gov^r of this place; and charged him, first, with
y^e ille carriage of his men at y^e Massachusets; by which means the
peace of y^e cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe and the people which
he had brought over to plante in that bay were therby much prejudised.
To this M^r. Weston easily answered, that what was that way done, was in
his absence, and might have befalen any man; he left them sufficently
provided, and conceived they would have been well governed; and for any
errour co[=m]itted he had sufficiently smarted. This particuler was
passed by. A 2^d. was, for an abuse done to his father, S^r. Ferdenando
Gorges, and to y^e State. The thing was this; he used him & others of
y^e Counsell of New-England, to procure him a licence for y^e
transporting of many peeces of great ordnance for New-England,
pretending great fortification hear in y^e countrie, & I know not what
shipping. The which when he had obtained, he went and sould them beyond
seas for his private profite; for which (he said) y^e State was much
offended, and his father suffered a shrowd check, and he had order to
apprehend him for it. M^r. Weston excused it as well as he could, but
could not deney it; it being one maine thing (as was said) for which he
with-drew himself. But after many passages, by y^e mediation of y^e
Gov^r and some other freinds hear, he was inclined to gentlnes (though
he aprehended y^e abuse of his father deeply); which, when M^r. Weston
saw, he grew more presumptuous, and gave such provocking & cutting
speches, as made him rise up in great indignation & distemper, and vowed
y^t he would either curb him, or send him home for England. At which
M^r. Weston was something danted, and came privatly to y^e Gov^r hear,
to know whether they would suffer Captaine Gorges to apprehend him. He
was tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed him, y^t after they
had pacified things, he should thus breake out, by his owne folly &
rashnes, to bring trouble upon him selfe & them too. He confest it was
his passion, and prayd y^e Gov^r to entreat for him, and pacifie him if
he could. The which at last he did, with much adoe; so he was called
againe, and y^e Gov^r was contente to take his owne bond to be ready to
make further answer, when either he or y^e lords should send for him.
And at last he tooke only his word, and ther was a fre[=i]dly parting on
all hands.

But after he was gone, M^r. Weston in lue of thanks to y^e Gov^r and his
freinds hear, gave them this quib (behind their baks) for all their
pains. That though they were but yonge justices, yet they wear good
beggers. Thus they parted at this time, and shortly after y^e Gov^r
tooke his leave and went to y^e Massachusets by land, being very
thankfull for his kind entertainemente. The ship stayed hear, and fitted
her selfe to goe for Virginia, having some passengers ther to deliver;
and with her returned sundrie of those from hence which came over on
their perticuler, some out of discontente and dislike of y^e cuntrie;
others by reason of a fire that broke out, and burnt y^e houses they
lived in, and all their provisions [106[BF]] so as they were
necessitated therunto. This fire was occasioned by some of y^e sea-men
that were roystering in a house wher it first begane, makeing a great
fire in very could weather, which broke out of y^e chimney into y^e
thatch, and burnte downe 3. or 4. houses, and consumed all y^e goods &
provissions in y^m. The house in which it begane was right against their
store-house, which they had much adoe to save, in which were their
co[=m]one store & all their provissions; y^e which if it had been lost,
y^e plantation had been over-throwne. But through Gods mercie it was
saved by y^e great dilligence of y^e people, & care of the Gov^r & some
aboute him. Some would have had y^e goods throwne out; but if they had,
ther would much have been stolne by the rude company y^t belonged to
these 2. ships, which were allmost all ashore. But a trusty company was
plased within, as well as those that with wet-cloaths & other means kept
of y^e fire without, that if necessitie required they might have them
out with all speed. For y^ey suspected some malicious dealling, if not
plaine treacherie, and whether it was only suspition or no, God knows;
but this is certaine, that when y^e tumulte was greatest, ther was a
voyce heard (but from whom it was not knowne) that bid them looke well
aboute them, for all were not freinds y^t were near them. And shortly
after, when the vemencie of y^e fire was over, smoke was seen to arise
within a shed y^t was joynd to y^e end of y^e storehouse, which was
watled up with bowes, in y^e withered leaves wherof y^e fire was
kindled, which some, ru[=n]ing to quench, found a longe firebrand of an
ell longe, lying under y^e wale on y^e inside, which could not possibly
come their by cassualtie, but must be laid ther by some hand, in y^e
judgmente of all that saw it. But God kept them from this deanger, what
ever was intended.

Shortly after Captaine Gorges, y^e generall Gov^r, was come home to y^e
Massachusets, he sends a warrante to arrest M^r. Weston & his ship, and
sends a m^r. to bring her away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that
belonged to him) to conducte him along. The Gov^r & others hear were
very sory to see him take this course, and tooke exception at y^e
warrante, as not legall nor sufficiente; and withall write to him to
disswade him from this course, shewing him y^t he would but entangle and
burthen him selfe in doing this; for he could not doe M^r. Weston a
better turne, (as things stood with him); for he had a great many men
that belonged to him in this barke, and was deeply ingaged to them for
wages, and was in a ma[=n]er out of victails (_and now winter_); all
which would light upon him, if he did arrest his barke. In y^e mean time
M^r. Weston had notice to shift for him selfe; but it was conceived he
either knew not whither to goe, or how to mend him selfe, but was rather
glad of y^e occasion, and so stirred not. But y^e Gov^r would not be
perswaded, but [107] sent a very formall warrente under his hand &
seall, with strict charge as they would answere it to y^e state; he also
write that he had better considered of things since he was hear, and he
could not answer it to let him goe so; besids other things that were
come to his knowledg since, which he must answer too. So he was suffered
to proceede, but he found in the end that to be true that was tould him;
for when an inventorie was taken of what was in y^e ship, ther was not
vitailes found for above 14. days, at a pare allowance, and not much
else of any great worth, & the men did so crie out of him for wages and
diate, in y^e mean time, as made him soone weary. So as in conclusion it
turned to his loss, and y^e expence of his owne provissions; and
_towards the spring_ they came to agreement, (after they had bene to y^e
eastward,) and y^e Gov^r restord him his vessell againe, and made him
satisfaction, in bisket, meal, and such like provissions, for what he
had made use of that was his, or what his men had any way wasted or
consumed. So M^r. Weston came hither againe, and afterward shaped his
course for Virginie, & so for present I shall leave him.[BG]

The Gov^r and some y^t depended upon him returned for England, haveing
scarcly saluted y^e cuntrie in his Govermente, not finding the state of
things hear to answer his quallitie & condition. The peopl dispersed
them selves, some went for England, others for Virginia, some few
remained, and were helped with supplies from hence. The Gov^r brought
over a minister with him, one M^r. Morell, who, about a year after y^e
Gov^r returned, tooke shipping from hence. He had I know not what power
and authority of superintendancie over other churches granted him, and
sundrie instructions for that end; but he never shewed it, or made any
use of it; (it should seeme he saw it was in vaine;) he only speake of
it to some hear at his going away. This was in effect y^e end of a 2.
plantation in that place. Ther were allso this year some scatering
beginings made in other places, as at Paskataway, by M^r. David Thomson,
at Monhigen, and some other places by sundrie others.

It rests now y^t I speake a word aboute y^e pi[=n]ass spoken of before,
which was sent by y^e adventurers to be imployed in y^e cuntrie. She was
a fine vessell, and bravely set out,[BH] and I fear y^e adventurers did
over pride them selves in her, for she had ill success. How ever, they
erred grosly in tow things aboute her; first, though she had a
sufficiente maister, yet she was rudly ma[=n]ed, and all her men were
upon shars, and none was to have any wages but y^e m^r. 2^ly, wheras
they mainly lookt at trade, they had sent nothing of any value to trade
with. When the men came hear, and mette with ill counsell from M^r.
Weston & his crue, with others of y^e same stampe, neither m^r. nor
Gov^r could scarce rule [108] them, for they exclaimed that they were
abused & deceived, for they were tould they should goe for a man of
warr, and take I know not whom, French & Spaniards, &c. They would
neither trade nor fish, excepte they had wages; in fine, they would obey
no co[=m]and of y^e maisters; so it was apprehended they would either
rune away with y^e vessell, or get away w^th y^e ships, and leave her;
so as M^r. Peirce & others of their freinds perswaded the Gov^r to
chaing their condition, and give them wages; which was accordingly done.
And she was sente about y^e Cape to y^e Narigansets to trade, but they
made but a poore vioage of it. Some corne and beaver they got, but y^e
Dutch used to furnish them with cloath & better co[=m]odities, they
haveing only a few beads & knives, which were not ther much esteemed.
Allso, in her returne home, at y^e very entrance into ther owne harbore,
she had like to have been cast away in a storme, and was forced to cut
her maine mast by y^e bord, to save herselfe from driving on y^e flats
that lye without, caled Browns Ilands, the force of y^e wind being so
great as made her anchors give way and she drive right upon them; but
her mast & takling being gone, they held her till y^e wind shifted.

_Anno Dom: 1624._

The time of new election of ther officers for this year being come,
and[BI] y^e number of their people increased, and their troubls and
occasions therwith, the Gov^r desired them to chainge y^e persons, as
well as renew y^e election; and also to adde more Assistans to y^e Gov^r
for help & counsell, and y^e better carrying on of affairs. Showing that
it was necessarie it should be so. If it was any honour or benefite, it
was fitte others should be made pertakers of it; if it was a burthen,
(as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others should help to bear it;
and y^t this was y^e end of A[=n]uall Elections. The issue was, that as
before ther was but one Assistante, they now chose 5. giving the Gov^r a
duble voyce; and aftwards they increased them to 7. which course hath
continued to this day.

They having with some truble & charge new-masted and rigged their
pinass, in y^e begining of March they sent her well vitaled to the
eastward on fishing. She arrived safly at a place near Damarins cove,
and was there well harbored in a place wher ships used to ride, ther
being also some ships allready arived out of England. But shortly after
ther [109] arose such a violent & extraordinarie storme, as y^e seas
broak over such places in y^e harbor as was never seene before, and
drive her against great roks, which beat such a hole in her bulke, as a
horse and carte might have gone in, and after drive her into deep-water,
wher she lay sunke. The m^r. was drowned, the rest of y^e men, all save
one, saved their lives, with much a doe; all her provision, salt, and
what els was in her, was lost. And here I must leave her to lye till
afterward.

Some of those that still remained hear on their perticuler, begane
privatly to nurish a faction, and being privie to a strong faction that
was among y^e adventurers in England, on whom sundry of them did depend,
by their private whispering they drew some of the weaker sorte of y^e
company to their side, and so filld them with discontente, as nothing
would satisfie them excepte they might be suffered to be in their
perticuler allso; and made great offers, so they might be freed from y^e
generall. The Gov^r consulting with y^e ablest of y^e generall body what
was best to be done hear in, it was resolved to permitte them so to doe,
upon equall conditions. The conditions were the same in effect with y^e
former before related. Only some more added, as that they should be
bound here to remaine till y^e generall partnership was ended. And also
that they should pay into y^e store, y^e on halfe of all such goods and
comodities as they should any waise raise above their food, in
consideration of what charg had been layed out for them, with some such
like things. This liberty granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther was
but a few that undertooke this course when it came too; and they were
as sone weary of it. For the other had perswaded them, & M^r. Weston
togeather, that ther would never come more supply to y^e generall body;
but y^e perticulers had such freinds as would carry all, and doe for
them I know not what.

Shortly after, M^r. Winslow came over, and brought a prety good supply,
and the ship came on fishing, a thing fatall to this plantation. He
brought 3. heifers & a bull, the first begining of any catle of that
kind in y^e land, with some cloathing & other necessaries, as will
further appear; but withall y^e reporte of a strong faction amongst y^e
adventurers[BJ] against them, and espetially against y^e coming of y^e
rest from Leyden, and with what difficulty this supply was procured, and
how, by their strong & long opposision, bussines was so retarded as not
only they were now falne too late for y^e fishing season, but the best
men were taken up of y^e fishermen in the west countrie, and he was
forct to take such a m^r. & company for that imployment as he could
procure upon y^e present. Some letters from them shall beter declare
these things, being as followeth.

[110] Most worthy & loving freinds, your kind & loving leters I have
received, and render you many thanks, &c. It hath plased God to stirre
up y^e harts of our adventurers[BJ] to raise a new stock for the
seting forth of this shipe, caled the Charitie, with men &
necessaries, both for the plantation and the fishing, though
accomplished with very great difficulty; in regard we have some
amongst us which undoubtedly aime more at their owne private ends, and
the thwarting & opposing of some hear, and other worthy
instruments,[BK] of Gods glory elswher, then at the generall good and
furtherance of this noble & laudable action. Yet againe we have many
other, and I hope the greatest parte, very honest Christian men, which
I am perswaded their ends and intents are wholy for the glory of our
Lord Jesus Christ, in the propagation of his gospell, and hope of
gaining those poore salvages to the knowledg of God. But, as we have a
proverbe, One scabed sheep may marr a whole flock, so these
malecontented persons, & turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to
withdraw mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even from the
generall bussines; and yet under show and pretence of godlynes and
furtherance of the plantation. Wheras the quite contrary doth plainly
appeare; as some of the honester harted men (though of late of their
faction) did make manifest at our late meeting. But what should I
trouble you or my selfe with these restles opposers of all goodnes,
and I doubte will be continuall disturbers of our frendly meetings &
love. On Thurs-day the 8. of Jan: we had a meeting aboute the artickls
betweene you & us; wher they would rejecte that, which we in our late
leters prest you to grante, (an addition to the time of our joynt
stock). And their reason which they would make known to us was, it
trobled their conscience to exacte longer time of you then was agreed
upon at the first. But that night they were so followed and crost of
their perverse courses, as they were even wearied, and offered to sell
their adventurs; and some were willing to buy. But I, doubting they
would raise more scandale and false reports, and so diverse waise doe
us more hurt, by going of in such a furie, then they could or can by
continuing adventurers amongst us, would not suffer them. But on y^e
12. of Jan: we had another meting, but in the interime diverse of us
had talked with most of them privatly, and had great combats &
reasoning, pro & con. But at night when we mete to read y^e generall
letter, we had y^e loveingest and frendlyest meeting that ever I
knew[BL] and our greatest enemise offered to lend us 50_{li}. So I
sent for a potle of wine, (I would you could[BM] doe y^e like,) which
we dranke freindly together. Thus God can turne y^e harts of men when
it pleaseth him, &c. Thus loving freinds, I hartily salute you all in
y^e Lord, hoping ever to rest,

Yours to my power,
JAMES SHERLEY.

Jan: 25. 1623.

[111] _Another leter._

Beloved S^r., &c. We have now sent you, we hope, men & means, to setle
these 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making, and boat making; if you
can bring them to pass to some perfection, your wants may be supplyed.
I pray you bend you selfe what you can to setle these bussinesses. Let
y^e ship be fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to Bilbow. You
must send some discreete man for factore, whom, once more, you must
also authorise to confirme y^e conditions. If M^r. Winslow could be
spared, I could wish he came againe. This ship carpenter is thought
to be the fittest man for you in the land, and will no doubte doe you
much good. Let him have an absolute comand over his servants & such as
you put to him. Let him build you 2. catches, a lighter, and some 6.
or 7. shalops, as soone as you can. The salt-man is a skillfull &
industrious man, put some to him, that may quickly apprehende y^e
misterie of it. The preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest
plaine man, though none of y^e most eminente and rare. Aboute chusing
him into office use your owne liberty & discretion; he knows he is no
officer amongst you, though perhaps custome & universalitie may make
him forget him selfe. M^r. Winslow & my selfe gave way to his going,
to give contente to some hear, and we see no hurt in it, but only his
great charge of children.

We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, &c. I am sory ther is no more
discretion used by some in their leters hither.[BN] Some say you are
starved in body & soule; others, y^t you eate piggs & doggs, that dye
alone; others, that y^e things hear spoaken of, y^e goodnes of y^e
cuntry, are gross and palpable lyes; that ther is scarce a foule to be
seene, or a fish to be taken, and many such like. I would such
discontented men were hear againe, for it is a miserie when y^e whole
state of a plantation shall be thus exposed to y^e passionate humors
of some discontented men. And for my selfe I shall hinder for
hearafter some y^t would goe, and have not better composed their
affections; mean space it is all our crosses, and we must bear them.

I am sorie we have not sent you more and other things, but in truth we
have rune into so much charge, to victaile y^e ship, provide salte &
other fishing implements, &c. as we could not provid other comfortable
things, as buter, suger, &c. I hope the returne of this ship, and the
James, will put us in cash againe. The Lord make you full of courage
in this troublesome bussines, which now must be stuck unto, till God
give us rest from our labours. Fare well in all harty affection.

Your assured friend,
R. C.

Jan: 24. 1623.

With y^e former letter write by M^r. Sherley, there were sente sundrie
objections concerning which he thus writeth. “These are the cheefe
objections which they [112] that are now returned make against you and
the countrie. I pray you consider them, and answer them by the first
conveniencie.” These objections were made by some of those that came
over on their perticuler and were returned home, as is before mentioned,
and were of y^e same suite with those y^t this other letter mentions.

I shall here set them downe, with y^e answers then made unto them, and
sent over at y^e returne of this ship; which did so confound y^e
objecters, as some confessed their falte, and others deneyed what they
had said, and eate their words, & some others of them have since come
over againe and heere lived to convince them selves sufficiently, both
in their owne & other mens judgments.

1. obj. was diversitie aboute Religion. Ans: We know no such matter, for
here was never any controversie or opposition, either publicke or
private, (to our knowledg,) since we came.

2. ob: Neglecte of familie duties, one y^e Lords day.

Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our selves & others; and
they that thus reporte it, should have shewed their Christian love the
more if they had in love tould y^e offenders of it, rather then thus to
reproach them behind their baks. But (to say no more) we wish them
selves had given better example.

3. ob: Wante of both the sacrements.

Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is kept from us, by whom we
might injoye them; for we used to have the Lords Supper every Saboth,
and baptisme as often as ther was occasion of children to baptise.

4. ob: Children not catechised nor taught to read.

Ans: Neither is true; for diverse take pains with their owne as they
can; indeede, we have no co[=m]one schoole for want of a fitt person, or
hithertoo means to maintaine one; though we desire now to begine.

5. ob: Many of y^e perticuler members of y^e plantation will not work
for y^e generall.

Ans: This allso is not wholy true; for though some doe it not willingly,
& other not honestly, yet all doe it; and he that doth worst gets his
owne foode & something besids. But we will not excuse them, but labour
to reforme them y^e best we cane, or else to quitte y^e plantation of
them.

6. ob: The water is not wholsome.

Ans: If they mean, not so wholsome as y^e good beere and wine in
London, (which they so dearly love,) we will not dispute with them; but
els, for water, it is as good as any in the world, (for ought we knowe,)
and it is wholsome enough to us that can be contente therwith.

7. ob: The ground is barren and doth bear no grasse.

[113] Ans: It is hear (as in all places) some better & some worse; and
if they well consider their words, in England they shall not find such
grasse in them, as in their feelds & meadows. The catle find grasse, for
they are as fatt as need be; we wish we had but one for every hundred
that hear is grase to keep. Indeed, this objection, as some other, are
ridiculous to all here which see and know y^e contrary.

8. ob: The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete.

Ans: This is as true as that which was written, that ther is scarce a
foule to be seene or a fish to be taken. Things likly to be true in a
cuntrie wher so many sayle of ships come yearly a fishing; they might as
well say, there can no aile or beere in London be kept from sowering.

9. ob: Many of them are theevish and steale on from an other.

Ans: Would London had been free from that crime, then we should not have
been trobled with these here; it is well knowne sundrie have smarted
well for it, and so are y^e rest like to doe, if they be taken.

10. ob: The countrie is anoyed with foxes and woules.

Ans: So are many other good cuntries too; but poyson, traps, and other
such means will help to destroy them.

11. ob: The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay, and are likely to
overthrow the trade.

Ans: They will come and plante in these parts, also, if we and others
doe not, but goe home and leave it to them. We rather commend them, then
condemne them for it.

12. ob: The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes.

Ans: They are too delicate and unfitte to begine new-plantations and
collonies, that cannot enduer the biting of a muskeeto; we would wish
such to keepe at home till at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet this
place is as free as any, and experience teacheth that y^e more y^e land
is tild, and y^e woods cut downe, the fewer ther will be, and in the end
scarse any at all.

Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may handle things togeather,
I shall here inserte 2. other letters from M^r. Robinson their pastor;
the one to y^e Gov^r, y^e other to M^r. Brewster their Elder, which will
give much light to y^e former things, and express the tender love & care
of a true pastor over them.

_His leter to y^e Gov^r._

My loving & much beloved friend, whom God hath hithertoo preserved,
preserve and keepe you still to his glorie, and y^e good of many; that
his blessing may make your godly and wise endeavours answerable to y^e
valuation which they ther have, & set upon y^e same. Of your love too
and care for us here, we never doubted; so are we glad to take
knowledg of it in that fullnes we doe. Our love & care to and for you,
is mutuall, though our hopes of coming [114] unto you be small, and
weaker then ever. But of this at large in Mr. Brewsters letter, with
whom you, and he with you, mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters,
as I desire you may doe these, &c.

Concerning y^e killing of those poor Indeans, of which we heard at
first by reporte, and since by more certaine relation, oh! how happy a
thing had it been, if you had converted some, before you had killed
any; besids, wher bloud is one begune to be shed, it is seldome
stanched of a long time after. You will say they deserved it. I grant
it; but upon what provocations and invitments by those heathenish
Christians?[BO] Besids, you, being no magistrats over them, were to
consider, not what they deserved, but what you were by necessitie
constrained to inflicte. Necessitie of this, espetially of killing so
many, (and many more, it seems, they would, if they could,) I see not.
Methinks on or tow principals should have been full enough, according
to that approved rule, The punishmente to a few, and y^e fear to many.
Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte you seriouly to consider
of y^e dispossition of your Captaine, whom I love, and am perswaded
y^e Lord in great mercie and for much good hath sent you him, if you
use him aright. He is a man humble and meek amongst you, and towards
all in ordinarie course. But now if this be meerly from an humane
spirite, ther is cause to fear that by occasion, espetially of
provocation, ther may be wanting y^t tendernes of y^e life of man
(made after Gods image) which is meete. It is also a thing more
glorious in mens eyes, then pleasing in Gods, or conveniente for
Christians, to be a terrour to poore barbarous people; and indeed I am
afraid least, by these occasions, others should be drawne to affecte a
kind of rufling course in the world. I doubt not but you will take in
good part these things which I write, and as ther is cause make use of
them. It were to us more comfortable and convenient, that we
comunicated our mutuall helps in presence, but seeing that canot be
done, we shall always long after you, and love you, and waite Gods
apoynted time. The adventurers it seems have neither money nor any
great mind of us, for y^e most parte. They deney it to be any part of
y^e covenants betwixte us, that they should tr[=a]sporte us, neither
doe I looke for any further help from them, till means come from you.
We hear are strangers in effecte to y^e whole course, and so both we
and you (save as your owne wisdoms and worths have intressed you
further) of principals intended in this bussines, are scarce
accessaries, &c. My wife, with me, resalute you & yours. Unto him who
is y^e same to his in all places, and nere to them which are farr from
one an other, I comend you and all with you, resting,

Yours truly loving,
JOHN ROBINSON.

Leyden, Des: 19. 1623.

_His to M^r. Brewster._

Loving and dear friend and brother: That which I most desired of God
in regard of you, namly, y^e continuance of your life and health, and
the safe coming of these sent unto you, that I most gladly hear of,
and praise God for the same. And I hope M^rs. Brewsters weake and
decayed state of body will have some reparing by the coming of her
daughters, and the provissions in this and former ships, I hear is
made for you; which maks us with more patience bear our languishing
state, and y^e deferring of our desired tr[=a]sportation; w^ch I call
desired, rather than hoped for, whatsoever you are borne in hand by
any others. For first, ther is no hope at all, that I know, or can
conceive of, of any new stock to be raised for that end; so that all
must depend [115] upon returns from you, in which are so many
uncertainties, as that nothing with any certaintie can thence be
concluded. Besids, howsoever for y^e presente the adventurers aledg
nothing but want of money, which is an invincible difculty, yet if
that be taken away by you, others without doubte will be found. For
the beter clearing of this, we must dispose y^e adventurers into 3.
parts; and of them some 5. or 6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent
for us, above any others. Other 5. or 6. are our bitter professed
adversaries. The rest, being the body, I conceive to be honestly
minded, & loveingly also towards us; yet such as have others (namly
y^e forward preachers) nerer unto them, then us, and whose course so
farr as ther is any differance, they would rather advance then ours.
Now what a hanck these men have over y^e professors, you know. And I
perswade my selfe, that for me, they of all others are unwilling I
should be transported, espetially such of them as have an eye that way
them selves; as thinking if I come ther, ther market will be mard in
many regards. And for these adversaries, if they have but halfe y^e
witte to their malice, they will stope my course when they see it
intended, for which this delaying serveth them very opportunly. And as
one restie jade can hinder, by hanging back, more then two or 3. can
(or will at least, if they be not very free) draw forward, so will it
be in this case. A notable[BP] experimente of this, they gave in your
messengers presence, constraining y^e company to promise that none of
the money now gathered should be expended or imployed to y^e help of
any of us towards you. Now touching y^e question propounded by you, I
judg it not lawfull for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom. 12. 7. 8. &
1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach & exhorte and labore
in y^e word and doctrine, to which y^e sacrements are a[=n]exed, to
administer them, nor convenient if it were lawfull. Whether any larned
man will come unto you or not, I know not; if any doe, you must
_Consili[=u] capere in arena_. Be you most hartily saluted, & you^r
wife with you, both from me & mine. Your God & ours, and y^e God of
all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep us in the mean
while, and allways to his glory, and make us servisable to his
majestic, and faithfull to the end. Amen.

Your very loving brother,
JOHN ROBINSON.

Leyden, Des: 20. 1623.

These things premised, I shall now prosecute y^e procedings and afairs
here. And before I come to other things I must speak a word of their
planting this year; they having found y^e benifite of their last years
harvest, and setting corne for their particuler, having therby with a
great deale of patience overcome hunger & famine. Which maks me remember
a saing of Senecas, _Epis: 123_. _That a great parte of libertie is a
well governed belly, and to be patiente in all wants._ They begane now
highly to prise corne as more pretious then silver, and those that had
some to spare begane to trade one with another for smale things, by y^e
quarte, potle, & peck, &c.; for money they had none, and if any had,
corne was prefered before it. That they might therfore encrease their
tillage to better advantage, they made suite [116] to the Gov^r to have
some portion of land given them for continuance, and not by yearly
lotte, for by that means, that which y^e more industrious had brought
into good culture (by much pains) one year, came to leave it y^e nexte,
and often another might injoye it; so as the dressing of their lands
were the more sleighted over, & to lese profite. Which being well
considered, their request was granted. And to every person was given
only one acrre of land, to them & theirs, as nere y^e towne as might be,
and they had no more till y^e 7. years were expired. The reason was,
that they might be kept close together both for more saftie and defence,
and y^e better improvement of y^e generall imployments. Which condition
of theirs did make me often thinke, of what I had read in Plinie[BQ] of
y^e Romans first beginings in Romulus time. _How every man contented him
selfe with 2. Acres of land, and had no more assigned them. And chap. 3.
It was thought a great reward, to receive at y^e hands of y^e people of
Rome a pinte of corne. And long after, the greatest presente given to a
Captaine y^t had gotte a victory over their enemise, was as much ground
as they could till in one day. And he was not counted a good, but a
dangerous man, that would not contente him selfe with 7. Acres of land.
As also how they did pound their corne in morters_, as these people were
forcte to doe many years before they could get a mille.

The ship which brought this supply, was speedily discharged, and with
her m^r & company sente to Cap-Anne (of which place they had gott a
patente, as before is shewed) on fishing, and because the season was so
farr spente some of y^e planters were sent to help to build their stage,
to their owne hinderance. But partly by y^e latenes of y^e year, and
more espetialy by y^e basnes of y^e m^r, one Baker, they made a poore
viage of it. He proved a very drunken beast, and did nothing (in a
maner) but drink, & gusle, and consume away y^e time & his victails; and
most of his company followed his example; and though M^r. William Peirce
was to over see the busines, & to be m^r. of y^e ship home, yet he could
doe no good amongst them, so as y^e loss was great, and would have bene
more to them, but that they kept one a trading ther, which in those
times got some store of skins, which was some help unto them.

The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an honest and very
industrious man, and followed his labour very dilligently, and made all
that were imployed with him doe y^e like; he quickly builte them 2.
very good & strong shalops (which after did them greate service), and a
great and strong lighter, and had hewne timber for 2. catches; but that
was lost, for he fell into a feaver in y^e hote season of the year, and
though he had the best means y^e place could aforde, yet he dyed; of
whom they had a very [117] great loss, and were very sorie for his
death. But he whom they sent to make salte was an ignorante, foolish,
self-willd fellow; he bore them in hand he could doe great matters in
making salt-works, so he was sente to seeke out fitte ground for his
purpose; and after some serch he tould y^e Gov^r that he had found a
sufficente place, with a good botome to hold water, and otherwise very
conveniente, which he doubted not but in a short time to bring to good
perfection, and to yeeld them great profite; but he must have 8. or ten
men to be constantly imployed. He was wisht to be sure that y^e ground
was good, and other things answerable, and y^t he could bring it to
perfection; otherwise he would bring upon them a great charge by
imploying him selfe and so many men. But he was, after some triall, so
confidente, as he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame
for a large house, to receive y^e salte & such other uses. But in y^e
end all proved vaine. Then he layed fault of y^e ground, in which he was
deceived; but if he might have the lighter to cary clay, he was sure
then he could doe it. Now though y^e Gov^r & some other foresaw that
this would come to litle, yet they had so many malignant spirits amongst
them, that would have laid it upon them, in their letters of complainte
to the adventurers, as to be their falte y^t would not suffer him to goe
on to bring his work to perfection; for as he by his bould confidence &
large promises deceived them in England that sente him, so he had wound
him selfe in to these mens high esteeme hear, so as they were faine to
let him goe on till all men saw his vanity. For he could not doe any
thing but boyle salt in pans, & yet would make them y^t were joynd with
him beleeve ther was so grat a misterie in it as was not easie to be
attained, and made them doe many unnecessary things to blind their eys,
till they discerned his sutltie. The next yere he was sente to Cap-Anne,
and y^e pans were set up ther wher the fishing was; but before so[=m]er
was out, he bu[=r]te the house, and the fire was so vehemente as it
spoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this was the end of that
chargable bussines.

The 3^d. eminente person (which y^e letters before mention) was y^e
minister which they sent over, by name M^r. John Lyford, of whom & whose
doing I must be more large, though I shall abridg things as much as I
can. When this man first came a shore, he saluted them with that
reverence & humilitie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed made them
ashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them, and would have kissed their
hands if they would have [118] suffered him;[BR] yea, he wept & shed
many tears, blessing God that had brought him to see their faces; and
admiring y^e things they had done in their wants, &c. as if he had been
made all of love, and y^e humblest person in the world. And all the
while (if we may judg by his after cariags) he was but like him
mentioned in Psa: 10. 10. That croucheth & boweth, that heaps of poore
may fall by his might. Or like to that dissembling Ishmaell,[BS] who,
when he had slaine Gedelia, went out weeping and mette them y^t were
coming to offer incence in y^e house of y^e Lord; saing, Come to
Gedelia, when he ment to slay them. They gave him y^e best entertainment
y^ey could, (in all simplisitie,) and a larger alowans of food out of
y^e store then any other had, and as the Gov^r had used in all waightie
affairs to consulte with their Elder, M^r. Brewster, (togeither with his
assistants,) so now he caled M^r. Liford also to counsell with them in
their waightiest bussineses. Ater some short time he desired to joyne
himselfe a member to y^e church hear, and was accordingly received. He
made a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgemente of his
former disorderly walking, and his being intangled with many
corruptions, which had been a burthen to his conscience, and blessed God
for this opportunitie of freedom & libertie to injoye y^e ordinances of
God in puritie among his people, with many more such like expressions.
I must hear speake a word also of M^r. John Oldom, who was a copartner
with him in his after courses. He had bene a cheefe sticler in y^e
former faction among y^e perticulers, and an intelligencer to those in
England. But now, since the coming of this ship and he saw the supply
that came, he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of y^e cheefe
amongst them heere, and confessed he had done them wrong both by word &
deed, & writing into England; but he now saw the eminente hand of God to
be with them, and his blesing upon them, which made his hart smite him,
neither should those in England ever use him as an instrumente any
longer against them in any thing; he also desired former things might be
forgotten, and that they would looke upon him as one that desired to
close with them in all things, with such like expressions. Now whether
this was in hipocrisie, or out of some sudden pange of conviction (which
I rather thinke), God only knows. Upon it they shew all readynes to
imbrace his love, and carry towards him in all frendlynes, and called
him to counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as y^e other, without
any distrust at all.

Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and smothly on amongst
them, at which they did much rejoyce; but this lasted not [119] long,
for both Oldom and he grew very perverse, and shewed a spirite of great
malignancie, drawing as many into faction as they could; were they
never so vile or profane, they did nourish & back them in all their
doings; so they would but cleave to them and speak against y^e church
hear; so as ther was nothing but private meetings and whisperings
amongst them; they feeding themselves & others with what they should
bring to pass in England by the faction of their freinds their, which
brought others as well as them selves into a fools paradise. Yet they
could not cary so closly but much of both their doings & sayings were
discovered, yet outwardly they still set a faire face of things.

At lenght when y^e ship was ready to goe, it was observed Liford was
long in writing, & sente many letters, and could not forbear to
comunicate to his intimats such things as made them laugh in their
sleeves, and thought he had done ther errand sufficiently. The Gov^r and
some other of his freinds knowing how things stood in England, and what
hurt these things might doe, tooke a shalop and wente out with the ship
a league or 2. to sea, and caled for all Lifords & Oldums letters. Mr.
William Peirce being m^r. of y^e ship, (and knew well their evill
dealing both in England & here,) afforded him all y^e assistance he
could. He found above 20. of Lyfords letters, many of them larg, and
full of slanders, & false accusations, tending not only to their
prejudice, but to their ruine & utter subversion. Most of the letters
they let pas, only tooke copys of them, but some of y^e most materiall
they sent true copyes of them, and kept y^e originalls, least he should
deney them, and that they might produce his owne hand against him.
Amongst his letters they found y^e coppyes of tow letters which he sent
inclosed in a leter of his to M^r. John Pemberton, a minster, and a
great opposite of theirs. These 2. letters of which he tooke the coppyes
were one of them write by a gentle-man in England to M^r. Brewster here,
the other by M^r. Winslow to M^r. Robinson, in Holand, at his coming
away, as y^e ship lay at Gravsend. They lying sealed in y^e great cabin,
(whilst M^r. Winslow was bussie aboute the affairs of y^e ship,) this
slye marchante taks & opens them, taks these coppys, & seals them up
againe; and not only sends the coppyes of them thus to his friend and
their adversarie, but adds thertoo in y^e margente many scurrilous and
flouting a[=n]otations. This ship went out _towards e[=v]ing_, and _in
the night_ y^e Gov^r retu[=r]ed. They were somwaht blanke at it, but
after some weeks, when they heard nothing, they then were as briske as
ever, thinking nothing had been knowne, but all was gone currente, and
that the Gov^r went but to dispatch his owne letters. The reason why the
Gov^r & rest concealed these things the longer, was to let things ripen,
that they [120] might y^e better discover their intents and see who were
their adherents. And y^e rather because amongst y^e rest they found a
letter of one of their confederats, in w^ch was writen that M^r. Oldame
& M^r. Lyford intended a reformation in church and commone wealth; and,
as soone as the ship was gone, they intended to joyne togeather, and
have the sacrements, &c.

For Oldame, few of his leters were found, (for he was so bad a scribe as
his hand was scarce legible,) yet he was as deepe in y^e mischeefe as
the other. And thinking they were now strong enough, they begane to pick
quarells at every thing. Oldame being called to watch (according to
order) refused to come, fell out with y^e Capten, caled him raskell, and
beggerly raskell, and resisted him, drew his knife at him; though he
offered him no wrong, nor gave him no ille termes, but with all fairnes
required him to doe his duty. The Gov^r, hearing y^e tumulte, sent to
quiet it, but he ramped more like a furious beast then a man, and cald
them all treatours, and rebells, and other such foule language as I am
ashamed to remember; but after he was clapt up a while, he came to him
selfe, and with some slight punishmente was let goe upon his behaviour
for further censure.

But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this esseue, that Lyford
with his complicies, without ever speaking one word either to y^e Gov^r,
Church, or Elder, withdrewe them selves & set up a publick meeting
aparte, on y^e Lord’s day; with sundry such insolente cariages, too long
here to relate, begining now publikly to acte what privatly they had
been long plotting.

It was now thought high time (to prevent further mischeefe) to calle
them to accounte; so y^e Gov^r called a courte and su[=m]oned the whol
company to appeare. And then charged Lyford & Oldom with such things as
they were guilty of. But they were stiffe, & stood resolutly upon y^e
deneyall of most things, and required proofe. They first alledged what
was write to them out of England, compared with their doings & pactises
hear; that it was evident they joyned in plotting against them, and
disturbing their peace, both in respecte of their civill & church state,
which was most injurious; for both they and all y^e world knew they came
hither to injoye y^e libertie of their conscience and y^e free use of
Gods ordinances; and for y^t end had ventured their lives and passed
throwgh so much hardshipe hithertoo, and they and their freinds had
borne the charg of these beginings, which was not small. And that Lyford
for his parte was sent over on this charge, and that both he and his
great family was maintained on y^e same, and also was joyned to y^e
church, & a member of them; and for him to plote against them & seek
their ruine, was most unjust & perfidious. And for [121] Oldam or any
other that came over at their owne charge, and were on ther perticuler,
seeing they were received in curtesie by the plantation, when they came
only to seeke shelter & protection under their wings, not being able to
stand alone, that they, (according to y^e fable,) like the Hedghogg
whom y^e conny in a stormy day in pittie received into her borrow, would
not be content to take part with her, but in the end with her sharp
pricks forst the poore conny to forsake her owne borrow; so these men
with the like injustice indevored to doe y^e same to thos that
entertained them.

Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe with them in England, or knew
of their courses, and made other things as strange that he was charged
with. Then his letters were prodused & some of them read, at which he
was struck mute. But Oldam begane to rage furiously, because they had
intercepted and opened his letters, threatening them in very high
language, and in a most audacious and mutinous maner stood up & caled
upon y^e people, saying, My maisters, wher is your harts? now shew your
courage, you have oft complained to me so & so; now is y^e time, if you
will doe any thing, I will stand by you, &c. Thinking y^t every one
(knowing his humor) that had soothed and flattered him, or other wise in
their discontente uttered any thing unto him, would now side w^th him in
open rebellion. But he was deceived, for not a man opened his mouth, but
all were silent, being strucken with the injustice of y^e thing. Then
y^e Gov^r turned his speech to M^r. Lyford, and asked him if he thought
they had done evill to open his letters; but he was silente, & would not
say a word, well knowing what they might reply. Then y^e Gov^r shewed
the people he did it as a magistrate, and was bound to it by his place,
to prevent y^e mischeefe & ruine that this conspiracie and plots of
theirs would bring on this poor colony. But he, besids his evill dealing
hear, had delte trecherusly with his freinds y^t trusted him, & stole
their letters & opened them, and sent coppies of them, with disgracefull
a[=n]otations, to his freinds in England. And then y^e Gov^r produced
them and his other letters under his owne hand, (which he could not
deney,) and caused them to be read before all y^e people; at which all
his freinds were blanke, and had not a word to say.

It would be too long & tedious here to inserte his letters (which would
almost fill a volume), though I have them by me. I shall only note a few
of y^e cheefe things collected out of them, with y^e answers to them as
they were then given; and but a few of those many, only for instance, by
which the rest may be judged of.

[121[BT]] 1. First, he saith, the church would have none to live hear
but them selves. 2^ly. Neither are any willing so to doe if they had
company to live elswher.

Ans: Their answer was, that this was false, in both y^e parts of it; for
they were willing & desirous y^t any honest men may live with them, that
will cary them selves peacably, and seek y^e co[=m]one good, or at least
doe them no hurte. And againe, ther are many that will not live els
wher so long as they may live with them.

2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not of y^e seperation,
they will quickly distast them, &c.

A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false callumniation, for
they had many amongst them that they liked well of, and were glad of
their company; and should be of any such like that should come amongst
them.

3. That they excepted against him for these 2. doctrins raised from 2.
Sam: 12. 7. First, that ministers must sume times perticulerly apply
their doctrine to spetiall persons; 2^ly, that great men may be reproved
as well as meaner.

A. Their answer was, that both these were without either truth or colour
of y^e same (as was proved to his face), and that they had taught and
beleeved these things long before they knew M^r. Liford.

4. That they utterly sought y^e ruine of y^e perticulers; as appeareth
by this, that they would not suffer any of y^e generall either to buy or
sell with them, or to exchaing one co[=m]oditie for another.

Ans: This was a most malicious slander and voyd of all truth, as was
evidently proved to him before all men; for any of them did both buy,
sell, or exchaing with them as often as they had any occation. Yea, and
allso both lend & give to them when they wanted; and this the perticuler
persons them selves could not deney, but freely confest in open court.
But y^e ground from whence this arose made it much worse, for he was in
counsell with them. When one was called before them, and questioned for
receiving powder and bisket from y^e gu[=n]er of the small ship, which
was y^e companys, and had it put in at his window in the night, and
allso for buying salt of one, that had no right to it, he not only stood
to back him (being one of these perticulers) by excusing & extenuating
his falte, as long as he could, but upon this builds this mische[=c]ous
& most false slander: That because they would not suffer them to buy
stolne goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruine. Bad logick for a
devine.

5. Next he writs, that he chocked them with this; that they turned [122]
men into their perticuler, and then sought to starve them, and deprive
them of all means of subsistance.

A. To this was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for they turned
none into their perticuler; it was their owne importunitie and ernest
desire that moved them, yea, constrained them to doe it. And they
apealed to y^e persons them selves for y^e truth hereof. And they
testified the same against him before all present, as allso that they
had no cause to complaine of any either hard or unkind usage.

6. He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and writeth, that it was a
strang difference, that some have bene alowed 16^li. of meale by y^e
weeke, and others but 4^li. And then (floutingly) saith, it seems some
mens mouths and bellies are very litle & slender over others.

Ans: This might seeme strange indeed to those to whom he write his
leters in England, which knew not y^e reason of it; but to him and
others hear, it could not be strange, who knew how things stood. For the
first co[=m]ers had none at all, but lived on their corne. Those w^ch
_came in y^e Anne, y^e August before_, & were to live 13. months of the
provissions they brought, had as good alowance in meal & pease as it
would extend too, y^e most part of y^e year; but a litle before harvest,
when they had not only fish, but other fruits began to come in, they had
but 4^li. having their libertie to make their owne provisions. But some
of these which came last, as y^e ship carpenter, and samiers, the
salte-men & others that were to follow constante imployments, and had
not an howers time, from their hard labours, to looke for any thing
above their alowance; they had at first, 16^li. alowed them, and
afterwards as fish, & other food coued be gott, they had as balemente,
to 14. &. 12. yea some of them to 8. as the times & occasions did vary.
And yet those which followed planting and their owne occasions, and had
but 4^li. of meall a week, lived better then y^e other, as was well
knowne to all. And yet it must be remembered that Lyford & his had
allwais the highest alowance.

Many other things (in his letters) he accused them of, with many
aggravations; as that he saw exseeding great wast of tools & vesseles; &
this, when it came to be examened, all y^e instance he could give was,
that he had seen an old hogshed or too fallen to peeces, and a broken
how or tow lefte carlesly in y^e feilds by some. Though he also knew
that a godly, honest man was appointed to looke to these things. But
these things & such like was write of by him, to cast disgrace &
prejudice upon them; as thinking what came from a [123] minister would
pass for currente. Then he tells them that Winslow should say, that ther
was not above 7. of y^e adventurers y^t souight y^e good of y^e collony.
That M^r. Oldam & him selfe had had much to doe with them, and that y^e
faction here might match y^e Jesuits for politie. With many y^e like
greevious complaints & accusations.

1. Then, in the next place, he comes to give his freinds counsell and
directtion. And first, that y^e Leyden company (M^r. Robinson & y^e
rest) must still be kepte back, or els all will be spoyled. And least
any of them should be taken in privatly somewher on y^e coast of
England, (as it was feared might be done,) they must chaing the m^r. of
y^e ship (M^r. William Peirce), and put another allso in Winslows stead,
for marchante, or els it would not be prevented.

2. Then he would have such a number provided as might oversway them
hear. And that y^e perticulers should have voyces in all courts &
elections, and be free to bear any office. And that every perticuler
should come over as an adventurer, if he be but a servante; some other
venturing 10^li., y^e bill may be taken out in y^e servants name, and
then assigned to y^e party whose money it was, and good covenants drawn
betweene them for y^e clearing of y^e matter; and this (saith he) would
be a means to strengthen this side y^e more.

3. Then he tells them that if that Capten they spoake of should come
over hither as a generall, he was perswaded he would be chosen Capten;
for this Captaine Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter
contempte.

4. Then he shows that if by y^e forementioned means they cannot be
strengthened to cary & overbear things, it will be best for them to
plant els wher by them selves; and would have it artickled by them that
they might make choyse of any place that they liked best within 3. or 4.
myls distance, shewing ther were farr better places for plantation then
this.

5. And lastly he concluds, that if some number came not over to bear
them up here, then ther would be no abiding for them, but by joyning
with these hear. Then he adds: Since I begane to write, ther are letters
come from your company, wherin they would give sole authoritie in
diverce things unto the Gov^r here; which, if it take place, then, _Ve
nobis_. But I hope you will be more vigilante hereafter, that nothing
may pass in such a ma[=n]er. I suppose (saith he) M^r. Oldame will write
to you further of these things. I pray you conceall me in the discovery
of these things, &c.

Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe things in his leters, and shall
now returne to their procceeding with him. After the reading of his
leters before the whole company, he was demanded what he could say to
these things. [124] But all y^e answer he made was, that Billington and
some others had informed him of many things, and made sundrie
complaints, which they now deneyed. He was againe asked if that was a
sufficiente ground for him thus to accuse & traduse them by his letters,
and never say word to them, considering the many bonds betweene them.
And so they went on from poynte to poynte; and wisht him, or any of his
freinds & confederats, not to spare them in any thing; if he or they had
any proofe or witnes of any corrupte or evill dealing of theirs, his or
their evidence must needs be ther presente, for ther was the whole
company and sundery strangers. He said he had been abused by others in
their informations, (as he now well saw,) and so had abused them. And
this was all the answer they could have, for none would take his parte
in any thing; but Billington, & any whom he named, deneyed the things,
and protested he wronged them, and would have drawne them to such &
such things which they could not consente too, though they were
sometimes drawne to his meetings. Then they delte with him aboute his
dissembling with them aboute y^e church, and that he professed to concur
with them in all things, and what a large confession he made at his
admittance, and that he held not him selfe a minister till he had a new
calling, &c. And yet now he contested against them, and drew a company
aparte, & sequestred him selfe; and would goe minister the sacrements
(by his Episcopall caling) without ever speaking a word unto them,
either as magistrats or bretheren. In conclusion, he was fully
convicted, and burst out into tears, and “confest he feared he was a
reprobate, his sinns were so great that he doubted God would not pardon
them, he was unsavorie salte, &c.; and that he had so wronged them as he
could never make them amends, confessing all he had write against them
was false & nought, both for matter & ma[=n]er.” And all this he did
with as much fullnes as words & tears could express.

After their triall & conviction, the court censured them to be expeld
the place; Oldame presently, though his wife & family had liberty to
stay all winter, or longer, till he could make provission to remove them
comfortably. Lyford had liberty to stay 6. months. It was, indeede, with
some eye to his release, if he caried him selfe well in the meane time,
and that his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged his censure
was farr less then he deserved.

Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in y^e church, with tears more
largly then before. I shall here put it downe as I find it recorded by
some who tooke it from his owne words, as him selfe utered them.
Acknowledging [125] “That he had don very evill, and slanderously abused
them; and thinking most of y^e people would take parte with him, he
thought to cary all by violence and strong hand against them. And that
God might justly lay i[=n]ocente blood to his charge, for he knew not
what hurt might have come of these his writings, and blest God they were
stayed. And that he spared not to take knowledg from any, of any evill
that was spoaken, but shut his eyes & ears against all the good; and if
God should make him a vacabund in y^e earth, as was Caine, it was but
just, for he had sined in envie & malice against his brethren as he did.
And he confessed 3. things to be y^e ground & causes of these his
doings: pride, vaine-glorie, & selfe love.” Amplifying these heads with
many other sade expressions, in the perticulers of them.

So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts of him upon this his
repentance, and admited him to teach amongst them as before; and Samuell
Fuller (a deacon amongst them), and some other tender harted men
amongst them, were so taken with his signes of sorrow & repentance, as
they professed they would fall upon their knees to have his censure
released.

But that which made them all stand amased in the end, and may doe all
others that shall come to hear y^e same, (for a rarer president can
scarse be showne,) was, that after a month or 2. notwithstand all his
former conffessions, convictions, and publick acknowledgments, both in
y^e face of y^e church and whole company, with so many tears & sadde
censures of him selfe before God & men, he should goe againe to justifie
what he had done.

For secretly he write a 2^d. leter to y^e adventurers in England, in
w^ch he justified all his former writings, (save in some things which
tended to their damage,) the which, because it is brefer then y^e
former, I shall here inserte.

Worthy S^rs: Though the filth of mine owne doings may justly be cast
in my face, and with blushing cause my perpetuall silence, yet that
y^e truth may not herby be injuried, your selves any longer deluded,
nor injurious[BU] dealing caried out still, with bould out facings, I
have adventured once more to write unto you. Firest, I doe freely
confess I delte very indiscreetly in some of my perticuler leters w^ch
I wrote to private freinds, for y^e courses in coming hither & the
like; which I doe in no sorte seeke to justifie, though stired up ther
unto in the beholding y^e indirecte courses held by others, both
hear, & ther with you, for effecting their designes. But am hartily
sory for it, and doe to y^e glory of God & mine owne shame acknowledg
it. Which leters being intercepted by the Gov^r, I have for y^e same
undergone y^e censure [126] of banishmente. And had it not been for
y^e respecte I have unto you, and some other matters of private
regard, I had returned againe at this time by y^e pinass for England;
for hear I purpose not to abide, unless I receive better incouragmente
from you, then from y^e church (as they call them selves) here I doe
receive. I purposed before I came, to undergoe hardnes, therfore I
shall I hope cherfully bear y^e conditions of y^e place, though very
mean; and they have chainged my wages ten times allready. I suppose my
letters, or at least y^e coppies of them, are come to your hands, for
so they hear reporte; which, if it be so, I pray you take notice of
this, that I have writen nothing but what is certainly true, and I
could make so apeare planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever
colours be cast to darken y^e truth, and some ther are very audatious
this way; besids many other matters which are farre out of order hear.
My mind was not to enlarge my selfe any further, but in respecte of
diverse poore souls here, y^e care of whom in parte belongs to you,
being here destitute of the me[=a]s of salvation. For how so ever y^e
church are provided for, to their contente, who are y^e smalest number
in y^e collony, and doe so appropriate y^e ministrie to them selves,
houlding this principle, that y^e Lord hath not appointed any ordinary
ministrie for y^e conversion of those y^t are without, so y^t some of
y^e poor souls have w^th tears complained of this to me, and I was
taxed for preaching to all in generall. Though in truth they have had
no ministrie here since they came, but such as may be performed by any
of you, by their owne possition, what soever great pretences they
make; but herin they equivocate, as in many other things they doe.
But I exceede y^e bounds I set my selfe, therfore resting thus,
untill I hear further from you, so it be within y^e time limited me. I
rest, &c.,

Remaining yours ever,
JOHN LYFORD, Exille.

Dated Aug: 22. An^o: 1624.

They made a breefe answer to some things in this leter, but referred
cheefly to their former. The effecte was to this purpose: That if God in
his providence had not brought these things to their hands (both y^e
former & later), they might have been thus abused, tradused, and
calumniated, overthrowne, & undone; and never have knowne by whom, nor
for what. They desired but this equall favoure, that they would be
pleased to hear their just defence, as well as his accusations, and
waigh them in y^e balance of justice & reason, and then censure as they
pleased. They had write breefly to y^e heads of things before, and
should be ready to give further [127] answer as any occasion should
require; craving leave to adde a word or tow to this last.

1. And first, they desire to examene what filth that was y^t he
acknowledgeth might justly be throwne in his face, and might cause
blushing & perpetuall silence; some great mater sure! But if it be
looked into, it amounts to no more then a poynte of indiscretion, and
thats all; and yet he licks of y^t too with this excuse, that he was
stired up therunto by beholding y^e indirecte course here. But this
point never troubled him here, it was counted a light matter both by him
& his freinds, and put of with this,–that any man might doe so, to
advise his private freinds to come over for their best advantage. All
his sorrow & tears here was for y^e wrong & hurt he had done us, and not
at all for this he pretends to be done to you: it was not counted so
much as indiscretion.

2. Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he thinks he may lay load of
us here. And first complains that we have changed his wages ten times.
We never agreed with him for any wages, nor made any bargen at all with
him, neither know of any that you have made. You sent him over to teach
amongst us, and desired he might be kindly used; and more then this we
know not. That he hath beene kindly used, (and farr beter then he
deserves from us,) he shall be judged first of his owne mouth. If you
please to looke upon that writing of his, that was sent you amongst his
leters, which he cals a generall relation, in which, though he doth
otherwise traduse us, yet in this he him selfe clears us. In y^e latter
end therof he hath these words. _I speak not this_ (saith he) _out of
any ill affection to the men, for I have found them very kind & loving
to me._ You may ther see these to be his owne words under his owne hand.
2^ly. It will appere by this that he hath ever had a larger alowance of
food out of y^e store for him and his then any, and clothing as his
neede hath required; a dwelling in one of our best houses, and a man
wholy at his owne co[=m]and to tend his private affairs. What cause he
hath therfore to complaine, judge ye; and what he means in his speech we
know not, except he aluds to y^t of Jaacob & Laban. If you have promised
him more or other wise, you may doe it when you please.

3. Then with an impudente face he would have you take notice, that (in
his leters) he hath write nothing but what is certainly true, yea, and
he could make it so appeare plainly to any indifferente men. This indeed
doth astonish us and causeth us to tremble at y^e deceitfullnes [128]
and desperate wickednes of mans harte. This is to devoure holy things,
and after voues to enquire. It is admirable that after such publick
confession, and acknowledgmente in court, in church, before God, & men,
with such sadd expressions as he used, and with such melting into
teares, that after all this he shoud now justifie all againe. If things
had bene done in a corner, it had been some thinge to deney them; but
being done in y^e open view of y^e cuntrie & before all men, it is more
then strange now to avow to make them plainly appear to any indifferente
men; and here wher things were done, and all y^e evidence that could be
were presente, and yet could make nothing appear, but even his freinds
condemnd him & gave their voyce to his censure, so grose were they; we
leave your selves to judge herein. Yet least this man should triumph in
his wikednes, we shall be ready to answer him, when, or wher you will,
to any thing he shall lay to our charg, though we have done it
sufficiently allready.

4. Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for some poore souls here who
are destiute of y^e means of salvation, &c. But all his soothing is but
that you would use means, that his censure might be released that he
might here continue; and under you (at least) be sheltered, till he sees
what his freinds (on whom he depends) can bring about & effecte. For
such men pretend much for poor souls, but they will looke to their wages
& conditions; if that be not to their content, let poor souls doe what
they will, they will shift for them selves, and seek poore souls some
wher els among richer bodys.

Next he fals upon y^e church, that indeed is y^e burthensome stone that
troubls him. First, he saith they hold this principle, that the Lord
hath not apointed any ordinarie ministrie for y^e converssion of those
without. The church needs not be ashamed of what she houlds in this,
haveing Gods word for her warrente; that ordinarie officers are bound
cheefly to their flocks, Acts 20. 28. and are not to be extravagants, to
goe, come, and leave them at their pleasurs to shift for them selves, or
to be devoured of wolves. But he perverts y^e truth in this as in other
things, for y^e Lord hath as well appoynted them to converte, as to
feede in their severall charges; and he wrongs y^e church to say other
wise. Againe, he saith he was taxed for preaching to all in generall.
This is a meere untruth, for this dissembler knows that every Lords day
some are appointed to visite suspected places, & if any be found idling
and neglecte y^e hearing of y^e word, (through idlnes or profanes,) they
are punished for y^e same. Now to procure all to come to hear, and then
to blame him for preaching to all, were to play y^e mad men.

[129] 6. Next (he saith) they have had no ministrie since they came,
what soever pretences they make, &c. We answer, the more is our wrong,
that our pastor is kept from us by these mens means, and then reproach
us for it when they have done. Yet have we not been wholy distitute of
y^e means of salvation, as this man would make y^e world beleeve; for
our reve^d Elder hath laboured diligently in dispencing the word of God
unto us, before he came; and since hath taken equalle pains with him
selfe in preaching the same; and, be it spoaken without ostentation, he
is not inferriour to M^r. Lyford (& some of his betters) either in gifts
or larning, though he would never be perswaded to take higher office
upon him. Nor ever was more pretended in this matter. For equivocating,
he may take it to him selfe; what y^e church houlds, they have
manifested to y^e world, in all plaines, both in open confession,
doctrine, & writing.

This was y^e sume of ther answer, and hear I will let them rest for y^e
presente. I have bene longer in these things then I desired, and yet not
so long as the things might require, for I pass many things in silence,
and many more deserve to have been more largly handled. But I will
returne to other things, and leave y^e rest to its place.

The pinass that was left sunck & cast away near Damarins-cove, as is
before showed, some of y^e fishing maisters said it was a pity so fine a
vessell should be lost, and sent them word that, if they would be at y^e
cost, they would both directe them how to waygh her, and let them have
their carpenters to mend her. They thanked them, & sente men aboute it,
and beaver to defray y^e charge, (without which all had been in vaine).
So they gott coopers to trime, I know not how many tune of cask, and
being made tight and fastened to her at low-water, they boyed her up;
and then with many hands hald her on shore in a conveniente place wher
she might be wrought upon; and then hired sundrie carpenters to work
upon her, and other to saw planks, and at last fitted her & got her
home. But she cost a great deale of money, in thus recovering her, and
buying riging & seails for her, both now and when before she lost her
mast; so as she proved a chargable vessell to y^e poor plantation. So
they sent her home, and with her Lyford sent his last letter, in great
secrecie; but y^e party intrusted with it gave it y^e Gov^r.

The winter was passed over in ther ordinarie affairs, without any
spetiall mater worth noteing; saveing that many who before stood
something of from y^e church, now seeing Lyfords unrighteous dealing,
and malignitie against y^e church, now tendered them selves to y^e
church, and were joyned to y^e same; proffessing that it was not out of
y^e dislike of any thing that they had stood of so long, but a desire to
fitte them selves beter for such a state, and they saw now y^e Lord cald
for their help. [130] And so these troubls prodused a quite contrary
effecte in sundrie hear, then these adversaries hoped for. Which was
looked at as a great worke of God, to draw on men by unlickly means; and
that in reason which might rather have set them further of. And thus I
shall end this year.

_Anno Dom: 1625._

At y^e spring of y^e year, about y^e time of their Election Court, Oldam
came againe amongst them; and though it was a part of his censure for
his former mutinye and miscariage, not to returne without leave first
obtained, yet in his dareing spirite, he presumed without any leave at
all, being also set on & hardened by y^e ill counsell of others. And not
only so, but suffered his unruly passion to rune beyond y^e limits of
all reason and modestie; in so much that some strangers which came with
him were ashamed of his outrage, and rebuked him; but all reprofes were
but as oyle to y^e fire, and made y^e flame of his coller greater. He
caled them all to nought, in this his mad furie, and a hundred rebells
and traytors, and I know not what. But in conclusion they co[=m]ited him
till he was tamer, and then apointed a gard of musketers w^ch he was to
pass throw, and ever one was ordered to give him a thump on y^e brich,
with y^e but end of his musket, and then was conveied to y^e water side,
wher a boat was ready to cary him away. Then they bid him goe & mende
his maners.

Whilst this was a doing, M^r. William Peirce and M^r. Winslow came up
from y^e water side, being come from England; but they were so busie
with Oldam, as they never saw them till they came thus upon them. They
bid them not spare either him or Liford, for they had played y^e vilans
with them. But that I may hear make an end with him, I shall hear once
for all relate what befell concerning him in y^e future, & y^t breefly.
After y^e removall of his familie from hence, he fell into some straits,
(as some others did,) and aboute a year or more afterwards, towards
winter, he intended a vioage for Virginia; but it so pleased God that
y^e barke that caried him, and many other passengers, was in that
danger, as they dispaired of life; so as many of them, as they fell to
prayer, so also did they begine to examine their consciences [131] and
confess such sins as did most burthen them. And M^r. Ouldame did make a
free and large confession of y^e wrongs and hurt he had done to y^e
people and church here, in many perticulers, that as he had sought their
ruine, so God had now mette with him and might destroy him; yea, he
feared they all fared y^e worce for his sake; he prayed God to forgive
him, and made vowes that, if y^e Lord spard his life, he would become
otherwise, and y^e like. This I had from some of good credite, yet
living in y^e Bay, and were them selves partners in the same dangers on
y^e shoulds of Cap-Codd, and heard it from his owne mouth. It pleased
God to spare their lives, though they lost their viage; and in time
after wards, Ouldam caried him selfe fairly towards them, and
acknowledged y^e hand of God to be with them, and seemed to have an
honourable respecte of them; and so farr made his peace with them, as he
in after time had libertie to goe and come, and converse with them, at
his pleasure. He went after this to Virginia, and had ther a great
sicknes, but recovered and came back againe to his familie in y^e Bay,
and ther lived till some store of people came over. At lenght going a
trading in a smale vessell among y^e Indians, and being weakly mand,
upon some quarell they knockt him on y^e head with a hatched, so as he
fell downe dead, & never spake word more. 2. litle boys that were his
kinsmen were saved, but had some hurte, and y^e vessell was strangly
recovered from y^e Indeans by another that belonged to y^e Bay of
Massachusets; and this his death was one ground of the Pequente warr
which followed.

I am now come to M^r. Lyford. His time being now expired, his censure
was to take place. He was so farre from answering their hopes by
amendmente in y^e time, as he had dubled his evill, as is before noted.
But first behold y^e hand of God concei[=r]ing him, wherin that of y^e
Psalmist is verified. Psa: 7. 15. He hath made a pitte, & digged it, and
is fallen into the pitte he made. He thought to bring shame and disgrace
upon them, but in stead therof opens his owne to all y^e world. For when
he was delte with all aboute his second letter, his wife was so affected
with his doings, as she could no longer conceaill her greefe and sorrow
of minde, but opens y^e same to one of their deacons & some other of her
freinds, & after uttered y^e same to M^r. Peirce upon his arrivall.
Which was to this purpose, that she feared some great judgment of God
would fall upon them, and upon her, for her husbands cause; now that
they were to remove, she feared to fall into y^e Indeans hands, and to
be defiled by them, as he had defiled other women; or some shuch like
[132] judgmente, as God had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12. 11. I will
raise up evill against y^e, and will take thy wives & give them, &c. And
upon it showed how he had wronged her, as first he had a bastard by
another before they were maried, & she having some inkling of some ill
cariage that way, when he was a suitor to her, she tould him what she
heard, & deneyd him; but she not certainly knowing y^e thing, other wise
then by some darke & secrete muterings, he not only stifly denied it,
but to satisfie her tooke a solemne oath ther was no shuch matter. Upon
which she gave consente, and maried with him; but afterwards it was
found true, and y^e bastard brought home to them. She then charged him
with his oath, but he prayed pardon, and said he should els not have had
her. And yet afterwards she could keep no maids but he would be medling
with them, and some time she hath taken him in y^e maner, as they lay at
their beds feete, with shuch other circumstances as I am ashamed to
relate. The woman being a grave matron, & of good cariage all y^e while
she was hear, and spoake these things out of y^e sorrow of her harte,
sparingly, and yet w^th some further intimations. And that which did
most seeme to affecte her (as they conceived) was, to see his former
cariage in his repentance, not only hear with y^e church, but formerly
about these things; sheding tears, and using great & sade expressions,
and yet eftsone fall into the like things.

Another thing of y^e same nature did strangly concurr herewith. When
M^r. Winslow & M^r. Peirce were come over, M^r. Winslow informed them
that they had had y^e like bickering with Lyfords freinds in England, as
they had with him selfe and his freinds hear, aboute his letters &
accusations in them. And many meetings and much clamour was made by his
freinds theraboute, crying out, a minister, a man so godly, to be so
esteemed & taxed they held a great skandale, and threated to prosecute
law against them for it. But things being referred to a further meeting
of most of y^e adventurers, to heare y^e case and decide y^e matters,
they agreed to chose 2. eminente men for moderators in the bussines.
Lyfords faction chose M^r. White, a counselor at law, the other parte
chose Re[~v]e^d. M^r. Hooker, the minister, and many freinds on both
sids were brought in, so as ther was a great assemblie. In y^e mean
time, God in his providence had detected Lyford’s evill cariage in
Ireland to some freinds amongst y^e company, who made it knowne to M^r.
Winslow, and directed him to 2. godly and grave witnesses, who would
testifie y^e same (if caled therunto) upon their oath. The thing was
this; he being gott into Ireland, had wound him selfe into y^e esteeme
of sundry godly & zelous professours in those parts, who, having been
burthened with y^e ceremonies in England, found ther some more liberty
to their consciences; amongst whom were these 2. men, which gave [133]
this evidence. Amongst y^e rest of his hearers, ther was a godly yonge
man that intended to marie, and cast his affection on a maide which
lived their aboute; but desiring to chose in y^e Lord, and preferred y^e
fear of God before all other things, before he suffered his affection to
rune too farr, he resolved to take M^r. Lyfords advise and judgmente of
this maide, (being y^e minister of y^e place,) and so broak y^e matter
unto him; & he promised faithfully to informe him, but would first take
better knowledg of her, and have private conferance with her; and so had
sundry times; and in conclusion co[=m]ended her highly to y^e yong man
as a very fitte wife for him. So they were maried togeather; but some
time after mariage the woman was much troubled in mind, and afflicted in
conscience, and did nothing but weepe and mourne, and long it was before
her husband could get of her what was y^e cause. But at length she
discovered y^e thing, and prayed him to forgive her, for Lyford had
overcome her, and defiled her body before marriage, after he had
comended him unto her for a husband, and she resolved to have him, when
he came to her in that private way. The circumstances I forbear, for
they would offend chast ears to hear them related, (for though he
satisfied his lust on her, yet he indeaoured to hinder conception.)
These things being thus discovered, y^e wom[=a]s husband tooke some
godly freinds with him, to deale with Liford for this evill. At length
he confest it, with a great deale of seeming sorrow & repentance, but
was forct to leave Irland upon it, partly for shame, and partly for fear
of further punishmente, for y^e godly withdrew them selves from him upon
it; and so co[=m]ing into England unhapily he was light upon & sente
hither.

But in this great assembly, and before y^e moderators, in handling y^e
former matters aboute y^e letters, upon provocation, in some heate of
replie to some of Lyfords defenders, M^r. Winslow let fall these words,
That he had delte knavishly; upon which on of his freinds tooke hold, &
caled for witneses, that he cald a minister of y^e gospell knave, and
would prosecute law upon it, which made a great tumulte, upon which (to
be shorte) this matter broke out, and the witnes were prodused, whose
persons were so grave, and evidence so plaine, and y^e facte so foule,
yet delivered in such modest & chast terms, and with such circumstances,
as strucke all his freinds mute, and made them all ashamed; insomuch as
y^e moderators with great gravitie declared that y^e former matters gave
them cause enough to refuse him & to deal with him as they had done, but
these made him unmeete for ever to bear ministrie any more, what
repentance soever he should pretend; with much more to like effecte, and
so wisht his freinds to rest quiete. Thus was this matter ended.

From hence Lyford wente to Natasco, in y^e Bay of y^e Massachusets,
with some other of his freinds with him, wher Oldom allso lived. From
thence he removed to Namkeke, since called Salem; but after ther came
some people over, wheather for hope of greater profite, or what ends els
I know not, he left his freinds that followed him, and went from thence
to Virginia, wher he shortly after dyed, and so I leave him to y^e Lord.
His wife afterwards returned againe to this cuntry, and thus much of
this matter.

[134] This storme being thus blowne over, yet sundrie sad effects
followed y^e same; for the Company of Adventurers broake in peeces here
upon, and y^e greatest parte wholy deserted y^e colony in regarde of any
further supply, or care of their subsistance. And not only so, but some
of Lyfords & Oldoms freinds, and their adherents, set out a shipe on
fishing, on their owne accounte, and getting y^e starte of y^e ships
that came to the plantation, they tooke away their stage, & other
necessary provisions that they had made for fishing at Cap-Anne y^e year
before, at their great charge, and would not restore y^e same, excepte
they would fight for it. But y^e Gov^r sent some of y^e planters to help
y^e fisher men to build a new one, and so let them keepe it. This shipe
also brought them some small supply, of little value; but they made so
pore a bussines of their fishing, (neither could these men make them any
returne for y^e supply sente,) so as, after this year, they never looked
more after them.

Also by this ship, they, some of them, sent (in y^e name of y^e rest)
certaine reasons of their breaking of from y^e plantation, and some
tenders, upon certaine conditions, of reuniting againe. The which
because they are longe & tedious, and most of them aboute the former
things already touched, I shall omite them; only giveing an instance in
one, or tow. 1. reason, they charged them for dissembling with his
majestie in their petition, and with y^e adventurers about y^e French
discipline, &c. 2^ly, for receiving[BV] a man[BW] into their church,
that in his conffession renownced all, universall, nationall, and
diocessan churches, &c., by which (say they) it appears, that though
they deney the name of Bro[=w]ists, yet they practiss y^e same, &c. And
therfore they should si[=n]e against God in building up such a people.

Then they adde: Our dislikes thus laid downe, that we may goe on in
trade w^th better contente & credite, our desires are as followeth.
First, that as we are partners in trade, so we may be in Go[~v]^rt ther,
as the patente doth give us power, &c.

2. That the French discipline may be practised in the plantation, as
well in the circumstances theirof, as in y^e substance; wherby y^e
scandallous name of y^e Brownists, and other church differences, may be
taken away.

3. Lastly, that M^r. Robinson and his company may not goe over to our
plantation, unless he and they will reconcile themselves to our church
by a recantation under their hands, &c.

Their answer in part to these things was then as foloweth.

Wheras you taxe us for dissembling with his majestie & y^e adventurers
aboute y^e French discipline, you doe us wrong, for we both hold &
practice y^e discipline of y^e French & other reformed churches, (as
they have published y^e same in y^e Harmony of Confessions,) according
to our means, in effecte & substance. But wheras you would tye us to
the French discipline in every circumstance, you derogate from y^e
libertie we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paule would have none to
follow him in any thing but wherin he follows Christ, much less ought
any Christian or church in y^e world to doe it. The French may erre,
we may erre, and other churches may erre, and doubtless doe in many
circumstances. That honour therfore belongs only to y^e infallible
word of God, and pure Testamente of Christ, to be propounded and
followed as y^e only rule and pattern for direction herin to all
churches & Christians. And it is too great arrogancie for any man, or
church [135] to thinke y^t he or they have so sounded y^e word of God
to y^e bottome, as precislie to sett downe y^e churches discipline,
without error in substance or circumstance, as y^t no other without
blame may digress or differ in any thing from y^e same. And it is not
difficulte to shew, y^t the reformed churches differ in many
circumstances amongest them selves.

The rest I omitte, for brevities sake, and so leave to prosecute these
men or their doings any further, but shall returne to y^e rest of their
freinds of y^e company, w^ch stuck to them. And I shall first inserte
some part of their letters as followeth; for I thinke it best to render
their minds in ther owne words.

To our loving freinds, &c.

Though the thing we feared be come upon us, and y^e evill we strove
against have overtaken us, yet we cannot forgett you, nor our
freindship and fellowship which togeather we have had some years;
wherin though our expressions have been small, yet our harty
affections towards you (unknown by face) have been no less then to our
nearest freinds, yea, to our owne selves. And though this your friend
M^r. Winslow can tell you y^e state of things hear, yet least we
should seeme to neglecte you, to whom, by a wonderfull providence of
God, we are so nearly united, we have thought good once more to write
unto you, to let you know what is here befallen, and y^e resons of it;
as also our purposes & desirs toward you for hereafter.

The former course for the generalitie here is wholy dissolved from
what it was; and wheras you & we were formerly sharers and partners,
in all viages & deallings, this way is now no more, but you and we are
left to bethinke our sellves what course to take in y^e future, that
your lives & our monies be not lost.

The reasons and causes of this allteration have been these. First and
mainly, y^e many losses and crosses at sea, and abuses of sea-men,
w^ch have caused us to rune into so much charge, debts, & ingagements,
as our estats & means were not able to goe on without impoverishing
our selves, except our estats had been greater, and our associats
cloven beter unto us. 2^ly, as here hath been a faction and siding
amongst us now more then 2. years, so now there is an uter breach and
sequestration amongst us, and in too parts of us a full dissertion and
forsaking of you, without any intente or purpose of medling more with
you. And though we are perswaded the maine cause of this their doing
is wante of money, (for neede wherof men use to make many excuses,)
yet other things are pretended, as that you are Brownists, &c. Now
what use you or we ought to make of these things, it remaineth to be
considered, for we know y^e hand of God to be in all these things, and
no doubt he would admonish some thing therby, and to looke what is
amise. And allthough it be now too late for us or you to prevent &
stay these things, yet it is[BX] not to late to exercise patience,
wisdom, and conscience in bearing them, and in caring our selves in &
under them for y^e time to come.

[136] And as we our selves stand ready to imbrace all occasions that
may tend to y^e furthrance of so hopefull a work, rather admiring of
what is, then grudging for what is not; so it must rest in you to make
all good againe. And if in nothing else you can be approved, yet let
your honestie & conscience be still approved, & lose not one jote of
you^r innocencie, amids your crosses & afflictions. And surly if you
upon this allteration behave your selves wisly, and goe on fairly, as
men whose hope is not in this life, you shall need no other weapon to
wound your adversaries; for when your righteousnes is revealled as y^e
light, they shall cover their faces with shame, that causlesly have
sought your overthrow.

Now we thinke it but reason, that all such things as ther apertaine to
the generall, be kept & preserved togeather, and rather increased
dayly, then any way be dispersed or imbeseled away for any private
ends or intents whatsoever. And after your necessities are served, you
gather togeather such co[=m]odities as y^e cuntrie yeelds, & send them
over to pay debts & clear ingagements hear, which are not less then
1400^li. And we hope you will doe your best to free our ingagements,
&c. Let us all indeavor to keep a faire & honest course, and see what
time will bring forth, and how God in his providence will worke for
us. We still are perswaded you are y^e people that must make a
plantation in those remoate places when all others faile and returne.
And your experience of Gods providence and preservation of you is such
as we hope your harts will not faile you, though your freinds should
forsake you (which we our selves shall not doe whilst we live, so long
as your honestie so well appereth). Yet surly help would arise from
some other place whilst you waite on God, with uprightnes, though we
should leave you allso.

And lastly be you all intreated to walke circumspectly, and carry your
selves so uprightly in all your ways, as y^t no man may make just
exceptions against you. And more espetially that y^e favour and
countenance of God may be so toward you, as y^t you may find abundante
joye & peace even amids tribulations, that you may say with David,
Though my father & mother should forsake me, yet y^e Lord would take
me up.

We have sent you hear some catle, cloath, hose, shoes, leather, &c.,
but in another nature then formerly, as it stood us in hand to doe; we
have co[=m]itted them to y^e charge & custody of M^r. Allerton and
M^r. Winslow, as our factours, at whose discretion they are to be
sould, and co[=m]odities to be taken for them, as is fitting. And by
how much y^e more they will be chargable unto you, the better[BY] they
had need to be husbanded, &c. Goe on, good freinds, comfortably, pluck
up your spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your
difficulties, that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of men,
yet y^e work may goe on you are aboute, and not be neglected. Which is
so much for y^e glorie of God, and the furthrance of our countrie-men,
as that a man may with more comforte [137] spend his life in it, then
live y^e life of Mathusala, in wasting y^e plentie of a tilled land,
or eating y^e fruite of a growne tree. Thus with harty salutations to
you all, and harty prayers for you all, we lovingly take our leaves,
this 18. of Des: 1624.

Your assured freinds to our powers,
J. S.
W. C.
T. F.
R. H. &c.

By this leter it appears in what state y^e affairs of y^e plantation
stood at this time. These goods they bought, but they were at deare
rates, for they put 40. in y^e hundred upon them, for profite and
adventure, outward bound; and because of y^e [=v]nture of y^e paiment
homeward, they would have 30.[BZ] in y^e 100. more, which was in all 70.
[p=]^r. cent; a thing thought unreasonable by some, and too great an
oppression upon y^e poore people, as their case stood. The catle were
y^e best goods, for y^e other being ventured ware, were neither at y^e
best (some of them) nor at y^e best prises. Sundrie of their freinds
disliked these high rates, but co[=m]ing from many hands, they could not
help it.

They sent over also 2. ships on fishing on their owne acounte; the one
was y^e pinass that was cast away y^e last year hear in y^e cuntrie, and
recovered by y^e planters, (as was before related,) who, after she came
home, was attached by one of y^e company for his perticuler debte, and
now sent againe on this accounte. The other was a great ship, who was
well fitted with an experienced m^r. & company of fisher-men, to make a
viage, & to goe to Bilbo or Sabastians with her fish; the lesser, her
order was to load with cor-fish, and to bring the beaver home for
England, y^t should be received for y^e goods sould to y^e plantation.
This bigger ship made a great viage of good drie fish, the which, if
they had gone to a market w^th, would have yeelded them (as such fish
was sould y^t season) 1800^li. which would have enriched them. But
because ther was a bruite of warr with France, y^e m^r. neglected
(through timerousnes) his order, and put first into Plimoth, & after
into Portsmouth, and so lost their opportunitie, and came by the loss.
The lesser ship had as ill success, though she was as hopfull as y^e
other for y^e marchants profite; for they had fild her with goodly
cor-fish taken upon y^e banke, as full as she could swime; and besids
she had some 800^li. weaight of beaver, besids other furrs to a good
value from y^e plantation. The m^r. seeing so much goods come, put it
abord y^e biger ship, for more saftie; but M^r. Winslow (their factor in
this busines) was bound in a bond of 500^li. to send it to London in y^e
smale ship; ther was some contending between y^e m^r, & him aboute it.
But he tould y^e m^r. he would follow his order aboute it; if he would
take it out afterward, it should be at his perill. So it went in y^e
smale ship, and he sent bills of lading in both. The m^r. was so carfull
being both so well laden, as they went joyfully home togeather, for he
towed y^e leser ship at his sterne all y^e way over bound, and they had
such fayr weather as he never cast her of till they were shott deep in
to y^e English Chanell, almost within y^e sight of Plimoth; and yet
ther she was unhaply taken by a Turks man of warr, and carried into
Saly, wher y^e m^r. and men were made slaves, and many of y^e beaver
skins were sould for 4^d. a peece. [138] Thus was all their hops dasht,
and the joyfull news they ment to cary home turned to heavie tidings.
Some thought this a hand of God for their too great exaction of y^e
poore plantation, but Gods judgments are unseerchable, neither dare I be
bould therwith: but however it shows us y^e uncertainty of all humane
things, and what litle cause ther is of joying in them or trusting to
them.

In y^e bigger of these ships was sent over Captine Standish from y^e
plantation, w^th leters & instructions, both to their freinds of y^e
company which still clave to them, and also to y^e Honourable Counsell
of New-England. To y^e company to desire y^t seeing that they ment only
to let them have goods upon sale, that they might have them upon easier
termes, for they should never be able to bear such high intrest, or to
allow so much per cent; also that what they would doe in y^t way that it
might be disburst in money, or such goods as were fitte and needfull for
them, & bought at best hand; and to aquainte them with y^e contents of
his leters to y^e Counsell above said, which was to this purpose, to
desire their favour & help; that such of y^e adventurers as had thus
forsaken & deserted them, might be brought to some order, and not to
keepe them bound, and them selves be free. But that they might either
stand to ther former covenants, or ells come to some faire end, by
dividente, or composition. But he came in a very bad time, for y^e Stat
was full of trouble, and y^e plague very hote in London, so as no
bussines could be done; yet he spake with some of y^e Honourd Counsell,
who promised all helpfullnes to y^e plantation which lay in them. And
sundrie of their freinds y^e adventurers were so weakened with their
losses y^e last year, by y^e losse of y^e ship taken by the Turks, and
y^e loss of their fish, w^ch by reason of y^e warrs they were forcte to
land at Portsmouth, and so came to litle; so as, though their wills were
good, yet they^r power was litle. And ther dyed such multituds weekly of
y^e plague, as all trade was dead, and litle money stirring. Yet with
much adooe he tooke up 150^li. (& spent a good deal of it in expences)
at 50. per cent, which he bestowed in trading goods & such other most
needfull comodities as he knew requiset for their use; and so returned
passenger in a fhishing ship, haveing prepared a good way for y^e
compossition that was afterward made.

In y^e mean time it pleased y^e Lord to give y^e plantation peace and
health and contented minds, and so to blese ther labours, as they had
corne sufficient, (and some to spare to others,) with other foode;
neither ever had they any supply of foode but what they first brought
with them. After harvest this year, they sende out a boats load of corne
40. or 50. leagues to y^e eastward, up a river called Kenibeck; it being
one of those 2. shalops which their carpenter had built them y^e year
before; for bigger vessell had they none. They had laid a litle deck
over her midships to keepe y^e corne drie, but y^e men were faine to
stand it out all weathers without shelter; and y^t time [139] of y^e
year begins to growe tempestious. But God preserved them, and gave them
good success, for they brought home 700^li. of beaver, besids some other
furrs, having litle or nothing els but this corne, which them selves had
raised out of y^e earth. This viage was made by M^r. Winslow & some of
y^e old standards,[CA] for seamen they had none.

_Anno Dom: 1626._

About y^e begining of Aprill they heard of Captain Standish his
arrivall, and sent a boat to fetch him home, and y^e things he had
brought. Welcome he was, but y^e news he broughte was sadd in many
regards; not only in regarde of the former losses, before related, which
their freinds had suffered, by which some in a maner were undon, others
much disabled from doing any further help, and some dead of y^e plague,
but also y^t M^r. Robinson, their pastor, was dead, which struck them
with much sorrow & sadnes, as they had cause. His and their adversaries
had been long & continually plotting how they might hinder his coming
hither, but y^e Lord had appointed him a better place; concerning whose
death & the maner therof, it will appere by these few lines write to
Gov^r & M^r. Brewster.

Loving & kind frinds, &c. I know not whether this will ever come to
your hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have done; yet in regard
of y^e Lords dealing with us hear, I have had a great desire to write
unto you, knowing your desire to bear a parte with us, both in our
joyes, & sorrows, as we doe w^th you. These are therfore to give you
to understand, that it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vaell
of tears, your and our loving & faithfull pastor, and my dear & Reve^d
brother, M^r. John Robinson, who was sick some 8. days. He begane to
be sick on Saturday in y^e morning, yet y^e next day (being the Lords
day) he taught us twise. And so y^e weeke after grew weaker, every day
more then other; yet he felt no paine but weaknes all y^e time of his
sicknes. The phisick he tooke wrought kindly in mans judgmente, but he
grew weaker every day, feeling litle or no paine, and sensible to y^e
very last. He fell sicke y^e 22. of Feb: and departed this life y^e 1.
of March. He had a continuall inwarde ague, but free from infection,
so y^t all his freinds came freely to him. And if either prayers,
tears, or means, would have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But
he having faithfully finished his course, and performed his worke
which y^e Lord had appointed him here to doe, he now resteth with y^e
Lord in eternall hapines. We wanting him & all Church Gov^rs, yet we
still (by y^e mercie of God) continue & hould close togeather, in
peace and quietnes; and so hope we shall doe, though we be very weake.
Wishing (if such were y^e will of God) that you & we were againe
united togeather in one, either ther or here; but seeing it is y^e
will of y^e Lord thus to dispose of things, we must labour w^th
patience to rest contented, till it please y^e Lord otherwise to
dispose. For [140] news, is here not much; only as in England we have
lost our old king James, who departed this life aboute a month agoe,
so here they have lost y^e old prince, Grave Mourise; who both
departed this life since my brother Robinson. And as in England we
have a new-king Charls, of whom ther is great hope, so hear they have
made prince Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, &c. Thus with my
love remembred, I take leave & rest,

Your assured loving friend,
ROGER WHITE.

Leyden, Aprill 28.
An^o: 1625.

Thus these too great princes, and their pastor, left this world near
aboute one time. Death maks no difference.

He further brought them notice of y^e death of their anciente friend,
Mr. Cush-man, whom y^e Lord tooke away allso this year, & aboute this
time, who was as their right hand with their freinds y^e adventurers,
and for diverce years had done & agitated all their bussines with them
to ther great advantage. He had write to y^e Gove^r but some few months
before, of y^e sore sicknes of M^r. James Sherley, who was a cheefe
friend to y^e plantation, and lay at y^e pointe of death, declaring his
love & helpfullnes, in all things; and much bemoned the loss they should
have of him, if God should now take him away, as being y^e stay & life
of y^e whole bussines. As allso his owne purposs this year to come over,
and spend his days with them. But he that thus write of anothers
sicknes, knew not y^t his owne death was so near. It shows allso that a
m[=a]s ways are not in his owne power, but in his hands who hath y^e
issues of life and death. Man may purpose, but God doth dispose.

Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to them full of sad
laments for ther heavie loss; and though their wills were good to come
to them, yet they saw no probabilitie of means, how it might be
effected, but concluded (as it were) that all their hopes were cutt of;
and many, being aged, begane to drop away by death.

All which things (before related) being well weighed and laied togither,
it could not but strick them with great perplexitie; and to looke
humanly on y^e state of things as they presented them selves at this
time, it is a marvell it did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them.
But they gathered up their spirits, and y^e Lord so helped them, whose
worke they had in hand, as now when they were at lowest[CB] they begane
to rise againe, and being striped (in a maner) of all humane helps and
hops, he brought things aboute other wise, in his devine providence, as
they were not only upheld & sustained, but their proceedings both
honoured and imitated by others; as by y^e sequell will more appeare, if
y^e Lord spare me life & time to declare y^e same.

Haveing now no fishing busines, or other things to intend, but only
their trading & planting, they sett them selves to follow the same with
y^e best industrie they could. The planters finding their corne, what
they could spare from ther necessities, to be a co[=m]oditie, (for they
sould it at 6^s. a bushell,) used great dilligence in planting y^e
same. And y^e Gove^r and such as were designed to manage the trade, (for
it was retained for y^e generall good, [141] and none were to trade in
perticuler,) they followed it to the best advantage they could; and
wanting trading goods, they understoode that a plantation which was at
Monhigen, & belonged to some marchants of Plimoth was to breake up, and
diverse usefull goods was ther to be sould; the Gove^r and M^r. Winslow
tooke a boat and some hands and went thither. But M^r. David Thomson,
who lived at Pascataway, understanding their purpose, tooke oppertunitie
to goe with them, which was some hinderance to them both; for they,
perceiveing their joynte desires to buy, held their goods at higher
rates; and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their trading
goods, excepte they sould all. So, lest they should further prejudice
one an other, they agreed to buy all, & devid them equally between them.
They bought allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home as
they saw neede & occasion, and tooke corne for them of y^e people, which
gave them good content. Their moyety of y^e goods came to above 400^li.
starling. Ther was allso that spring a French ship cast away at
Sacadahock, in w^ch were many Biscaie ruggs & other co[=m]odities, which
were falen into these mens hands, & some other fisher men at
Damerins-cove, which were allso bought in partnership, and made their
parte arise to above 500^li. This they made shift to pay for, for y^e
most part, with y^e beaver & comodities they had gott y^e winter
before, & what they had gathered up y^t somer. M^r. Thomson having some
thing overcharged him selfe, desired they would take some of his, but
they refused except he would let them have his French goods only; and
y^e marchant (who was one of Bristol) would take their bill for to be
paid y^e next year. They were both willing, so they became ingaged for
them & tooke them. By which means they became very well furnished for
trade; and tooke of therby some other ingagments w^ch lay upon them, as
the money taken up by Captaine Standish, and y^e remains of former
debts. With these goods, and their corne after harvest, they gott good
store of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingagements against
y^e time, & to get some cloathing for y^e people, and had some
comodities before hand. But now they begane to be envied, and others
wente and fild y^e Indeans with corne, and beat downe y^e prise, giveing
them twise as much as they had done, and under traded them in other
comodities allso.

This year they sent M^r. Allerton into England, and gave him order to
make a composition with y^e adventurers, upon as good termes as he could
(unto which some way had ben made y^e year before by Captaine Standish);
but yet injoyned him not to conclud absolutly till they knew y^e termes,
and had well considered of them; but to drive it to as good an issew as
he could, and referr y^e conclusion to them. Also they gave him a
co[=m]ission under their hands & seals to take up some money, provided
it exeeded not such a su[=m]e specified, for which they engaged them
selves, and gave him order how to lay out y^e same for y^e use of y^e
plantation.

And finding they ra[=n]e a great hazard to goe so long viages in a smale
open boat, espetialy y^e winter season, they begane to thinke how they
might gett a small pinass; as for y^e reason afforesaid, so also because
others had raised y^e prise with y^e Indeans above y^e halfe of what
they had formerly given, so as in such a boat they could not [143[CC]]
carry a quantity sufficient to answer their ends. They had no
ship-carpenter amongst them, neither knew how to get one at presente;
but they having an ingenious man that was a house carpenter, who also
had wrought with y^e ship carpenter (that was dead) when he built their
boats, at their request he put forth him selfe to make a triall that way
of his skill; and tooke one of y^e bigest of ther shalops and sawed her
in y^e midle, and so lenthened her some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened
her with timbers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck on her; and so
made her a conveniente and wholsome vessell, very fitt & comfortable for
their use, which did them servise 7. years after; and they gott her
finished, and fitted with sayles & anchors, y^e insuing year. And thus
passed y^e affairs of this year.

_Anno Dom: 1627._

At y^e usuall season of y^e coming of ships M^r. Allerton returned, and
brought some usfull goods with him, according to y^e order given him.
For upon his commission he tooke up 200^li. which he now gott at 30. per
cent. The which goods they gott safly home, and well conditioned, which
was much to the comfort & contente of y^e plantation. He declared unto
them, allso, how, with much adoe and no small trouble, he had made a
composition with y^e adventurers, by the help of sundrie of their
faithfull freinds ther, who had allso tooke much pains ther about. The
agreement or bargen he had brought a draught of, with a list of ther
names ther too annexed, drawne by the best counsell of law they could
get, to make it firme. The heads wherof I shall here inserte.

To all Christian people, greeting, &c. Wheras at a meeting y^e 26. of
October last past, diverse & sundrie persons, whose names to y^e one
part of these presents are subscribed in a schedule hereunto annexed,
Adventurers to New-Plimoth in New-England in America, were contented
and agreed, in consideration of the sume of one thousand and eight
hundred pounds sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme folling,) to
sell, and make sale of all & every y^e stocks, shares, lands,
marchandise, and chatles, what soever, to y^e said adventurers, and
other ther fellow adventurers to New Plimoth aforesaid, any way
accruing, or belonging to y^e generalitie of y^e said adventurers
aforesaid; as well by reason of any sume or sumes of money, or
marchandise, at any time heretofore adventured or disbursed by them,
or other wise howsoever; for y^e better expression and setting forth
of which said agreemente, the parties to these presents subscribing,
doe for [144] them selves severally, and as much as in them is, grant,
bargan, alien, sell, and transfere all & every y^e said shares, goods,
lands, marchandice, and chatles to them belonging as aforesaid, unto
Isaack Alerton, one of y^e planters resident at Plimoth afforesaid,
assigned, and sent over as agente for y^e rest of y^e planters ther,
and to such other planters at Plimoth afforesaid as y^e said Isack,
his heirs, or assignes, at his or ther arrivall, shall by writing or
otherwise thinke fitte to joyne or partake in y^e premisses, their
heirs, & assignes, in as large, ample, and beneficiall maner and
forme, to all intents and purposes, as y^e said subscribing
adventurers here could or may doe, or performe. All which stocks,
shares, lands, &c. to the said adven: in severallitie alloted,
apportioned, or any way belonging, the said adven: doe warrant &
defend unto the said Isaack Allerton, his heirs and assignes, against
them, their heirs and assignes, by these presents. And therfore y^e
said Isaack Allerton doth, for him, his heirs & assigns, covenant,
promise, & grant too & with y^e adven: whose names are here unto
subscribed, ther heirs, &c. well & truly to pay, or cause to be payed,
unto y^e said adven: or 5. of them which were, at y^t meeting
afforsaid, nominated & deputed, viz. _John Pocock_, _John Beachamp_,
_Robart Keane_, _Edward Base_, and _James Sherley_, marchants, their
heirs, &c. too and for y^e use of y^e generallitie of them, the sume
of 1800^li. of lawfull money of England, at y^e place appoynted for
y^e receipts of money, on the west side of y^e Royall Exchaing in
London, by 200^li. yearly, and every year, on y^e feast of St.
Migchell, the first paiment to be made An^o: 1628. &c. Allso y^e said
Isaack is to indeavor to procure & obtaine from the planters of N. P.
aforesaid, securitie, by severall obligations, or writings obligatory,
to make paiment of y^e said sume of 1800^li. in forme afforsaid,
according to y^e true meaning of these presents. In testimonie wherof
to this part of these presents remaining with y^e said Isaack
Allerton, y^e said subscribing adven: have sett to their names,[CD]
&c. And to y^e other part remaining with y^e said adven: the said
Isaack Allerton hath subscribed his name, y^e _15. Nov^br An^o: 1626.
in y^e 2. year of his Majesties raigne_.

This agreemente was very well liked of, & approved by all y^e
plantation, and consented unto; though they knew not well how to raise
y^e payment, and discharge their other ingagements, and supply the
yearly wants of y^e plantation, seeing they were forced for their
necessities to take up money or goods at so high intrests. Yet they
undertooke it, and 7. or 8. of y^e cheefe of y^e place became joyntly
bound for y^e paimente of this 1800^li. (in y^e behalfe of y^e rest) at
y^e severall days. In which they rane a great adventure, as their
present state stood, having many other heavie burthens allready upon
them, and all things in an uncertaine condition amongst them. So y^e
next returne it was absolutly confirmed on both sids, and y^e bargen
fairly ingrossed in partchmente and in many things put into better
forme, by y^e advice of y^e learnedest counsell they could gett; and
least any forfeiture should fall on y^e whole for none paimente at any
of y^e days, it rane thus: to forfite 30^s. a weeke if they missed y^e
time; and was concluded under their hands & seals, as may be seen at
large by y^e deed it selfe.

[145] Now though they had some untowarde persons mixed amongst them from
the first, which came out of England, and more afterwards by some of y^e
adventurers, as freindship or other affections led them,–though sundrie
were gone, some for Virginia, and some to other places,–yet diverse
were still mingled amongst them, about whom y^e Gove^r & counsell with
other of their cheefe freinds had serious consideration, how to setle
things in regard of this new bargen or purchas made, in respecte of y^e
distribution of things both for y^e presente and future. For y^e
present, excepte peace and union were preserved, they should be able to
doe nothing, but indanger to over throw all, now that other tyes & bonds
were taken away. Therfore they resolved, for sundrie reasons, to take in
all amongst them, that were either heads of families, or single yonge
men, that were of abillity, and free, (and able to governe them selvs
with meete descretion, and their affairs, so as to be helpfull in y^e
comone-welth,) into this partnership or purchass. First, y^ey considered
that they had need of men & strength both for defence and carrying on of
bussinesses. 2^ly, most of them had borne ther parts in former miseries
& wants with them, and therfore (in some sort) but equall to partake in
a better condition, if y^e Lord be pleased to give it. But cheefly they
saw not how peace would be preserved without so doing, but danger &
great disturbance might grow to their great hurte & prejudice other
wise. Yet they resolved to keep such a mean in distribution of lands,
and other courses, as should not hinder their growth in others coming to
them.

So they caled y^e company togeather, and conferred with them, and came
to this conclusion, that y^e trade should be managed as before, to help
to pay the debts; and all such persons as were above named should be
reputed and inrouled for purchasers; single free men to have a single
share, and every father of a familie to be alowed to purchass so many
shares as he had persons in his family; that is to say, one for him
selfe, and one for his wife, and for every child that he had living with
him, one. As for servants, they had none, but what either their maisters
should give them out of theirs, or their deservings should obtaine from
y^e company afterwards. Thus all were to be cast into single shares
according to the order abovesaid; and so every one was to pay his part
according to his proportion towards y^e purchass, & all other debts,
what y^e profite of y^e trade would not reach too; viz. a single man for
a single share, a maister of a famalie for so many as he had. This gave
all good contente. And first accordingly the few catle which they had
were devided, which arose to this proportion; a cowe to 6. persons or
shars, & 2. goats to y^e same, which were first equalised for age &
goodnes, and then lotted for; single persons consorting with others, as
they thought good, & smaler familys likwise; and swine though more [146]
in number, yet by y^e same rule. Then they agreed that every person or
share should have 20. acres of land devided unto them, besids y^e single
acres they had allready; and they appoynted were to begin first on y^e
one side of y^e towne, & how farr to goe; and then on y^e other side in
like maner; and so to devid it by lotte; and appointed sundrie by name
to doe it, and tyed them to certaine ruls to proceed by; as that they
should only lay out settable or tillable land, at least such of it as
should butt on y^e water side, (as y^e most they were to lay out did,)
and pass by y^e rest as refuse and co[=m]une; and what they judged fitte
should be so taken. And they were first to agree of y^e goodnes & fitnes
of it before the lott was drawne, and so it might as well prove some of
ther owne, as an other mans; and this course they were to hould
throwout. But yet seekeing to keepe y^e people togither, as much as
might be, they allso agreed upon this order, by mutuall consente, before
any lots were cast: that whose lotts soever should fall next y^e towne,
or most conveninte for nearnes, they should take to them a neigboure or
tow, whom they best liked; and should suffer them to plant corne with
them for 4. years; and afterwards they might use as much of theirs for
as long time, if they would. Allso every share or 20. acers was to be
laid out 5. acres in breadth by y^e water side, and 4. acres in lenght,
excepting nooks & corners, which were to be measured as y^ey would bear
to best advantage. But no meadows were to be laid out at all, nor were
not of many years after, because they were but streight of meadow
grounds; and if they had bene now given out, it would have hindred all
addition to them afterwards; but every season all were appoynted wher
they should mowe, according to y^e proportion of catle they had. This
distribution gave generally good contente, and setled mens minds. Also
they gave y^e Gove^r & 4. or 5. of y^e spetiall men amongst them, y^e
houses they lived in; y^e rest were valued & equalised at an indiferent
rate, and so every man kept his owne, and he that had a better alowed
some thing to him that had a worse, as y^e valuation wente.

Ther is one thing that fell out in y^e begining of y^e winter before,
which I have refferred to this place, that I may handle y^e whole matter
togeither. Ther was a ship, with many passengers in her and sundrie
goods, bound for Virginia. They had lost them selves at sea, either by
y^e insufficiencie of y^e maister, or his ilnes; for he was sick & lame
of y^e scurvie, so that he could but lye in y^e cabin dore, & give
direction; and it should seeme was badly assisted either w^th mate or
mariners; or else y^e fear and unrulines of y^e passengers were such, as
they made them stear a course betweene y^e southwest & y^e norwest, that
they might fall with some land, what soever it was they cared not. For
they had been 6. weeks at sea, and had no water, nor beere, nor any
woode left, but had burnt up all their emptie caske; only one of y^e
company had a hogshead of wine or 2. which was allso allmost spente, so
as they feared they should be starved at sea, or consumed with diseases,
which made them rune this desperate course. But it plased God that
though they came so neare y^e shoulds of Cap-Codd [147] or else ran
stumbling over them in y^e night, they knew not how, they came right
before a small blind harbore, that lyes about y^e midle of Manamoyake
Bay, to y^e southward of Cap-Codd, with a small gale of wind; and about
highwater toucht upon a barr of sand that lyes before it, but had no
hurte, y^e sea being smoth; so they laid out an anchore. But towards the
evening the wind sprunge up at sea, and was so rough, as broake their
cable, & beat them over the barr into y^e harbor, wher they saved their
lives & goods, though much were hurte with salt water; for w^th beating
they had sprung y^e but end of a planke or too, & beat out ther occome;
but they were soone over, and ran on a drie flate within the harbor,
close by a beach; so at low water they gatt out their goods on drie
shore, and dried those that were wette, and saved most of their things
without any great loss; neither was y^e ship much hurt, but shee might
be mended, and made servisable againe. But though they were not a litle
glad that they had thus saved their lives, yet when they had a litle
refreshed them selves, and begane to thinke on their condition, not
knowing wher they were, nor what they should doe, they begane to be
strucken with sadnes. But shortly after they saw some Indians come to
them in canows, which made them stand upon their gard. But when they
heard some of y^e Indeans speake English unto them, they were not a
litle revived, especially when they heard them demand if they were the
Gove^r of Plimoths men, or freinds; and y^t they would bring them to
y^e English houses, or carry their letters.

They feasted these Indeans, and gave them many giftes; and sente 2. men
and a letter with them to y^e Gove^r, and did intreat him to send a boat
unto them, with some pitch, and occume, and spiks, w^th divers other
necessaries for y^e mending of ther ship (which was recoverable). Allso
they besought him to help them with some corne and sundrie other things
they wanted, to enable them to make their viage to Virginia; and they
should be much bound to him, and would make satisfaction for any thing
they had, in any comodities they had abord. After y^e Gove^r was well
informed by y^e messengers of their condition, he caused a boate to be
made ready, and such things to be provided as they write for; and
because others were abroad upon trading, and such other affairs, as had
been fitte to send unto them, he went him selfe, and allso carried some
trading comodities, to buy them corne of y^e Indeans. It was no season
of y^e year to goe withoute y^e Cape, but understanding wher y^e ship
lay, he went into y^e bottom of y^e bay, on y^e inside, and put into a
crick called Naumskachett, wher it is not much above 2. mile over [148]
land to y^e bay wher they were, wher he had y^e Indeans ready to cary
over any thing to them. Of his arrivall they were very glad, and
received the things to mend ther ship, and other necessaries. Allso he
bought them as much corne as they would have; and wheras some of their
sea-men were rune away amonge the Indeans, he procured their returne to
y^e ship, and so left them well furnished and contented, being very
thankfull for y^e curtesies they receaved. But after the Governor thus
left them, he went into some other harbors ther aboute and loaded his
boat with corne, which he traded, and so went home. But he had not been
at home many days, but he had notice from them, that by the violence of
a great storme, and y^e bad morring of their ship (after she was mended)
she was put a shore, and so beatten and shaken as she was now wholy
unfitte to goe to sea. And so their request was that they might have
leave to repaire to them, and soujourne with them, till they could have
means to convey them selves to Virginia; and that they might have means
to tr[=a]sport their goods, and they would pay for y^e same, or any
thing els wher with y^e plantation should releeve them. Considering
their distres, their requests were granted, and all helpfullnes done
unto them; their goods transported, and them selves & goods sheltered in
their houses as well as they could.

The cheefe amongst these people was one M^r. Fells and M^r. Sibsie,
which had many servants belonging unto them, many of them being Irish.
Some others ther were y^t had a servante or 2. a peece; but y^e most
were servants, and such as were ingaged to the former persons, who allso
had y^e most goods. Affter they were hither come, and some thing setled,
the maisters desired some ground to imploye ther servants upon; seing
it was like to be y^e latter end of y^e year before they could have
passage for Virginia, and they had now y^e winter before them; they
might clear some ground, and plant a crope (seeing they had tools, &
necessaries for y^e same) to help to bear their charge, and keep their
servants in imployment; and if they had opportunitie to departe before
the same was ripe, they would sell it on y^e ground. So they had ground
appointed them in convenient places, and Fells & some other of them
raised a great deall of corne, which they sould at their departure. This
Fells, amongst his other servants, had a maid servante which kept his
house & did his household affairs, and by the intimation of some that
belonged unto him, he was suspected to keep her, as his concubine; and
both of them were examined ther upon, but nothing could be proved, and
they stood upon their justification; so with admonition they were
dismiste. But afterward it appeard she was with child, so he gott a
small boat, & ran away with her, for fear of punishmente. First he went
to Cap-Anne, and after into y^e bay of y^e Massachussets, but could get
no passage, and had like to have been cast away; and was forst to come
againe and submite him selfe; but they pact him away & those that
belonged unto him by the first oppertunitie, and dismiste all the rest
as soone as could, being many untoward people amongst them; though ther
were allso some that caried them selves very orderly all y^e time they
stayed. And the [149] plantation had some benefite by them, in selling
them corne & other provisions of food for cloathing; for they had of
diverse kinds, as cloath, perpetuanes, & other stuffs, besids hose, &
shoes, and such like co[=m]odities as y^e planters stood in need of. So
they both did good, and received good one from another; and a cuple of
barks caried them away at y^e later end of so[=m]er. And sundrie of them
have acknowledged their thankfullnes since from Virginia.

That they might y^e better take all convenient opportunitie to follow
their trade, both to maintaine them selves, and to disingage them of
those great sumes which they stood charged with, and bound for, they
resoloved to build a smale pinass at Manamet, a place 20. mile from y^e
plantation, standing on y^e sea to y^e southward of them, unto which, by
an other creeke on this side, they could cary their goods, within 4. or
5. miles, and then tr[=a]sport them over land to their vessell; and so
avoyd the compasing of Cap-Codd, and those deangerous shoulds, and so
make any vioage to y^e southward in much shorter time, and with farr
less danger. Also for y^e saftie of their vessell & goods, they builte a
house their, and kept some servants, who also planted corne, and reared
some swine, and were allwayes ready to goe out with y^e barke when ther
was occasion. All which tooke good effecte, and turned to their profite.

They now sent (with y^e returne of y^e ships) M^r. Allerton againe into
England, giveing him full power, under their hands & seals, to conclude
the former bargaine with y^e adventurers; and sent ther bonds for y^e
paimente of the money. Allso they sent what beaver they could spare to
pay some of their ingagementes, & to defray his chargs; for those deepe
interests still kepte them low. Also he had order to procure a patente
for a fitt trading place in y^e river of Kenebec; for being emulated
both by the planters at Pascataway &, other places to y^e eastward of
them, and allso by y^e fishing ships, which used to draw much profite
from y^e Indeans of those parts, they threatened to procure a grante, &
shutte them out from thence; espetially after they saw them so well
furnished with co[=m]odities, as to carie the trade from them. They
thought it but needfull to prevente such a thing, at least that they
might not be excluded from free trade ther, wher them selves had first
begune and discovered the same, [=a]d brought it to so good effecte.
This year allso they had letters, and messengers from y^e
Dutch-plantation, sent unto them from y^e Gov^r ther, writen both in
Dutch & French. The Dutch had traded in these southerne parts, diverse
years before they came; but they begane no plantation hear till 4. or 5.
years after their coming, and here begining. Ther letters were as
followeth. It being their maner to be full of complementall titles.

Eedele, Eerenfeste Wyse Voorsinnige Heeren, den G[)o]veerne[)u]r, ende
Raeden in Nieu-Pliem[)u]en residerende; onse seer Goede vrinden den
directe[)u]r ende Raed van Nieu-Nederlande, wensen v[)w]e Edn:
eerenfesten, ende wijse voorsinnige gel[)u]ck salichitt
[gelukzaligheid?], In Christi Jesu onsen Heere; met goede voorspoet,
ende gesonthijt, naer siele, ende lichaem. Amen.[CE]

The rest I shall render in English, leaving out the repetition of
superfluous titles.

[150] We have often before this wished for an opportunitie or an
occasion to congratulate you, and your prosperous and praise-worthy
undertakeings, and Government of your colony ther. And the more, in
that we also have made a good begining to pitch y^e foundation of a
collonie hear; and seeing our native countrie lyes not farr from
yours, and our forefathers (diverse hundred years agoe) have made and
held frendship and alliance with your ancestours, as sufficently
appears by y^e old contractes, and entrecourses, confirmed under y^e
hands of kings & princes, in y^e pointe of warr & trafick; as may be
seene and read by all y^e world in y^e old chronakles. The which are
not only by the king now reigning confirmed, but it hath pleased his
majesty, upon mature deliberation, to make a new covenante, (and to
take up armes,) with y^e States Generall of our dear native country,
against our commone enemie the Spaniards, who seeke nothing else but
to usurpe and overcome other Christian kings and princes lands, that
so he might obtaine and possess his pretended monarchic over all
Christendom; and so to rule and co[=m]and, after his owne pleasure,
over y^e consciences of so many hundred thousand sowles, which God
forbid.

And also seeing it hath some time since been reported unto us, by some
of our people, that by occasion came so farr northward with their
shalop, and met with sundry of y^e Indeans, who tould them that they
were within halfe a days journey of your plantation, and offered ther
service to cary letters unto you; therfore we could not forbear to
salute you with these few lines, with presentation of our good will
and servise unto you, in all frendly-kindnes & neighbourhood. And if
it so fall out that any goods that comes to our hands from our native
countrie, may be serviceable unto you, we shall take our selves bound
to help and acco[=m]adate you ther with; either for beaver or any
other wares or marchandise that you should be pleased to deale for.
And if in case we have no co[=m]odity at present that may give you
contente, if you please to sell us any beaver, or otter, or such like
comodities as may be usefull for us, for ready money, and let us
understand therof by this bearer in writing, (whom we have apoynted to
stay 3. or 4. days for your answer,) when we understand your minds
therin, we shall depute one to deale with you, at such place as you
shall appointe. In y^e mean time we pray the Lord to take you, our
honoured good freinds and neighbours, into his holy protection.

By the appointment of y^e Gov^r and Counsell, &c.

ISAAK DE RASIER, Secrectaris.

From y^e Manhatas, in y^e fort Amsterdam,
March 9. An^o: 1627.

To this they returned answer as followeth, on y^e other side.

[151] To the Honoured, &c.

The Gove^r & Counsell of New-Plim: wisheth, &c. We have received your
leters, &c. wherin appeareth your good wills & frendship towards us;
but is expresed w^th over high titls, more then belongs to us, or is
meete for us to receive. But for your good will, and congratulations
of our prosperitie in these smale beginings of our poore colonie, we
are much bound unto you, and with many thanks doe acknowledg y^e same;
taking it both for a great honour done unto us, and for a certaine
testimoney of your love and good neighbourhood.

Now these are further to give your Wor^pps to understand, that it is
to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestie hath not only bene
pleased to confirme y^t ancient amitie, aliance, and frendship, and
other contracts, formerly made & ratified by his predecessors of
famous memorie, but hath him selfe (as you say) strengthened the same
with a new-union the better to resist y^e prid of y^t co[=m]one enemy
y^e Spaniard, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native
countries. Now forasmuch as this is sufficiente to unite us togeather
in love and good neighbourhood, in all our dealings, yet are many of
us further obliged, by the good and curteous entreaty which we have
found in your countrie; haveing lived ther many years, with freedome,
and good contente, as also many of our freinds doe to this day; for
which we, and our children after us, are bound to be thankfull to your
Nation, and shall never forgett y^e same, but shall hartily desire
your good & prosperity, as our owne, for ever.

Likwise for your freindly tender, & offer to aco[=m]odate and help us
with any comodities or marchandise you have, or shall come to you,
either for beaver, otters, or other wares, it is to us very
acceptable, and we doubte not but in short time we may have profitable
co[=m]erce & trade togeather. But for this year we are fully supplyed
with all necessaries, both for cloathing and other things; but
hereafter it is like we shall deale with you, if your rates be
reasonable. And therfore when you please to send to us againe by any
of yours, we desire to know how you will take beaver, by y^e pounde, &
otters, by y^e skine; and how you will deale per cent. for other
comodities, and what you can furnishe us with. As likwise what other
commodities from us may be acceptable unto you, as tobaco, fish,
corne, or other things, and what prises you will give, &c.

Thus hoping that you will pardon & excuse us for our rude and
imperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good parte,
because [152] for wante of use we cannot so well express that we
understand, nor hapily understand every thing so fully as we should.
And so we humbly pray the Lord for his mercie sake, that he will take
both us and you into his keeping & gratious protection.

By y^e Gove^r and Counsell of New-Plimoth,
Your Wor^pps very good freinds & neigbours, &c.

New-Plim: March 19.

After this ther was many passages betweene them both by letters and
other entercourse; and they had some profitable commerce togither for
diverce years, till other occasions interrupted y^e same, as may happily
appear afterwards, more at large.

Before they sent M^r. Allerton away for England this year, y^e Gove^r
and some of their cheefe freinds had serious consideration, not only how
they might discharge those great ingagments which lay so heavily upon
them, as is affore mentioned, but also how they might (if possiblie they
could) devise means to help some of their freinds and breethren of
Leyden over unto them, who desired so much to come to them, [=a]d they
desired as much their company. To effecte which, they resolved to rune a
high course, and of great adventure, not knowing otherwise how to bring
it aboute. Which was to hire y^e trade of y^e company for certaine
years, and in that time to undertake to pay that 1800^li. and all y^e
rest of y^e debts that then lay upon y^e plantation, which was aboute
some 600^li. more; and so to set them free, and returne the trade to y^e
generalitie againe at y^e end of y^e terme. Upon which resolution they
called y^e company togeither, and made it clearly appear unto all what
their debts were, and upon what terms they would undertake to pay them
all in such a time, and sett them clear. But their other ends they were
faine to keepe secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynted some of their
trusty freinds therwith; which were glad of y^e same, but doubted how
they would be able to performe it. So after some agitation of the thing
w^th y^e company, it was yeelded unto, and the agreemente made upon y^e
conditions following.

Articles of agreemente betweene y^e collony of New-Pli[=m]oth of y^e
one partie, and William Bradford, Captein Myles Standish, Isaack
Allerton, &c. one y^e other partie; and shuch others as they shall
thinke good to take as partners and undertakers with them, concerning
the trade for beaver & other furrs & comodities, &c.; made July, 1627.

First, it is agreed and covenanted betweexte y^e said parties, that
y^e afforsaid William Bradford, Captain Myl Standish, & Isaack
Allerton, &c. have undertaken, and doe by these presents, covenante
and agree to pay, discharge, and acquite y^e said collony of all y^e
debtes both due for y^e purchass, or any other belonging to them, at
y^e day of y^e date of these presents.

[153] Secondly, y^e above-said parties are to have and freely injoye
y^e pinass latly builte, the boat at Manamett, and y^e shalop, called
y^e Bass-boat, with all other implements to them belonging, that is in
y^e store of y^e said company; with all y^e whole stock of furrs,
fells, beads, corne, wampampeak, hatchets, knives, &c. that is now in
y^e storre, or any way due unto y^e same uppon accounte.

3^ly. That y^e above said parties have y^e whole trade to them selves,
their heires and assignes, with all y^e privileges therof, as y^e said
collonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full years, to begine
y^e last of September next insuing.

4^ly. In furder consideration of y^e discharge of y^e said debtes,
every severall purchaser doth promise and covenante yearly to pay, or
cause to be payed, to the above said parties, during y^e full terme of
y^e said 6. years, 3. bushells of corne, or 6^li. of tobaco, at y^e
undertakers choyse.

5^ly. The said undertakers shall dureing y^e afforesaid terme bestow
50^li. per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought over for y^e
collonies use, to be sould unto them for corne at 6^s. per bushell.

6^ly. That at y^e end of y^e said terme of 6. years, the whole trade
shall returne to y^t use and benefite of y^e said collonie, as before.

Lastly, if y^e afforesaid undertakers, after they have aquainted their
freinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon y^e first returne)
resolve to performe them, and undertake to discharge y^e debtes of y^e
said collony, according to y^e true meaning & intente of these
presents, then they are (upon such notice given) to stand in full
force; otherwise all things to remaine as formerly they were, and a
true accounte to be given to y^e said collonie, of the disposing of
all things according to the former order.

M^r. Allerton carried a coppy of this agreemente with him into England,
and amongst other his instructions had order given him to deale with
some of their speciall freinds, to joyne with them in this trade upon
y^e above recited conditions; as allso to imparte their further ends
that moved them to take this course, namly, the helping over of some of
their freinds from Leyden, as they should be able; in which if any of
them would joyne with them they should thankfully acceptt of their love
and partnership herein. And with all (by their letters) gave them some
grounds of their hops of the accomplishmente of these things with some
advantage.

_Anno Dom: 1628._

After M^r. Allertons arivall in England, he aquainted them with his
comission and full power to conclude y^e forementioned bargan & purchas;
upon [154] the veiw wherof, and y^e delivery of y^e bonds for y^e
paymente of y^e money yearly, (as is before mentioned,) it was fully
concluded, and a deede[CF] fairly ingrossed in partchmente was delivered
him, under their hands & seals confirming the same. Morover he delte
with them aboute other things according to his instructions. As to
admitt some of these their good freinds into this purchass if they
pleased, and to deale with them for moneys at better rates, &c. Touching
which I shall hear inserte a letter of M^r. Sherleys, giving light to
what followed therof, writ to y^e Gov^r as followeth.

S^r: I have received yours of y^e 26. of May by M^r. Gibs, & M^r.
Goffe, with y^e barrell of otter skins, according to y^e contents; for
which I got a bill of store, and so tooke them up, and sould them
togeather at 78^li. 12^s. sterling; and since, M^r. Allerton hath
received y^e money, as will apear by the accounte. It is true (as you
write) that your ingagments are great, not only the purchass, but you
are yet necessitated to take up y^e stock you work upon; and y^t not
at 6. or 8. p^r cent. as it is here let out, but at 30. 40. yea, &
some at 50. p^r cent. which, were not your gaines great, and Gods
blessing on your honest indeaours more then ordinarie, it could not be
y^t you should longe subsiste in y^e maintaining of, & upholding of
your worldly affaires. And this your honest & discreete agente, M^r.
Allerton, hath seriously considered, & deeply laid to mind, how to
ease you of it. He tould me you were contented to accepte of me & some
few others, to joyne with you in y^e purchass, as partners; for which
I kindly thanke you and all y^e rest, and doe willingly accepte of it.
And though absente, shall willingly be at shuch charge as you & y^e
rest shall thinke meete; and this year am contented to forbear my
former 50^li. and 2. years increase for y^e venture, both which now
makes it 80^li. without any bargaine or condition for y^e profite, you
(I mean y^e generalitie) stand to y^e adventure, outward, and
homeward. I have perswaded M^r. Andrews and M^r. Beachamp to doe y^e
like, so as you are eased of y^e high rate, you were at y^e other 2.
yeares; I say we leave it freely to your selves to alow us what you
please, and as God shall blesse. What course I rune, M^r. Beachamp
desireth to doe y^e same; and though he have been or seemed somwhat
harsh heretofore, yet now you shall find he is new moulded. I allso
see by your letter, you desire I should be your agente or factore
hear. I have ever found you so faithfull, honest, and upright men, as
I have even resolved with my selfe (God assisting me) to doe you all
y^e good lyeth in my power; and therfore if you please to make choyse
of so weak a man, both for abillities and body, to performe your
bussines, I promise (y^e Lord enabling me) to doe y^e best I can
according to those abillities he hath given me; and wherin I faile,
blame your selves, y^t you made no better choyce. Now, because I am
sickly, and we are all mortall, I have advised M^r. Allerton to joyne
M^r. Beachamp with me in your deputation, which I conceive to be very
necessary & good for you; your charge shall be no more, for it is not
your salarie maks me undertake your [156[CG]] bussines. Thus
contending you & yours, and all Gods people, unto y^e guidance and
protection of y^e Allmightie, I ever rest,

Your faithfull loving freind,
JAMES SHERLEY.[CH]

London, Nov. 17. 1628.

With this leter they sent a draught of a formall deputation to be hear
sealed and sent back unto them, to authorise them as their agents,
according to what is mentioned in y^e above said letter; and because
some inconvenience grue therby afterward I shall here inserte it.

To all to whom these pr[=e]ts shall come greeting; know yee that we,
William Bradford, Gov^r of Plimoth, in N.E. in America, Isaak
Allerton, Myles Standish, William Brewster, & Ed: Winslow, of Plimoth
aforesaid, marchants, doe by these presents for us & in our names,
make, substitute, & appointe James Sherley, Goldsmith, & John
Beachamp, Salter, citizens of London, our true & lawfull agents,
factors, substitutes, & assignes; as well to take and receive all such
goods, wares, & marchandise what soever as to our said substitutes or
either of them, or to y^e citie of London, or other place of y^e Relme
of Engl: shall be sente, transported, or come from us or any of us, as
allso to vend, sell, barter, or exchaing y^e said goods, wares, and
marchandise so from time to time to be sent to such person or persons
upon credite, or other wise in such maner as to our said agents &
factors joyently, or to either of them severally shall seeme meete.
And further we doe make & ordaine our said substituts & assignes
joyntly & severally for us, & to our uses, & accounts, to buy and
consigne for and to us into New-Engl: aforesaid, such goods and
marchandise to be provided here, and to be returned hence, as by our
said assignes, or either of them, shall be thought fitt. And to
recover, receive, and demand for us & in our names all such debtes &
sumes of money, as now are or hereafter shall be due incidente
accruing or belonging to us, or any of us, by any wayes or means; and
to acquite, discharge, or compound for any debte or sume of money,
which now or hereafter shall be due or oweing by any person or persons
to us, or any of us. And generally for us & in our names to doe,
performe, and execute every acte & thing which to our said assignes,
or either of them, shall seeme meete to be done in or aboute y^e
premissies, as fully & effectually, to all intents & purposes, as if
we or any of us were in person presente. And whatsoever our said
agents & factors joyntly or severally shall doe, or cause to be done,
in or aboute y^e premisses, we will & doe, & every of us doth ratife,
alow, & confirme, by these presents. In wittnes wherof we have here
unto put our hands & seals. Dated 18. Nov^br 1628.

This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, and 4. more of the
cheefe of them under their hands & seals, and delivered unto them. Also
M^r. Allerton formerly had authoritie under their hands & seals for y^e
transacting of y^e former bussines, and taking up of moneys, &c. which
still he retained whilst he was imployed in these affaires; they
mistrusting neither him nor any of their freinds faithfullnes, which
made them more remisse in looking to shuch acts as had passed under
their hands, as necessarie for y^e time; but letting them rune on to
long unminded or recaled, it turned to their harme afterwards, as will
appere in its place.

[157] M^r. Allerton having setled all things thus in a good and hopfull
way, he made hast to returne in y^e first of y^e spring to be hear with
their supply for trade, (for y^e fishermen with whom he came used to
sett forth in winter & be here betimes.) He brought a resonable supply
of goods for y^e plantation, and without those great interests as before
is noted; and brought an accounte of y^e beaver sould, and how y^e money
was disposed for goods, & y^e paymente of other debtes, having paid all
debts abroad to others, save to M^r. Sherley, M^r. Beachamp, & M^r.
Andrews; from whom likwise he brought an accounte which to them all
amounted not to above 400^li. for which he had passed bonds. Allso he
had payed the first paymente for y^e purchass, being due for this year,
viz. 200^li. and brought them y^e bonde for y^e same canselled; so as
they now had no more foreine debtes but y^e abovesaid 400^li. and odde
pownds, and y^e rest of y^e yearly purchass monie. Some other debtes
they had in y^e cuntrie, but they were without any intrest, & they had
wherwith to discharge them when they were due. To this pass the Lord had
brought things for them. Also he brought them further notice that their
freinds, the abovenamed, & some others that would joyne with them in y^e
trad & purchass, did intend for to send over to Leyden, for a competente
number of them, to be hear the next year without fayle, if y^e Lord
pleased to blesse their journey. He allso brought them a patente for
Kenebeck, but it was so straite & ill bounded, as they were faine to
renew & inlarge it the next year, as allso that which they had at home,
to their great charge, as will after appeare. Hithertoo M^r. Allerton
did them good and faithfull service; and well had it been if he had so
continued, or els they had now ceased for imploying him any longer thus
into England. But of this more afterwards.

Having procured a patente (as is above said) for Kenebeck, they now
erected a house up above in y^e river in y^e most convenientest place
for trade, as they conceived, and furnished the same with co[=m]odities
for y^t end, both winter & so[=m]er, not only with corne, but also with
such other commodities as y^e fishermen had traded with them, as coats,
shirts, ruggs, & blankets, biskett, pease, prunes, &c.; and what they
could not have out of England, they bought of the fishing ships, and so
carried on their bussines as well as they could.

This year the Dutch sent againe unto them from their plantation, both
kind leterss, and also diverse comodities, as suger, linen cloth, Holand
finer & courser stufes, &c. They came up with their barke to Manamete,
to their house ther, in which came their Secretarie Rasier; who was
accompanied with a noyse of trumpeters, and some other attendants; and
desired that they would send a boat for him, for he could not travill so
farr over land. So they sent a boat to Manonscussett, and brought him to
y^e plantation, with y^e cheefe of his company. And after some few days
entertainmente, he returned to his barke, and some of them wente with
him, and bought sundry of his goods; after which begining thus made,
they sente often times to y^e same place, and had entercourse togeather
for diverce years; and amongst other comodities, they vended [158] much
tobaco for linen cloath, stuffs, &c., which was a good benefite to y^e
people, till the Virginians found out their plantation. But that which
turned most to their profite, in time, was an entrance into the trade of
Wampampeake; for they now bought aboute 50^li. worth of it of them; and
they tould them how vendable it was at their forte Orania; and did
perswade them they would find it so at Kenebeck; and so it came to pass
in time, though at first it stuck, & it was 2. years before they could
put of this small quantity, till y^e inland people knew of it; and
afterwards they could scarce ever gett enough for them, for many years
togeather. And so this, with their other provissions, cutt of they trade
quite from y^e fisher-men, and in great part from other of y^e stragling
planters. And strange it was to see the great allteration it made in a
few years amonge y^e Indeans them selves; for all the Indeans of these
parts, & y^e Massachussets, had none or very litle of it,[CI] but y^e
sachems & some spetiall persons that wore a litle of it for ornamente.
Only it was made & kepte amonge y^e Nariganssets, & Pequents, which grew
rich & potent by it, and these people were poore & begerly, and had no
use of it. Neither did the English of this plantation, or any other in
y^e land, till now that they had knowledg of it from y^e Dutch, so much
as know what it was, much less y^t it was a co[=m]oditie of that worth &
valew. But after it grue thus to be a comoditie in these parts, these
Indeans fell into it allso, and to learne how to make it; for y^e
Narigansets doe geather y^e shells of which y^ey make it from their
shors. And it hath now continued a current comoditie aboute this 20.
years, and it may prove a drugg in time. In y^e mean time it maks y^e
Indeans of these parts rich & power full and also prowd therby; and
fills them with peeces, powder, and shote, which no laws can restraine,
by reasone of y^e bassnes of sundry unworthy persons, both English,
Dutch, & French, which may turne to y^e ruine of many. Hithertoo y^e
Indeans of these parts had no peeces nor other armes but their bowes &
arrowes, nor of many years after; nether durst they scarce handle a
gune, so much were they affraid of them; and y^e very sight of one
(though out of kilter) was a terrour unto them. But those Indeans to y^e
east parts, which had co[=m]erce with y^e French, got peces of them, and
they in the end made a commone trade of it; and in time our English
fisher-men, led with y^e like covetoussnes, followed their example, for
their owne gaine; but upon complainte against them, it pleased the kings
majestie to prohibite y^e same by a stricte proclaimation, commanding
that no sorte of armes, or munition, should by any of his subjects be
traded with them.

Aboute some 3. or 4. years before this time, ther came over one Captaine
Wolastone, (a man of pretie parts,) and with him 3. or 4. more of some
eminencie, who brought with them a great many servants, with provissions
& other implments for to begine a plantation; and pitched them selves in
a place within the Massachusets, which they called, after their Captains
name, Mount-Wollaston. Amongst whom was one M^r. Morton, who, it should
seeme, had some small adventure (of his owne or other mens) amongst
them; but had litle respecte [159] amongst them, and was sleghted by y^e
meanest servants. Haveing continued ther some time, and not finding
things to answer their expectations, nor profite to arise as they looked
for, Captaine Wollaston takes a great part of y^e sarvants, and
transports them to Virginia, wher he puts them of at good rates, selling
their time to other men; and writs back to one M^r. Rassdall, one of his
cheefe partners, and accounted their marchant, to bring another parte of
them to Verginia likewise, intending to put them of ther as he had done
y^e rest. And he, w^th y^e consente of y^e said Rasdall, appoynted one
Fitcher to be his Livetenante, and governe y^e remaines of y^e
plantation, till he or Rasdall returned to take further order
theraboute. But this Morton abovesaid, haveing more craft then honestie,
(who had been a kind of petie-fogger, of Furnefells Inne,) in y^e others
absence, watches an oppertunitie, (commons being but hard amongst them,)
and gott some strong drinck & other junkats, & made them a feast; and
after they were merie, he begane to tell them, he would give them good
counsell. You see (saith he) that many of your fellows are carried to
Virginia; and if you stay till this Rasdall returne, you will also be
carried away and sould for slaves with y^e rest. Therfore I would
advise you to thruste out this Levetenant Fitcher; and I, having a
parte in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and consociats;
so may you be free from service, and we will converse, trad, plante, &
live togeather as equalls, & supporte & protecte one another, or to like
effecte. This counsell was easily received; so they tooke oppertunitie,
and thrust Levetenante Fitcher out a dores, and would suffer him to come
no more amongst them, but forct him to seeke bread to eate, and other
releefe from his neigbours, till he could gett passages for England.
After this they fell to great licenciousnes, and led a dissolute life,
powering out them selves into all profanenes. And Morton became lord of
misrule, and maintained (as it were) a schoole of Athisme. And after
they had gott some good into their hands, and gott much by trading with
y^e Indeans, they spent it as vainly, in quaffing & drinking both wine &
strong waters in great exsess, and, as some reported, 10^li. worth in a
morning. They allso set up a May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute it
many days togeather, inviting the Indean women, for their consorts,
dancing and frisking togither, (like so many fairies, or furies rather,)
and worse practises. As if they had anew revived & celebrated the feasts
of y^e Roman Goddes Flora, or y^e beasly practieses of y^e madd
Bacchinalians. Morton likwise (to shew his poetrie) composed sundry
rimes & verses, some tending to lasciviousnes, and others to y^e
detraction & scandall of some persons, which he affixed to this idle or
idoll May-polle. They chainged allso the name of their place, and in
stead of calling it Mounte Wollaston, they call it Merie-mounte, [160]
as if this joylity would have lasted ever. But this continued not long,
for after Morton was sent for England, (as follows to be declared,)
shortly after came over that worthy gentlman, M^r. John Indecott, who
brought over a patent under y^e broad seall, for y^e govermente of y^e
Massachusets, who visiting those parts caused y^t May-polle to be cutt
downe, and rebuked them for their profannes, and admonished them to
looke ther should be better walking; so they now, or others, changed y^e
name of their place againe, and called it Mounte-Dagon.

Now to maintaine this riotous prodigallitie and profuse excess, Morton,
thinking him selfe lawless, and hearing what gaine y^e French &
fisher-men made by trading of peeces, powder, & shotte to y^e Indeans,
he, as y^e head of this consortship, begane y^e practise of y^e same in
these parts; and first he taught them how to use them, to charge, &
discharg, and what proportion of powder to give y^e peece, according to
y^e sise or bignes of y^e same; and what shotte to use for foule, and
what for deare. And having thus instructed them, he imployed some of
them to hunte & fowle for him, so as they became farr more active in
that imploymente then any of y^e English, by reason of ther swiftnes of
foote, & nimblnes of body, being also quick-sighted, and by continuall
exercise well knowing y^e hants of all sorts of game. So as when they
saw y^e execution that a peece would doe, and y^e benefite that might
come by y^e same, they became madd, as it were, after them, and would
not stick to give any prise they could attaine too for them; accounting
their bowes & arrowes but bables in comparison of them.

And here I may take occasion to bewaile y^e mischefe that this wicked
man began in these parts, and which since base covetousnes prevailing in
men that should know better, has now at length gott y^e upper hand, and
made this thing co[=m]one, notwithstanding any laws to y^e contrary; so
as y^e Indeans are full of peeces all over, both fouling peeces,
muskets, pistols, &c. They have also their moulds to make shotte, of all
sorts, as muskett bulletts, pistoll bullets, swane & gose shote, & of
smaler sorts; yea, some have seen them have their scruplats to make
scrupins them selves, when they wante them, with sundery other
implements, wherwith they are ordinarily better fited & furnished then
y^e English them selves. Yea, it is well knowne that they will have
powder & shot, when the English want it, nor cannot gett it; and y^t in
a time of warr or danger, as experience hath manifested, that when lead
hath been scarce, and men for their owne defence would gladly have given
a groat a l which is dear enoughe, yet hath it bene bought up & sent to
other places, and sould to shuch as trade it with y^e Indeans, at 12.
pence y^e li.; and it is like they give 3. or 4.^s y^e pound, for they
will have it at any rate. And these things have been done in y^e same
times, when some of their neigbours & freinds are daly killed by y^e
Indeans, or are in deanger therof, and live but at y^e Indeans mercie.
[161] Yea, some (as they have aquainted them with all other things) have
tould them how gunpowder is made, and all y^e materialls in it, and that
they are to be had in their owne land; and I am confidente, could they
attaine to make saltpeter, they would teach them to make powder. O the
horiblnes of this vilanie! how many both Dutch & English have been latly
slaine by those Indeans, thus furnished; and no remedie provided, nay,
y^e evill more increased, and y^e blood of their brethren sould for
gaine, as is to be feared; and in what danger all these colonies are in
is too well known. Oh! that princes & parlements would take some timly
order to prevente this mischeefe, and at length to suppress it, by some
exemplerie punishmente upon some of these gaine thirstie murderers, (for
they deserve no better title,) before their collonies in these parts be
over throwne by these barbarous savages, thus armed with their owne
weapons, by these evill instruments, and traytors to their neigbors and
cuntrie. But I have forgott my selfe, and have been to longe in this
digression; but now to returne. This Morton having thus taught them y^e
use of peeces, he sould them all he could spare; and he and his consorts
detirmined to send for many out of England, and had by some of y^e ships
sente for above a score. The which being knowne, and his neigbours
meeting y^e Indeans in y^e woods armed with guns in this sorte, it was a
terrour unto them, who lived straglingly, and were of no strenght in any
place. And other places (though more remote) saw this mischeefe would
quietly spread over all, if not prevented. Besides, they saw they should
keep no servants, for Morton would entertaine any, how vile soever, and
all y^e scume of y^e countrie, or any discontents, would flock to him
from all places, if this nest was not broken; and they should stand in
more fear of their lives & goods (in short time) from this wicked &
deboste crue, then from y^e salvages them selves.

So sundrie of y^e cheefe of y^e stragling plantations, meeting togither,
agreed by mutuall consente to sollissite those of Plimoth (who were then
of more strength then them all) to joyne with them, to prevente y^e
further grouth of this mischeefe, and suppress Morton & his consortes
before y^ey grewe to further head and strength. Those that joyned in
this acction (and after contributed to the charge of sending him for
England) were from Pascataway, Namkeake, Winisimett, Weesagascusett,
Natasco, and other places wher any English were seated. Those of Plimoth
being thus sought too by their messengers & letters, and waying both
their reasons, and the co[=m]one danger, were willing to afford them
their help; though them selves had least cause of fear or hurte. So, to
be short, they first resolved joyntly to write to him, and in a freindly
& neigborly way to admonish him to forbear these courses, & sent a
messenger with their letters to bring his answer. But he was so highe as
he scorned all advise, and asked who had to doe with him; he had and
would trade peeces with y^e Indeans in dispite of all, with many other
scurillous termes full of disdaine. They sente to him a second time, and
bad him be better advised, and more temperate in his termes, for y^e
countrie could not beare y^e injure he did; it was against their comone
saftie, and against y^e king’s proclamation. He answerd in high terms as
before, and that y^e kings proclamation was no law; demanding what
penaltie was upon it. It was answered, more then he could [162] bear,
his majesties displeasure. But insolently he persisted, and said y^e
king was dead and his displeasure with him, & many y^e like things; and
threatened withall that if any came to molest him, let them looke to
them selves, for he would prepare for them. Upon which they saw ther was
no way but to take him by force; and having so farr proceeded, now to
give over would make him farr more hautie & insolente. So they mutually
resolved to proceed, and obtained of y^e Gov^r of Plimoth to send
Captaine Standish, & some other aide with him, to take Morton by force.
The which accordingly was done; but they found him to stand stifly in
his defence, having made fast his dors, armed his consorts, set diverse
dishes of powder & bullets ready on y^e table; and if they had not been
over armed with drinke, more hurt might have been done. They so[=m]aned
him to yeeld, but he kept his house, and they could gett nothing but
scofes & scorns from him; but at length, fearing they would doe some
violence to y^e house, he and some of his crue came out, but not to
yeeld, but to shoote; but they were so steeld with drinke as their
peeces were to heavie for them; him selfe with a carbine (over charged &
allmost halfe fild with powder & shote, as was after found) had thought
to have shot Captaine Standish; but he stept to him, & put by his peece,
& tooke him. Neither was ther any hurte done to any of either side, save
y^t one was so drunke y^t he rane his owne nose upon y^e pointe of a
sword y^t one held before him as he entred y^e house; but he lost but a
litle of his hott blood. Morton they brought away to Plimoth, wher he
was kepte, till a ship went from y^e Ile of Shols for England, with
which he was sente to y^e Counsell of New-England; and letters writen to
give them information of his course & cariage; and also one was sent at
their co[=m]one charge to informe their Ho^rs more perticulerly, & to
prosecute against him. But he foold of y^e messenger, after he was gone
from hence, and though he wente for England, yet nothing was done to
him, not so much as rebukte, for ought was heard; but returned y^e nexte
year. Some of y^e worst of y^e company were disperst, and some of y^e
more modest kepte y^e house till he should be heard from. But I have
been too long aboute so un-worthy a person, and bad a cause.

This year M^r. Allerton brought over a yonge man for a minister to y^e
people hear, wheather upon his owne head, or at y^e motion of some
freinds ther, I well know not, but it was without y^e churches sending;
for they had bene so bitten by M^r. Lyford, as they desired to know y^e
person well whom they should invite amongst them. His name was M^r.
Rogers; but they perceived, upon some triall, that he was crased in his
braine; so they were faine to be at further charge to send him back
againe y^e nexte year, and loose all y^e charge that was expended in his
hither bringing, which was not smalle by M^r. Allerton’s accounte, in
provissions, aparell, bedding, &c. After his returne he grue quite
distracted, and M^r. Allerton was much blamed y^t he would bring such a
man over, they having charge enough otherwise.

M^r. Allerton, in y^e years before, had brought over some small quantie
of goods, upon his owne perticuler, and sould them for his owne private
benefite; which was more then any man had yet hithertoo attempted. But
because he had other wise done them good service, and also he sould
them among y^e people at y^e plantation, by which their wants were
supplied, and he aledged it was the [163] love of M^r. Sherley and some
other freinds that would needs trust him with some goods, conceiveing it
might doe him some good, and none hurte, it was not much lookt at, but
past over. But this year he brought over a greater quantitie, and they
were so intermixte with y^e goods of y^e generall, as they knew not
which were theirs, & w^ch was his, being pact up together; so as they
well saw that, if any casualty had beefalne at sea, he might have laid
y^e whole on them, if he would; for ther was no distinction. Allso what
was most vendible, and would yeeld presente pay, usualy that was his;
and he now begane allso to sell abroad to others of forine places,
which, considering their co[=m]one course, they began to dislike. Yet
because love thinkes no evill, nor is susspitious, they tooke his faire
words for excuse, and resolved to send him againe this year for England;
considering how well he had done y^e former bussines, and what good
acceptation he had with their freinds ther; as also seeing sundry of
their freinds from Leyden were sente for, which would or might be much
furthered by his means. Againe, seeing the patente for Kenebeck must be
inlarged, by reason of y^e former mistaks in the bounding of it, and it
was conceived, in a maner, y^e same charge would serve to inlarge this
at home with it, and he that had begane y^e former y^e last year would
be y^e fittest to effecte this; so they gave him instructions and sente
him for England this year againe. And in his instructions bound him to
bring over no goods on their accounte, but 50^li. in hose & shoes, and
some linen cloth, (as y^ey were bound by covenante when they tooke y^e
trad;) also some trading goods to such a value; and in no case to exseed
his instructions, nor ru[=n]e them into any further charge; he well
knowing how their state stood. Also y^t he should so provide y^t their
trading goods came over betimes, and what so ever was sent on their
accounte should be pact up by it selfe, marked with their marke, and no
other goods to be mixed with theirs. For so he prayed them to give him
such instructions as they saw good, and he would folow them, to prevente
any jellocie or farther offence, upon the former forementioned dislikes.
And thus they conceived they had well provided for all things.

_Anno Dom: 1629._

M^r. Allerton safly arriving in England, and delivering his leters to
their freinds their, and aquainting them with his instructions, found
good acceptation with them, and they were very forward & willing to
joyne with them in y^e partnership of trade, & in y^e charge to send
over y^e Leyden people; a company wherof were allready come out of
Holand, and prepared to come over, and so were sent away before M^r.
Allerton could be ready to come. They had passage with y^e ships that
came to Salem, that brought over many godly persons to begine y^e
plantations & churches of Christ ther, & in y^e Bay of Massachussets; so
their long stay & keeping back [164] was recompensed by y^e Lord to ther
freinds here with a duble blessing, in that they not only injoyed them
now beyond ther late expectation, (when all their hops seemed to be cutt
of,) but, with them, many more godly freinds & Christian breethren, as
y^e begining of a larger harvest unto y^e Lord, in y^e increase of his
churches & people in these parts, to y^e admiration of many, and allmost
wonder of y^e world; that of so small beginings so great things should
insue, as time after manifested; and that here should be a resting place
for so many of y^e Lords people, when so sharp a scourge came upon their
owne nation. But it was y^e Lords doing, & it ought to be marvellous in
our eyes.

But I shall hear inserte some of their freinds letters, which doe best
expresse their owne minds in these thir proceedings.

_A leter of M^r. Sherleys to y^e Gov^r._

May 25, 1629.[CJ]

S^r: &c. Here are now many of your and our freinds from Leyden coming
over, who, though for y^e most parte be but a weak company, yet herein
is a good parte of that end obtained which was aimed at, and which
hath been so strongly opposed by some of our former adventurers. But
God hath his working in these things, which man cannot frustrate. With
them we have allso sent some servants in y^e ship called the Talbut,
that wente hence latly; but these come in y^e May-flower. M^r.
Beachamp & my selfe, with M^r. Andrews & M^r. Hatherly, are, with your
love and liking, joyned partners with you, &c.

Your deputation we have received, and y^e goods have been taken up &
sould by your friend & agente, M^r. Allerton, my selfe having bine
nere 3. months in Holland, at Amsterdam & other parts in y^e
Low-Countries. I see further the agreemente you have made with y^e
generallitie, in which I cannot understand but you have done very
well, both for them & you, and also for your freinds at Leyden. M^r.
Beachamp, M^r. Andrews, M^r. Hatherley, & my selfe, doe so like and
approve of it, as we are willing to joyne with you, and, God directing
and inabling us, will be assisting and helpfull to you, y^e best y^t
possiblie we can. Nay, had you not taken this course, I doe not see
how you should accomplish y^e end you first aimed at, and some others
indevored these years past. We know it must keep us from y^e profite,
which otherwise by y^e blessing of God and your indeaours, might be
gained; for most of those that came in May, & these now sente, though
I hope honest & good people, yet not like to be helpfull to raise
profite, but rather, ney, certaine must, some while, be chargable to
you & us; at which it is lickly, had not this wise & discreete course
been taken, many of your generalitie would have grudged. Againe, you
say well in your letter, and I make no doubte but you will performe
it, that now being but a few, on whom y^e burthen must be, you will
both menage it y^e beter, and sett too it more cherfully, haveing no
discontente nor contradiction, but so lovingly to joyne togeither, in
affection and counsell, as God no doubte will blesse and prosper your
honest labours & indeavors. And therfore in all respects I doe not see
but you have done marvelously discreetly, & advisedly, and no doubt
but it gives all parties good contente; I mean y^t are reasonable &
honest men, such as make conscience of giving y^e best satisfaction
they be able for their debts, and y^t regard not their owne perticuler
so much as y^e accomplishing of y^t good end for which this bussines
was first intended, &c. Thus desiring y^e Lord to blese & prosper you,
& all yours, and all our honest endeavors, I rest

Your unfained & ever loving friend,
JAMES SHERLEY.

Lon: March 8. 1629.[CK]

[165] That I may handle things together, I have put these 2. companies
that came from Leyden in this place; though they came at 2. severall
times, yet they both came out of England this year. The former company,
being 35. persons, were shiped in May, and arived here aboute August.
The later were shiped in y^e begining of March, and arived hear y^e
later end of May, 1630. M^r. Sherleys 2. letters, y^e effect wherof I
have before related, (as much of them as is pertinente,) mentions both.
Their charge, as M^r. Allerton brought it in afterwards on accounte,
came to above 550^li. besids ther fetching hither from Salem & y^e Bay,
wher they and their goods were landed; viz. their transportation from
Holland to England, & their charges lying ther, and passages hither,
with clothing provided for them. For I find by accounte for y^e one
company, 125. yeards of karsey, 127. ellons of linen cloath, shoes, 66.
[p=]^r, with many other perticulers. The charge of y^e other company is
reckoned on y^e severall families, some 50^li., some 40^li., some
30^li., and so more or less, as their number & expencess were. And
besids all this charg, their freinds & bretheren here were to provid
corne & other provissions for them, till they could reap a crope which
was long before. Those that came in May were thus maintained upward of
16. or 18. months, before they had any harvest of their owne, & y^e
other by proportion. And all they could doe in y^e mean time was to gett
them some housing, and prepare them grounds to plant on, against the
season. And this charg of maintaining them all this while was litle less
then y^e former sume. These things I note more perticulerly, for sundry
regards. First, to shew a rare example herein of brotherly love, and
Christian care in performing their promises and covenants to their
bretheren, too, & in a sorte beyonde their power; that they should
venture so desperatly to ingage them selves to accomplish this thing,
and bear it so cheerfully; for they never demanded, much less had, any
repaymente of all these great sumes thus disbursed. 2^ly. It must needs
be that ther was more then of man in these acheevements, that should
thus readily stire up y^e harts of shuch able frinds to joyne in
partnership with them in shuch a case, and cleave so faithfullie to them
as these did, in so great adventures; and the more because the most of
them never saw their faces to this day; ther being neither kindred,
aliance, or other acquaintance or relations betweene any of them, then
hath been before mentioned; it must needs be therfore the spetiall worke
and hand of God. 3^ly. That these poore people here in a wilderness
should, notwithstanding, be inabled in time to repay all these
ingagments, and many more unjustly brought upon them through the
unfaithfullnes of some, and many other great losses which they
sustained, which will be made manifest, if y^e Lord be pleased to give
life and time. In y^e mean time, I cannot but admire his ways and workes
towards his servants, and humbly desire to blesse his holy name for his
great mercies hithertoo.

[166] The Leyden people being thus come over, and sundry of y^e
generalitie seeing & hearing how great y^e charg was like to be that was
that way to be expended, they begane to murmure and repine at it,
notwithstanding y^e burden lay on other mens shoulders; espetially at
y^e paying of y^e 3. bushells of corne a year, according to y^e former
agreemente, when y^e trad was lett for y^e 6. years aforesaid. But to
give them contente herein allso, it was promised them, that if they
could doe it in y^e time without it, they would never demand it of them;
which gave them good contente. And indeed it never was paid, as will
appeare by y^e sequell.

Concerning M^r. Allertons proceedings about y^e inlarging & confirming
of their patent, both y^t at home & Kenebeck, will best appere by
another leter of M^r. Sherleys; for though much time & money was
expended aboute it, yet he left it unaccomplisht this year, and came
without it. See M^r. Sherleys letter.

Most worthy & loving freinds, &c.

Some of your letters I received in July, & some since by M^r. Peirce,
but till our maine bussines, y^e patent, was granted, I could not
setle my mind nor pen to writing. M^r. Allerton was so turrmoyled
about it, as verily I would not nor could not have undergone it, if I
might have had a thousand pounds; but y^e Lord so blessed his labours
(even beyond expectation in these evill days) as he obtained y^e love
& favore of great men in repute & place. He got granted from y^e Earle
of Warwick & S^r. Ferdinando Gorge all that M^r. Winslow desired in
his letters to me, & more also, which I leave to him to relate. Then
he sued to y^e king to confirme their grante, and to make you a
corporation, and so to inable you to make & execute lawes, in such
large & ample maner as y^e Massachusett plantation hath it; which y^e
king graciously granted, referring it to y^e Lord Keeper to give order
to y^e solisiter to draw it up, if ther were a presidente for it. So
y^e Lord Keeper furthered it all he could, and allso y^e solissiter;
but as Festus said to Paule, With no small sume of money obtained I
this freedom; for by y^e way many ridells must be resolved, and many
locks must be opened with y^e silver, ney, y^e golden key. Then it was
to come to y^e Lord Treasurer, to have his warrente for freeing y^e
custume for a certaine time; but be would not doe it, but refferd it
to y^e Counsell table. And ther M^r. Allerton atended day by day, when
they sate, but could not gett his petition read. And by reason of M^r.
Peirce his staying with all y^e passengers at Bristoll, he was forct
to leave y^e further prosecuting of it to a solissiter. But ther is no
fear nor doubte but it will be granted, for he hath y^e cheefe of them
to freind; yet it will be marvelously needfull for him to returne by
y^e first ship y^t comes from thence; for if you had this confirmed,
then were you compleate, and might bear such sway & goverment as were
fitt for your ranke & place y^t God hath called you unto; and stope
y^e moueths of base and scurrulous fellowes, y^t are ready to question
& threaten you in every action you [167] doe. And besids, if you have
y^e custome free for 7. years inward, & 21. outward, y^e charge of y^e
patent will be soone recovered, and ther is no fear of obtaining[CL]
it. But such things must work by degrees; men cannot hasten it as they
would; werefore we (I write in behalfe of all our partners here)
desire you to be ernest with M^r. Allerton to come, and his wife to
spare him this one year more, to finish this great & waighty bussines,
which we conceive will be much for your good, & I hope for your
posteritie, and for many generations to come.

Thus much of this letter. It was dated y^e 19. March, 1629.

By which it appears what progress was made herein, & in part what charge
it was, and how left unfinished, and some reason of y^e same; but in
truth (as was afterwards appehended) the meaine reason was M^r.
Allerton’s policie, to have an opportunitie to be sent over againe, for
other regards; and for that end procured them thus to write. For it
might then well enough have been finshed, if not with y^t clause aboute
y^e custumes, which was M^r. Allertons & M^r. Sherleys device, and not
at all thought on by y^e colony here, nor much regarded, yet it might
have been done without it, without all queston, having passed y^e kings
hand; nay it was conceived it might then have beene done with it, if he
had pleased; but covetousnes never brings ought home, as y^e proverb is,
for this oppertunytie being lost, it was never accomplished, but a great
deale of money veainly & lavishly cast away aboute it, as doth appear
upon their accounts. But of this more in its place.

M^r. Alerton gave them great and just ofence in this (which I had
omited[CM] and almost forgotten),–in bringing over this year, for base
gaine, that unworthy man, and instrumente of mischeefe, Morton, who was
sent home but y^e year before for his misdemenors. He not only brought
him over, but to y^e towne (as it were to nose them), and lodged him at
his owne house, and for a while used him as a scribe to doe his
bussines, till he was caused to pack him away. So he wente to his old
nest in y^e Massachusets, wher it was not long but by his miscariage he
gave them just occation to lay hands on him; and he was by them againe
sent prisoner into England, wher he lay a good while in Exeter Jeole.
For besids his miscariage here, he was vemently suspected for y^e murder
of a man that had adventured moneys with him, when he came first into
New-England. And a warrente was sente from y^e Lord Cheefe Justice to
apprehend him, by vertue wherof he was by the Gov^r of y^e Massachusets
sent into England; and for other his misdemenors amongst them, they
demolisht his house, that it might be no longer a roost for shuch
unclaine birds to nestle in. Yet he got free againe, and write an
infamouse & scurillous booke against many godly & cheefe men of y^e
cuntrie; full of lyes & slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies
against their names and persons, and y^e ways of God. After sundry
years, when y^e warrs were hott in England, he came againe into y^e
cuntrie, and was imprisoned at Boston for this booke and other things,
being grown old in wickednes.

Concerning y^e rest of M^r. Allertons instructions, in which they
strictly injoyned him not to exceed above y^t 50^li. in y^e goods before
mentioned, not to bring any but trading co[=m]odities, he followed them
not at all, but did the quite contrarie; bringing over many other sorts
of retaile goods, selling what he could by the way on his owne accounte,
and delivering the rest, which he said to be theirs, into y^e store; and
for trading goods brought but litle in comparison; excusing the matter,
they had laid out much about y^e Laiden people, & patent, &c. And for
other goods, they had much of them of ther owne dealings, without
present disbursemente, & to like effect. And as for passing his bounds &
instructions, he laid it on M^r. Sherley, &c., who, he said, they might
see his mind in his leters; also that they had sett out Ashley at great
charg; but next year they should have what trading goods they would send
for, if things were now well setled, &c. And thus were they put off;
indeed M^r. Sherley write things tending this way, but it is like he was
overruled by M^r. Allerton, and harkened more to him then to their
letters from hence.

Thus he further writs in y^e former leter.

I see what you write in your leters concerning y^e over-co[=m]ing &
paying of our debts, which I confess are great, and had need be
carfully looked unto; yet no doubt but we, joyning in love, may soone
over-come them; but we must follow it roundly & to purposs, for if we
pedle out y^e time of our trad, others will step in and nose us. But
we know y^t you have y^t aquaintance & experience in y^e countrie, as
none have the like; wherfore, freinds & partners, be no way
discouraged with y^e greatnes of y^e debt, &c., but let us not fulfill
y^e proverbe, to bestow 12^d. on a purse, and put 6^d. [168] in it;
but as you and we have been at great charg, and undergone much for
setling you ther, and to gaine experience, so as God shall enable us,
let us make use of it. And think not with 50^li. pound a yeare sent
you over, to rayse shuch means as to pay our debts. We see a
possibillitie of good if you be well supplied, and fully furnished;
and cheefly if you lovingly agree. I know I write to godly and wise
men, such as have lerned to bear one an others infirmities, and
rejoyce at any ones prosperities; and if I were able I would press
this more, because it is hoped by some of your enimies, that you will
fall out one with another, and so over throw your hopfull bussines.
Nay, I have heard it crediblie reported, y^t some have said, that till
you be disjoynted by discontents & factions[CN] amongst your sellves,
it bootes not any to goe over, in hope of getting or doing good in
those parts. But we hope beter things of you, and that you will not
only bear one with another, but banish such thoughts, and not suffer
them to lodg in your brests. God grant you may disappointe y^e hopes
of your foes, and procure y^e hartie desire of your selves & freinds
in this perticuler.

By this it appears that ther was a kind of concurrance betweene M^r.
Allerton and them in these things, and that they gave more regard to his
way & course in these things, then to y^e advise from hence; which made
him bould to presume above his instructions, and to rune on in y^e
course he did, to their greater hurt afterwards, as will appear. These
things did much trouble them hear, but they well knew not how to help
it, being loath to make any breach or contention hear aboute; being so
premonished as before in y^e leter above recited. An other more secrete
cause was herewith concurrente; M^r. Allerton had maried y^e daughter of
their Reverend Elder, M^r. Brewster (a man beloved & honoured amongst
them, and who tooke great paines in teaching & dispenceing y^e word of
God unto them), whom they were loath to greeve or any way offend, so as
they bore with much in that respecte. And with all M^r. Allerton carried
so faire with him, and procured such leters from M^r. Sherley to him,
with shuch applause of M^r. Allertons wisdom, care, and faithfullnes, in
y^e bussines; and as things stood none were so fitte to send aboute them
as he; and if any should suggest other wise, it was rather out of envie,
or some other sinister respecte then other wise. Besids, though private
gaine, I doe perswade my selfe, was some cause to lead M^r. Allerton
aside in these beginings, yet I thinke, or at least charitie caries me
to hope, that he intended to deale faithfully with them in y^e maine,
and had such an opinion of his owne abillitie, and some experience of
y^e benefite that he had made in this singuler way, as he conceived he
might both raise him selfe an estate, and allso be a means to bring in
such profite to M^r. Sherley, (and it may be y^e rest,) as might be as
lickly to bring in their moneys againe with advantage, and it may be
sooner then from the generall way; or at least it was looked upon by
some of them to be a good help ther unto; and that neither he nor any
other did intend to charge y^e generall accounte with any thing that
rane in perticuler; or y^t M^r. Sherley or any other did purposs but y^t
y^e generall should be first & fully supplyed. I say charitie makes me
thus conceive; though things fell out other wise, and they missed of
their aimes, and y^e generall suffered abundantly hereby, as will
afterwards apear.

[169] Togeither herewith sorted an other bussines contrived by M^r.
Allerton and them ther, w^{th}out any knowledg of y^e partners, and so
farr proceeded in as they were constrained to allow therof, and joyne in
y^e same, though they had no great liking of it, but feared what might
be y^e evente of y^e same. I shall relate it in a further part of M^r.
Sherley’s leter as foloweth.

I am to aquainte you that we have thought good to joyne with one
Edward Ashley (a man I thinke y^t some of you know); but it is only of
y^t place wherof he hath a patente in M^r. Beachamps name; and to that
end have furnished him with larg provissions, &c. Now if you please to
be partners with us in this, we are willing you shall; for after we
heard how forward Bristoll men (and as I hear some able men of his
owne kindrid) have been to stock & supply him, hoping of profite, we
thought it fitter for us to lay hould of such an opportunitie, and to
keep a kind of ru[=n]ing plantation, then others who have not borne
y^e burthen of setling a plantation, as we have done. And he, on y^e
other side, like an understanding yonge man, thought it better to
joyne with those y^t had means by a plantation to supply & back him
ther, rather then strangers, that looke but only after profite. Now it
is not knowne that you are partners with him; but only we 4., M^r.
Andrews, M^r. Beachamp, my selfe, & M^r. Hatherley, who desired to
have y^e patente, in consideration of our great loss we have allready
sustained in setling y^e first plantation ther; so we agreed togeather
to take it in our names. And now, as I said before, if you please to
joyne with us, we are willing you should. M^r. Allerton had no power
from you to make this new contracte, neither was he willing to doe any
thing therin without your consente & approbation. M^r. William Peirce
is joyned with us in this, for we thought it very conveniente, because
of landing Ashley and his goods ther, if God please; and he will bend
his course accordingly. He hath a new boate with him, and boards to
make another, with 4. or 5. lustie fellowes, wherof one is a
carpenter. Now in case you are not willing in this perticuler to joyne
with us, fearing y^e charge & doubting y^e success, yet thus much we
intreate of you, to afford him all the help you can, either by men,
commodities, or boats; yet not but y^t we will pay you for any thing
he hath. And we desire you to keep y^e accounts apart, though you
joyne with us; becase ther is, as you see, other partners in this then
y^e other; so, for all mens wages, boats-hire, or comodities, which we
shall have of you, make him debtore for it; and what you shall have of
him, make y^e plantation or your selves debtore for it to him, and so
ther will need no mingling of y^e accounts.

And now, loving freinds & partners, if you joyne in Ashles patent &
bussines, though we have laid out y^e money and taken up much to stock
this bussines & the other, yet I thinke it conscionable and reasonable
y^t you should beare your shares and proportion of y^e stock, if not
by present money, yet by securing us for so much as it shall come too;
for it is not barly y^e interest that is to be alowed & considered of,
but allso y^e adventure; though I hope in God, by his blessing & your
honest indeavors, it may soon be payed; yet y^e years y^t this
partnership holds is not long, nor many; let all therfore lay it to
harte, and make y^e best use of y^e time that possiblie we cann, and
let every man put too his shoulder, and y^e burthen will be the
lighter. I know you are so honest & conscionable men, as you will
consider hereof, [170] and returne shuch an answer as may give good
satisfaction. Ther is none of us that would venture as we have done,
were it not to strengthen & setle you more then our owne perticuler
profite.

Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in buying y^e debte for y^e
purchas. I know some will not abate y^e interest, and therfore let it
rune its course; they are to be paied yearly, and so I hope they
shall, according to agreemente. The Lord grant y^t our loves &
affections may still be united, and knit togeither; and so we rest
your ever loving friends,

JAMES SHERLEY.
TIMOTHY HATHERLEY.

Bristoll, March 19. 1629.

This mater of y^e buying y^e debts of y^e purchass was parte of M^r.
Allertons instructions, and in many of them it might have been done to
good profite for ready pay (as some were); but M^r. Sherley had no mind
to it. But this bussines aboute Ashley did not a litle trouble them; for
though he had wite & abillitie enough to menage y^e bussines, yet some
of them knew him to be a very profane yonge man; and he had for some
time lived amonge y^e Indeans as a savage, & wente naked amongst them,
and used their maners (in w^{ch} time he got their language), so they
feared he might still rune into evill courses (though he promised
better), and God would not prosper his ways. As soone as he was landed
at y^e place intended, caled Penobscote, some 4 score leagues from this
place, he write (& afterwards came) for to desire to be supplyed with
Wampampeake, corne against winter, and other things. They considered
these were of their cheefe co[=m]odities, and would be continually
needed by him, and it would much prejudice their owne trade at Kenebeck
if they did not joyne with him in y^e ordering of things, if thus they
should supply him; and on y^e other hand, if they refused to joyne with
him, and allso to afford any supply unto him, they should greatly offend
their above named friends, and might hapily lose them hereby; and he and
M^r. Allerton, laying their craftie wits togither, might gett supplies
of these things els wher; besids, they considered that if they joyned
not in y^e bussines, they knew M^r. Allerton would be with them in it, &
so would swime, as it were, betweene both, to y^e prejudice of boath,
but of them selves espetially. For they had reason to thinke this
bussines was cheefly of his contriving, and Ashley was a man fitte for
his turne and dealings. So they, to prevente a worse mischeefe, resolved
to joyne in y^e bussines, and gave him supplies in what they could, &
overlooked his proceedings as well as they could; the which they did y^e
better, by joyning an honest yonge man,[CO] that came from Leyden, with
him as his fellow (in some sorte), and not merely as a servante. Which
yonge man being discreete, and one whom they could trust, they so
instructed as keept Ashley in some good mesure within bounds. And so
they returned their answer to their freinds in England, that they
accepted of their motion, and joyned with them in Ashleys bussines; and
yet withall tould them what their fears were concerning him.

But when they came to have full notice of all y^e goods brought them
that year, they saw they fell very short of trading goods, and Ashley
farr better suppleyed then [171] themselves; so as they were forced to
buy of the fisher men to furnish them selves, yea, & cottens & carseys &
other such like cloath (for want of trading cloath) of M^r. Allerton
himselfe, and so to put away a great parte of their beaver, at under
rate, in the countrie, which they should have sente home, to help to
discharge their great ingagementes; which was to their great vexation;
but M^r. Allerton prayed them to be contente, and y^e nexte yere they
might have what they would write for. And their ingagmentes of this year
were great indeed when they came to know them, (which was not wholy till
2. years after); and that which made them y^e more, M^r. Allerton had
taken up some large su[=m]es at Bristoll at 50. [p=]^r cent. againe,
which he excused, that he was forcte to it, because other wise he could
at y^e spring of year get no goods transported, such were their envie
against their trade. But wheither this was any more then an excuse, some
of them doubted; but however, y^e burden did lye on their backs, and
they must bear it, as they did many heavie loads more in y^e end.

This paying of 50. p^r cent. and dificulty of having their goods
tr[=a]sported by the fishing ships at y^e first of y^e year, (as was
beleeved,) which was y^e cheefe season for trade, put them upon another
projecte. M^r. Allerton, after y^e fishing season was over, light of a
bargan of salte, at a good fishing place, and bought it; which came to
aboute 113^li.; and shortly after he might have had 30^li. cleare
profite for it, without any more trouble aboute it. But M^r. Winslow
coming that way from Kenebeck, & some other of ther partners with him in
y^e barke, they mett with M^r. Allerton, and falling into discourse with
him, they stayed him from selling y^e salte; and resolved, if it might
please y^e rest, to keep it for them selves, and to hire a ship in y^e
west cuntrie to come on fishing for them, on shares, according to y^e
coustome; and seeing she might have her salte here ready, and a stage
ready builte & fitted wher the salt lay safely landed & housed. In stead
of bringing salte, they might stowe her full of trading goods, as bread,
pease, cloth, &c., and so they might have a full supply of goods without
paing fraight, and in due season, which might turne greatly to their
advantage. Coming home, this was propounded, and considered on, and
aproved by all but y^e Gov^r, who had no mind to it, seeing they had
allway lost by fishing; but y^e rest were so ernest, as thinkeing that
they might gaine well by y^e fishing in this way; and if they should but
save, yea, or lose some thing by it, y^e other benefite would be
advantage inough; so, seeing their ernestnes, he gave way, and it was
referd to their freinds in England to alow, or disalow it. Of which more
in its place.

Upon y^e consideration of y^e bussines about y^e paten, & in what state
it was left, as is before remembred, and M^r. Sherleys ernest pressing
to have M^r. Allert[=o] to come over againe to finish it, & perfect y^e
accounts, &c., it was concluded to send him over this year againe;
though it was with some fear & jeolocie; yet he gave them fair words and
promises of well performing all their bussineses according to their
directions, and to mend his former errors. So he was accordingly sent
with full instructions for all things, with large letters to M^r.
Sherley & y^e rest, both aboute Ashleys bussines and their owne suply
with trading comodities, and how much it did concerne them to be
furnished therwith, & what y^e had suffered for wante therof; and of
what litle use other goods were [172] in comparison therof; and so
likewise aboute this fishing ship, to be thus hired, and fraught with
trading goods, which might both supply them & Ashley, and y^e benefite
therof; which was left to their consideration to hire & set her out, or
not; but in no case not to send any, exepte she was thus fraighte with
trading goods. But what these things came too will appere in y^e next
years passages.

I had like to have omited an other passage that fell out y^e begining of
this year. Ther was one M^r. Ralfe Smith, & his wife & familie, y^t came
over into y^e Bay of y^e Massachusets, and sojourned at presente with
some stragling people that lived at Natascoe; here being a boat of this
place putting in ther on some occasion, he ernestly desired that they
would give him & his, passage for Plimoth, and some such things as they
could well carrie; having before heard y^t ther was liklyhood he might
procure house-roome for some time, till he should resolve to setle ther,
if he might, or els-wher as God should disposs; for he was werie of
being in y^t uncoth place, & in a poore house y^t would neither keep him
nor his goods drie. So, seeing him to be a grave man, & understood he
had been a minister, though they had no order for any such thing, yet
they presumed and brought him. He was here accordingly kindly
entertained & housed, & had y^e rest of his goods & servants sente for,
and exercised his gifts amongst them, and afterwards was chosen into y^e
ministrie, and so remained for sundrie years.

It was before noted that sundry of those that came from Leyden, came
over in the ships y^t came to Salem, wher M^r. Endecott had cheefe
co[=m]and; and by infection that grue amonge y^e passengers at sea, it
spread also among them a shore, of which many dyed, some of y^e
scurvie, other of an infectious feaoure, which continued some time
amongst them (though our people, through Gods goodnes, escaped it). Upon
which occasion he write hither for some help, understanding here was one
that had some skill y^t way, & had cured diverse of y^e scurvie, and
others of other diseases, by letting blood, & other means. Upon which
his request y^e Gov^r hear sent him unto them, and also write to him,
from whom he received an answere; the which, because it is breefe, and
shows y^e begining of their aquaintance, and closing in y^e truth & ways
of God, I thought it not unmeete, nor without use, hear to inserte it;
and an other showing y^e begining of their fellowship & church estate
ther.

Being as followeth.

Right worthy S^r:

It is a thing not usuall, that servants to one m^r and of y^e same
houshold should be strangers; I assure you I desire it not, nay, to
speake more plainly, I cannot be so to you. Gods people are all marked
with one and y^e same marke, and sealed with one and y^e same seale,
and have for y^e maine, one & y^e same harte, guided by one & same
spirite of truth; and wher this is, ther can be no discorde, nay, here
must needs be sweete harmonie. And y^e same request (with you) I make
unto y^e Lord, that we may, as Christian breethren, be united by a
heavenly & unfained love; bending all our harts and forces in
furthering a worke beyond our strength, with reverence & fear,
fastening our eyse allways on him that only is able to directe and
prosper all our ways. I acknowledge my selfe much bound to you for
your kind love and care in sending M^r. Fuller among us, and rejoyce
much y^t I am by him satisfied touching your judgments of y^e outward
forme of Gods worshipe. It is, as farr as [173] I can yet gather, no
other then is warrented by y^e evidence of truth, and y^e same which I
have proffessed and maintained ever since y^e Lord in mercie revealed
him selfe unto me; being farr from y^e commone reporte that hath been
spread of you touching that perticuler. But Gods children must not
looke for less here below, and it is y^e great mercie of God, that he
strengthens them to goe through with it. I shall not neede at this
time to be tedious unto you, for, God willing, I purpose to see your
face shortly. In y^e mean time, I humbly take my leave of you,
co[=m]iting you to y^e Lords blessed protection, & rest.

Your assured loving friend,
JO: ENDECOTT.

Naumkeak, May 11. An^o. 1629.

This second leter sheweth ther proceedings in their church affaires at
Salem, which was y^e 2. church erected in these parts; and afterwards
y^e Lord established many more in sundrie places.

S^r: I make bould to trouble you with a few lines, for to certifie you
how it hath pleased God to deale with us, since you heard from us.
How, notwithstanding all opposition that hath been hear, & els wher,
it hath pleased God to lay a foundation, the which I hope is agreeable
to his word in every thing. The 20. of July, it pleased y^e Lord to
move y^e hart of our Gov^r to set it aparte for a solemne day of
humilliation for y^e choyce of a pastor & teacher. The former parte of
y^e day being spente in praier & teaching, the later parte aboute y^e
election, which was after this maner. The persons thought on (who had
been ministers in England) were demanded concerning their callings;
they acknowledged ther was a towfould calling, the one an inward
calling, when y^e Lord moved y^e harte of a man to take y^t calling
upon him, and fitted him with guiftes for y^e same; the second was an
outward calling, which was from y^e people, when a company of
beleevers are joyned togither in covenante, to walke togither in all
y^e ways of God, and every member (being men) are to have a free voyce
in y^e choyce of their officers, &c. Now, we being perswaded that
these 2. men were so quallified, as y^e apostle speaks to Timothy,
wher he saith, A bishop must be blamles, sober, apte to teach, &c., I
thinke I may say, as y^e eunuch said unto Philip, What should let from
being baptised, seeing ther was water? and he beleeved. So these 2.
servants of God, clearing all things by their answers, (and being thus
fitted,) we saw noe reason but we might freely give our voyces for
their election, after this triall. So M^r. Skelton was chosen pastor,
and M^r. Higgison to be teacher; and they accepting y^e choyce, M^r.
Higgison, with 3. or 4. of y^e gravest members of y^e church, laid
their hands on M^r. Skelton, using prayer therwith. This being done,
ther was imposission of hands on M^r. Higgison also. And since that
time, Thursday (being, as I take it, y^e 6. of August) is appoynted
for another day of humilliation, for y^e choyce of elders & deacons, &
ordaining of them.

And now, good S^r, I hope y^t you & y^e rest of Gods people (who are
aquainted with the ways of God) with you, will say that hear was a
right foundation layed, and that these 2. blessed servants of y^e Lord
came in at y^e dore, and not at y^e window. Thus I have made bould to
trouble you with these few lines, desiring you to remember us, &c. And
so rest,

At your service in what I may,
CHARLES GOTT.

Salem, July 30. 1629.

[174] _Anno Dom_: 1630.

Ashley, being well supplyed, had quickly gathered a good parcell of
beaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home, and would not pay
for y^e goods he had had of y^e plantation hear, but lett them stand
still on y^e score, and tooke up still more. Now though they well enough
knew his aime, yet they let him goe on, and write of it into England.
But partly y^e beaver they received, & sould, (of which they weer
sencible,) and partly by M^r. Allertons extolling of him, they cast more
how to supplie him then y^e plantation, and something to upbraid them
with it. They were forct to buy him a barke allso, and to furnish her
w^th a m^r. & men, to transports his corne & provissions (of which he
put of much); for y^e Indeans of those parts have no corne growing, and
at harvest, after corne is ready, y^e weather grows foule, and y^e seas
dangerous, so as he could doe litle good with his shallope for y^t
purposs.

They looked ernestly for a timely supply this spring, by the fishing
ship which they expected, and had been at charg to keepe a stage for
her; but none came, nor any supply heard of for them. At length they
heard sume supply was sent to Ashley by a fishing ship, at which they
something marvelled, and the more y^t they had no letters either from
M^r. Allerton or M^r. Sherley; so they went on in their bussines as well
as y^e could. At last they heard of M^r. Peirce his arivall in y^e Bay
of y^e Massachusetts, who brought passengers & goods thither. They
presently sent a shallop, conceiving they should have some thing by him.
But he tould them he had none; and a ship was sett out on fishing, but
after 11. weeks beating at sea, she mett with shuch foull weather as she
was forcte back againe for England, and, y^e season being over, gave off
y^e vioage. Neither did he hear of much goods in her for y^e plantation,
or y^t she did belong to them, for he had heard some thing from M^r.
Allerton tending that way. But M^r. Allerton had bought another ship,
and was to come in her, and was to fish for bass to y^e eastward, and to
bring goods, &c. These things did much trouble them, and half astonish
them. M^r. Winslow haveing been to y^e eastward, brought nuese of the
like things, w^th some more perticulers, and y^t it was like M^r.
Allerton would be late before he came. At length they, having an
oppertunitie, resolved to send M^r. Winslow, with what beaver they had
ready, into England, to see how y^e squars wente, being very jeolouse of
these things, & M^r. Allertons courses; and writ shuch leters, and gave
him shuch instructions, as they thought meet; and if he found things not
well, to discharge M^r. Allerton for being any longer agent for them, or
to deal any more in y^e bussines, and to see how y^e accounts stood, &c.

Aboute y^e midle of so[=m]er arrives M^r. Hatherley in y^e Bay of y^e
Massachusetts, (being one of y^e partners,) and came over in y^e same
ship that was set out on fhishing (called y^e Frendship). They presently
sent to him, making no question but now they had goods come, and should
know how all things stood. But they found [175] the former news true,
how this ship had been so long at sea, and spente and spoyled her
provissions, and overthrowne y^e viage. And he being sent over by y^e
rest of y^e partners, to see how things wente hear, being at Bristoll
with M^r. Allerton, in y^e shipe bought (called y^e White-Angell), ready
to set sayle, over night came a messenger from Bastable to M^r.
Allerton, and tould him of y^e returne of y^e ship, and what had
befallen. And he not knowing what to doe, having a great chareg under
hand, y^e ship lying at his rates, and now ready to set sayle, got him
to goe and discharg y^e ship, and take order for y^e goods. To be short,
they found M^r. Hatherley some thing reserved, and troubled in him
selfe, (M^r. Allerton not being ther,) not knowing how to dispose of y^e
goods till he came; but he heard he was arived with y^e other ship to
y^e eastward, and expected his coming. But he tould them ther was not
much for them in this ship, only 2. packs of Bastable ruggs, and 2.
hoggsheads of meatheglin, drawne out in wooden flackets (but when these
flackets came to be received, ther was left but 6. gallons of y^e 2.
hogsheads, it being drunke up under y^e name leackage, and so lost).
But the ship was filled with goods for sundrie gentlemen, & others,
that were come to plant in y^e Massachusets, for which they payed
fraight by y^e tun. And this was all the satisfaction they could have at
presente, so they brought this small parcell of goods & returned with
this nues, and a letter as obscure; which made them much to marvell
therat. The letter was as followeth.

Gentle-men, partners, and loving friends, &c.

Breefly thus: wee have this year set forth a fishing ship, and a
trading ship, which later we have bought; and so have disbursed a
great deale of money, as may and will appeare by y^e accounts. And
because this ship (called y^e White Angell) is to acte 2. parts, (as I
may say,) fishing for bass, and trading; and that while M^r. Allerton
was imployed aboute y^e trading, the fishing might suffer by carlesnes
or neglecte of y^e sailors, we have entreated your and our loving
friend, M^r. Hatherley, to goe over with him, knowing he will be a
comforte to M^r. Allerton, a joye to you, to see a carfull and loving
friend, and a great stay to y^e bussines; and so great contente to us,
that if it should please God y^e one should faile, (as God forbid,)
yet y^e other would keepe both recconings, and things uprighte. For we
are now out great sumes of money, as they will acquainte you withall,
&c. When we were out but 4. or 5. hundred pounds a peece, we looked
not much after it, but left it to you, & your agente, (who, without
flaterie, deserveth infinite thanks & comendations, both of you & us,
for his pains, &c.); but now we are out double, nay, trible a peece,
some of us, &c.; which maks us both write, and send over our friend,
M^r. Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertaine kindly, of which we
doubte not of. The main end of sending him is to see y^e state and
accounte of all y^e bussines, of all which we pray you informe him
fully, though y^e ship & bussines wayte for it and him. For we should
take it very unkindly that we should intreat him to take such a
journey, and that, when it pleaseth God he returnes, he could not give
us contente & satisfaction in this perticuler, through defaulte of any
of you. [176] But we hope you will so order bussines, as neither he
nor we shall have cause to complaine, but to doe as we ever have done,
thinke well of you all, &c. I will not promise, but shall indeaour &
hope to effecte y^e full desire and grant of your patente, & that ere
it be longe. I would not have you take any thing unkindly. I have not
write out of jeolocie of any unjuste dealing. Be you all kindly
saluted in y^e Lord, so I rest,

Yours in what I may,
JAMES SHERLEY.

March 25. 1630.

It needs not be thought strange, that these things should amase and
trouble them; first, that this fishing ship should be set out, and
fraight with other mens goods, & scarce any of theirs; seeing their
maine end was (as is before remembred) to bring them a full supply, and
their speatiall order not to sett out any excepte this was done. And now
a ship to come on their accounte, clean contrary to their both end &
order, was a misterie they could not understand; and so much y^e worse,
seeing she had shuch ill success as to lose both her vioage &
provissions. The 2. thing, that another ship should be bought and sente
out on new designes, a thing not so much as once thought on by any
here, much less, not a word intimated or spoaken of by any here, either
by word or letter, neither could they imagine why this should be. Bass
fishing was never lookt at by them, but as soone as ever they heard on
it, they looked at it as a vaine thing, that would certainly turne to
loss. And for M^r. Allerton to follow any trade for them, it was never
in their thoughts. And 3^ly, that their fri[=e]ds should complaine of
disbursements, and yet rune into such great things, and charge of
shiping & new projects of their owne heads, not only without, but
against, all order & advice, was to them very strang. And 4^ly, that all
these matters of so great charg & imployments should be thus wrapped up
in a breefe and obscure letter, they knew not what to make of it. But
amids all their doubts they must have patience till M^r. Allerton & M^r.
Hatherley should come. In y^e mean time M^r. Winslow was gone for
England; and others of them were forst to folow their imployments with
y^e best means they had, till they could hear of better.

At length M^r. Hatherley & M^r. Allerton came unto them, (after they had
delivered their goods,) and finding them strucken with some sadnes
aboute these things, M^r. Allerton tould them that y^e ship Whit-Angele
did not belong to them, nor their accounte, neither neede they have any
thing to doe with her, excepte they would. And M^r. Hatherley confirmed
y^e same, and said that they would have had him to have had a parte,
but he refused; but he made question whether they would not turne her
upon y^e generall accounte, if ther came loss (as he now saw was like),
seeing M^r. Allerton laid downe this course, and put them on this
projecte. But for y^e fishing ship, he tould them they need not be so
much troubled, for he had her accounts here, and showed them that her
first seting out came not much to exceed 600^li. as they might see by
y^e accounte, which he showed them; and for this later viage, it would
arrise to profite by y^e fraight of the goods, and y^e salle of some
katle which he shiped and had allready sould, & was to be paid for
partly here & partly by bills into England, so as they should not have
this put on their acounte at all, except they [178][CP] would. And for
y^e former, he had sould so much goods out of her in England, and
imployed y^e money in this 2. viage, as it, togeither with such goods &
implements as M^r. Allerton must need aboute his fishing, would rise to
a good parte of y^e money; for he must have y^e sallt and nets, allso
spiks, nails, &c.; all which would rise to nere 400^li; so, with y^e
bearing of their parts of y^e rest of the loses (which would not be much
above 200^li.), they would clear them of this whole accounte. Of which
motion they were glad, not being willing to have any accounts lye upon
them; but aboute their trade, which made them willing to harken
therunto, and demand of M^r. Hatherley how he could make this good, if
they should agree their unto, he tould them he was sent over as their
agente, and had this order from them, that whatsoever he and M^r.
Allerton did togeather, they would stand to it; but they would not alow
of what M^r. Allerton did alone, except they liked it; but if he did it
alone, they would not gaine say it. Upon which they sould to him & M^r.
Allerton all y^e rest of y^e goods, and gave them present possession of
them; and a writing was made, and confirmed under both M^r. Hatherleys
and M^r. Allertons hands, to y^e effecte afforesaide. And M^r.
Allertone, being best aquainted w^th y^e people, sould away presenly all
shuch goods as he had no need of for y^e fishing, as 9. shallop sails,
made of good new canvas, and y^e roads for them being all new, with
sundry such usefull goods, for ready beaver, by M^r. Hatherleys
allowance. And thus they thought they had well provided for them selvs.
Yet they rebuked M^r. Allerton very much for runing into these courses,
fearing y^e success of them. M^r. Allerton & M^r. Hatherley brought to
y^e towne with them (after he had sould what he could abroad) a great
quantity of other goods besids trading comodities; as linen cloath,
bedticks, stockings, tape, pins, ruggs, &c., and tould them they were to
have them, if they would; but they tould M^r. Allerton that they had
forbid him before for bringing any such on their accounte; it would
hinder their trade and returnes. But he & M^r. Hatherley said, if they
would not have them, they would sell them, them selves, and take corne
for what they could not otherwise sell. They tould them they might, if
they had order for it. The goods of one sorte & other came to upward of
500^li.

After these things, Mr. Allerton wente to y^e ship aboute his bass
fishing; and M^r. Hatherley, (according to his order,) after he tooke
knowledg how things stood at y^e plantation, (of all which they informed
him fully,) he then desired a boate of them to goe and visite y^e
trading houeses, both Kenebeck, and Ashley at Penobscote; for so they in
England had injoyned him. They accordingly furnished him with a boate &
men for y^e viage, and aquainted him plainly & thorowly with all things;
by which he had good contente and satisfaction, and saw plainly that
M^r. Allerton plaid his owne game, and rane a course not only to y^e
great wrong & detrimente of y^e plantation, who imployed & trusted him,
but abused them in England also, in possessing them with prejudice
against y^e plantation; as y^t, they would never be able to repaye their
moneys (in regard of their great charge), but if [179] they would follow
his advice and projects, he & Ashley (being well supplyed) would quickly
bring in their moneys with good advantage. Mr. Hatherley disclosed also
a further projecte aboute y^e setting out of this ship, y^e
White-angell; how, she being wel fitted with good ordnance, and known to
have made a great fight at sea (when she belongd to Bristoll) and caried
away the victory, they had agreed (by M^r. Allerton’s means) that,
after she had brought a fraight of goods here into the countrie, and
fraight her selfe with fish, she should goe from hence to Port of
porte,[CQ] and ther be sould, both ship, goods, and ordenance; and had,
for this end, had speech with a factore of those parts, beforehand, to
whom she should have been consigned. But this was prevented at this
time, (after it was known,) partly by y^e contrary advice given by their
freinds hear to M^r. Allerton & M^r. Hatherley, showing how it might
insnare their friends in England, (being men of estate,) if it should
come to be knowne; and for y^e plantation, they did and would disalow
it, and protest against it; and partly by their bad viage, for they both
came too late to doe any good for fishing, and allso had such a wicked
and drunken company as neither M^r. Allerton nor any els could rule; as
M^r. Hatherley, to his great greefe & shame, saw, & beheld, and all
others that came nere them.

Ashley likwise was taken in a trape, (before M^r. Hatherley returned,)
for trading powder & shote with y^e Indeans; and was ceased upon by some
in authoritie, who allso would have confiscated above a thousand weight
of beaver; but y^e goods were freed, for y^e Governer here made it
appere, by a bond under Ashleys hand, wherin he was bound to them in
500^li. not to trade any munition with the Indeans, or other wise to
abuse him selfe; it was also manifest against him that he had co[=m]ited
uncleannes with Indean women, (things that they feared at his first
imployment, which made them take this strict course with him in y^e
begining); so, to be shorte, they gott their goods freed, but he was
sent home prisoner. And that I may make an end concerning him, after
some time of imprisonmente in y^e Fleet, by y^e means of friends he was
set at liberty, and intended to come over againe, but y^e Lord prevented
it; for he had a motion made to him, by some marchants, to goe into
Russia, because he had such good skill in y^e beaver trade, the which he
accepted of, and in his returne home was cast away at sea; this was his
end.

M^r. Hatherley, fully understanding y^e state of all things, had good
satisfaction, and could well informe them how all things stood betweene
M^r. Allerton and y^e plantation. Yea, he found that M^r. Allerton had
gott within him, and [180] got all the goods into his owne hands, for
which M^r. Hatherley stood joyntly ingaged to them hear, aboute y^e
ship-Fre[=i]dship, as also most of y^e fraigte money, besids some of his
owne perticuler estate; about w^ch more will appear here after. So he
returned into England, and they sente a good quantity of beaver with him
to y^e rest of y^e partners; so both he and it was very wellcome unto
them.

M^r. Allerton followed his affaires, & returned with his White Angell,
being no more imployed by y^e plantation; but these bussinesses were
not ended till many years after, nor well understood of a longe time,
but foulded up in obscuritie, & kepte in y^e clouds, to y^e great loss &
vexation of y^e plantation, who in y^e end were (for peace sake) forced
to bear y^e unjust burthen of them, to their allmost undoing, as will
appear, if God give life to finish this history.

They sent their letters also by M^r. Hatherley to y^e partners ther, to
show them how M^r. Hatherley & M^r. Allerton had discharged them of y^e
Friendships accounte, and that they boath affirmed y^t the White-Angell
did not at all belong to them; and therfore desired that their accounte
might not be charged therwith. Also they write to M^r. Winslow, their
agente, that he in like maner should (in their names) protest against
it, if any such thing should be intended, for they would never yeeld to
y^e same. As allso to signifie to them that they renounsed M^r. Allerton
wholy, for being their agente, or to have any thing to doe in any of
their bussines.

This year John Billinton y^e elder (one that came over with y^e first)
was arrained, and both by grand & petie jurie found guilty of willfull
murder, by plaine & notorious evidence. And was for the same accordingly
executed.[CR] This, as it was y^e first execution amongst them, so was
it a mater of great sadnes unto them. They used all due means about his
triall, and tooke y^e advice of M^r. Winthrop and other y^e ablest
gentle-men in y^e Bay of y^e Massachusets, that were then new-ly come
over, who concured with them y^t he ought to dye, and y^e land to be
purged from blood. He and some of his had been often punished for
miscariags before, being one of the profanest families amongst them.
They came from London, and I know not by what freinds shufled into their
company. His facte was, that he way-laid a yong-man, one John New-comin,
(about a former quarell,) and shote him with a gune, wherof he dyed.[CS]

Having by a providence a letter or to y^t came to my hands concerning
the proceedings of their Re^d freinds in y^e Bay of y^e Massachusets,
who were latly come over, I thought it not amise here to inserte them,
(so farr as is pertenente, and may be usefull for after times,) before I
conclude this year.

S^r: Being at Salem the 25. of July, being y^e saboath, after y^e
evening exercise, M^r. Johnson received a letter from y^e Governor,
Mr. John Winthrop, manifesting y^e hand of God to be upon them, and
against them at Charles-towne, in visiting them with sicknes, and
taking diverse from amongst them, not sparing y^e righteous, but
partaking with y^e wicked in these bodily judgments. It was therfore
by his desire taken into y^e Godly consideration of y^e best hear,
what was to be done to pacifie y^e Lords wrath, &c. Wher it was
concluded, that the Lord was to be sought in righteousnes; and to that
end, y^e 6. day (being Friday) of this present weeke, is set aparte,
that they may humble them selves before God, and seeke him in his
ordenances; and that then also such godly persons that are amongst
them, and kno[=w] each to other, may publickly, at y^e end of their
exercise, make known their Godly desire, and practise y^e same, viz.
sole[=m]ly to enter into [181] covenante with y^e Lord to walke in his
ways. And since they are so disposed of in their outward estats, as to
live in three distinct places, each having men of abilitie amongst
them, ther to observe y^e day, and become 3. distincte bodys; not then
intending rashly to proceed to y^e choyce of officers, or y^e
admitting of any other to their societie then a few, to witte, such as
are well knowne unto them; promising after to receive in such by
confession of faith, as shall appeare to be fitly qualified for y
estate. They doe ernestly entreate that y^e church of Plimoth would
set apparte y^e same day, for y^e same ends, beseeching y^e Lord, as
to withdraw his hand of correction from them, so also to establish and
direct them in his wayes. And though y^e time be shorte, we pray you
be provocked to this godly worke, seing y^e causes are so urgente;
wherin God will be honoured, and they & we undoubtedly have sweete
comforte. Be you all kindly saluted, &c.

Your brethren in Christ, &c.

Salem, July 26. 1630.

S^r: etc. The sadd news here is, that many are sicke, and many are
dead; y^e Lord in mercie looke upon them. Some are here entered into
church covenante; the first were 4. namly, y^e Gov^r, M^r. John
Winthrop, M^r. Johnson, M^r. Dudley, and M^r. Willson; since that 5.
more are joyned unto them, and others, it is like, will adde them
selves to them dayly; the Lord increase them, both in number and in
holines for his mercie sake. Here is a gentleman, one M^r. Cottington,
(a Boston man,) who tould me, that M^r. Cottons charge at Hamton was,
that they should take advise of them at Plimoth, and should doe
nothing to offend them. Here are diverce honest Christians that are
desirous to see us, some out of love which they bear to us, and y^e
good perswasion they have of us; others to see whether we be so ill as
they have heard of us. We have a name of holines, and love to God and
his saincts; the Lord make us more and more answerable, and that it
may be more then a name, or els it will doe us no good. Be you
lovingly saluted, and all the rest of our friends. The Lord Jesus
blese us, and y^e whole Israll of God. Amen.

Your loving brother, &c.

Charles-towne, Aug. 2. 1630.

Thus out of smalle beginings greater things have been prodused by his
hand y^t made all things of nothing, and gives being to all things that
are; and as one small candle may light a thousand, so y^e light here
kindled hath shone to many, yea in some sorte to our whole nation; let
y^e glorious name of Jehova have all y^e praise.

[182] _Anno Dom_: 1631.

Ashley being thus by y^e hand of God taken away, and M^r. Allerton
discharged of his imploymente for them, their bussines began againe to
rune in one chanell, and them selves better able to guide the same,
Penobscote being wholy now at their disposing. And though M^r. William
Peirce had a parte ther as is before noted, yet now, as things stood, he
was glad to have his money repayed him, and stand out. M^r. Winslow,
whom they had sent over, sent them over some supply as soone as he
could; and afterwards when he came, which was something longe by reason
of bussines, he brought a large supply of suitable goods with him, by
which ther trading was well carried on. But by no means either he, or
y^e letters y^ey write, could take off M^r. Sherley & y^e rest from
putting both y^e Friendship and Whit-Angell on y^e generall accounte;
which caused continuall contention betweene them, as will more appeare.

I shall inserte a leter of M^r. Winslow’s about these things, being as
foloweth.

S^r: It fell out by Gods providence, y^t I received and brought your
leters p^r M^r. Allerton from Bristoll, to London; and doe much feare
what will be y^e event of things. M^r. Allerton intended to prepare
y^e ship againe, to set forth upon fishing. M^r. Sherley, M^r.
Beachamp, & M^r. Andrews, they renounce all perticulers, protesting
but for us they would never have adventured one penie into those
parts; M^r. Hatherley stands inclinable to either. And wheras you
write that he and M^r. Allerton have taken y^e Whit-Angell upon them,
for their partners here, they professe they neiver gave any such
order, nor will make it good; if them selves will cleare y^e accounte
& doe it, all shall be well. What y^e evente of these things will be,
I know not. The Lord so directe and assiste us, as he may not be
dishonoured by our divissions. I hear (p^r a friend) that I was much
blamed for speaking w^t[CT] I heard in y^e spring of y^e year,
concerning y^e buying & setting forth of y^t ship;[CU] sure, if I
should not have tould you what I heard so peremtorly reported (which
report I offered now to prove at Bristoll), I should have been
unworthy my imploymente. And concerning y^e commission so long since
given to M^r. Allerton, the truth is, the thing we feared is come upon
us; for M^r. Sherley & y^e rest have it, and will not deliver it, that
being y^e ground of our agents credite to procure shuch great sumes.
But I looke for bitter words, hard thoughts, and sower looks, from
sundrie, as well for writing this, as reporting y^e former. I would I
had a more thankfull imploymente; but I hope a good conscience shall
make it comefortable, &c.

Thus farr he. Dated Nov: 16. 1631.

The comission above said was given by them under their hand and seale,
when M^r. Allerton was first imployed by them, and redemanded of him in
y^e year 29. when they begane to suspecte his course. He tould them it
was amongst his papers, but he would seeke it out & give it them before
he wente. But he being ready to goe, it was demanded againe. He said he
could not find it, but it was amongst his papers, which he must take
w^th him, [183] and he would send it by y^e boat from y^e eastward; but
ther it could not be had neither, but he would seeke it up at sea. But
whether M^r. Sherley had it before or after, it is not certaine; but
having it, he would not let it goe, but keeps it to this day. Wherfore,
even amongst freinds, men had need be carfull whom they trust, and not
lett things of this nature lye long unrecaled.

_Some parts of M^r. Sherley’s letters aboute these things, in which y^e
truth is best manifested._

Sir: Yours I have received by our loving friends, M^r. Allerton & M^r.
Hatherley, who, blesed be God, after a long & dangerous passage with
y^e ship Angell, are safely come to Bristoll. M^r. Hatherley is come
up, but M^r. Allerton I have not yet seen. We thanke you, and are very
glad you have disswaded him from his Spanish viage, and y^t he did not
goe on in these designes he intended; for we did all uterly dislick of
that course, as allso of y^e fishing y^t y^e Freindship should have
performed; for we wished him to sell y^e salte, and were unwilling to
have him undertake so much bussines, partly for y^e ill success we
formerly had in those affairs, and partly being loath to disburse so
much money. But he perswaded us this must be one way y^t must repay
us, for y^e plantation would be long in doing of it; ney, to my
rememberance, he doubted you could not be able, with y^e trade ther,
to maintaine your charge & pay us. And for this very cause he brought
us on y^t bussines with Ed: Ashley, for he was a stranger to us, &c.

For y^e fishing ship, we are sorie it proves so heavie, and will be
willing to bear our parts. What M^r. Hatherley & M^r. Allerton have
done, no doubt but them selves will make good;[CV] we gave them no
order to make any composition, to seperate you and us in this or any
other. And I thinke you have no cause to forsake us, for we put you
upon no new thing, but what your agent perswaded us to, & you by your
letters desired. If he exceede your order, I hope you will not blame
us, much less cast us of, when our moneys be layed out, &c. But I fear
neither you nor we have been well delte withall, for sure, as you
write, halfe 4000^li.?, nay, a quarter, in fitting comodities, and in
seasonable time, would have furnished you beter then you were. And yet
for all this, and much more I might write, I dare not but thinke him
honest, and that his desire and intente was good; but y^e wisest may
faile. Well, now y^t it hath pleased God to give us hope of meeting,
doubte not but we will all indeavore to perfecte these accounts just &
right, as soone as possibly we can. And I supposs you sente over M^r.
Winslow, and we M^r. Hatherley, to certifie each other how y^e state
of things stood. We have received some contente upon M^r. Hatherley’s
returne, and I hope you will receive good contente upon M^r.
Winslow’s returne. Now I should come to answer more perticulerly your
letter, but herin I shall be very breefe. The coming of y^e White
Angele on your accounte could not be more strang to you, then y^e
buying of her was to us; for you gave him commission[CW] that what he
did you would stand too; we gave him none, and yet for his credite,
and your saks, payed what bills he charged on us, &c. For y^t I write
she was to acte tow parts, fishing & trade; beleeve me, I never so
much as thought of any perticuler trade, nor will side with any y^t
doth, if I conceive it may wrong you; for I ever was against it,
useing these words: They will eate up and destroy y^e generall.

Other things I omite as tedious, and not very pertenente. This was dated
Nov^r. 19. 1631.

In an other leter bearing date y^e 24. of this month, being an answer to
y^e generall order, he hath these words:–

[184] For y^e White Angell, against which you write so ernestly, and
say we thrust her upon you, contrary to y^e intente of y^e buyer,
herin we say you forgett your selves, and doe us wrong. We will not
take uppon us to devine what y^e thougts or intents of y^e buyer was,
but what he spack we heard, and that we will affirme, and make good
against any y^t oppose it; which is, y^t unles shee were bought, and
shuch a course taken, Ashley could not be supplyed; and againe, if he
weer not supplyed, we could not be satisfied what we were out for you.
And further, you were not able to doe it; and he gave some reasons
which we spare to relate, unless by your unreasonable refusall you
will force us, and so, hasten y^t fire which is a kindling too fast
allready, &c.

_Out of another of his, bearing date Jan. 2. 1631._

We purpose to keep y^e Freindship and y^e Whit Angell, for y^e last
year viages, on the generall accounte, hoping togeither they will
rather produse profite then loss, and breed less confution in our
accounts, and less disturbance in our affections. As for y^e White
Angell, though we layed out y^e money, and tooke bills of salle in our
owne names, yet none of us had so much as a thought (I dare say) of
deviding from you in any thing this year, because we would not have
y^e world (I may say Bristoll) take notice of any breach betwixte M^r.
Allerton and you, and he and us; and so disgrace him in his
proceedings on[CX] in his intended viage. We have now let him y^e ship
at 30^li. p^r month, by charter-partie, and bound him in a bond of a
1000^li. to performe covenants, and bring her to London (if God
please). And what he brings in her for you, shall be marked w^th your
marke, and bils of laden taken, & sent in M^r. Winslows letter, who is
this day riding to Bristoll about it. So in this viage, we deale & are
with him as strangers. He hath brought in 3. books of accounts, one
for y^e company, an other for Ashley’s bussines, and y^e third for y^e
Whit-Angell and Freindship. The books, or coppies, we purpose to send
you, for you may discover y^e errours in them better then we. We can
make it appear how much money he hath had of us, and you can charg him
with all y^e beaver he hath had of you. The totall sume, as he hath
put it, is 7103. 17. 1. Of this he hath expended, and given to Mr.
Vines & others, aboute 543^li. ode money, and then by your books you
will find whether you had such, & so much goods, as he chargeth you
with all; and this is all that I can say at presente concerning these
accounts. He thought to dispatch them in a few howers, but he and
Straton & Fogge were above a month aboute them; but he could not stay
till we had examined them, for losing his fishing viage, which I fear
he hath allready done, &c.

We blese God, who put both you & us in mind to send each to other, for
verily had he rune on in that desperate & chargable course one year
more, we had not been able to suport him; nay, both he and we must
have lyen in y^e ditch, and sunck under y^e burthen, &c. Had ther been
an orderly course taken, and your bussines better managed, assuredly
(by y^e blessing of God) you had been y^e ablest plantation that, as
we think, or know, hath been undertaken by Englishmen, &c.

Thus farr of these letters of M^r. Sherley’s.[CY]

[185] A few observations from y^e former letters, and then I shall set
downe the simple truth of y^e things (thus in controversie betweene
them), at least as farr as by any good evidence it could be made to
appeare; and so laboure to be breefe in so tedious and intricate a
bussines, which hunge in expostulation betweene them many years before
y^e same was ended. That though ther will be often occasion to touch
these things about other passages, yet I shall not neede to be large
therin; doing it hear once for all.

First, it seemes to appere clearly that Ashley’s bussines, and y^e
buying of this ship, and y^e courses framed ther upon, were first
contrived and proposed by M^r. Allerton, as also y^t the pleaes and
pretences which he made, of y^e inablitie of y^e plantation to repaye
their moneys, &c., and y^e hops he gave them of doing it with profile,
was more beleeved & rested on by them (at least some of them) then any
thing y^e plantation did or said.

2. It is like, though M^r. Allerton might thinke not to wrong y^e
plantation in y^e maine, yet his owne gaine and private ends led him a
side in these things: for it came to be knowne, and I have it in a
letter under M^r. Sherley’s hand, that in y^e first 2. or 3. years of
his imploymente, he had cleared up 400^li. and put it into a brew-house
of M^r. Colliers in London, at first under M^r. Sherley’s name, &c.;
besids what he might have other wise. Againe, M^r. Sherley and he had
perticuler dealings in some things; for he bought up y^e beaver that
sea-men & other passengers brought over to Bristoll, and at other
places, and charged y^e bills to London, which M^r. Sherley payed; and
they got some time 50^li. a peece in a bargen, as was made knowne by
M^r. Hatherley & others, besids what might be other wise; which might
make M^r. Sherley harken unto him in many things; and yet I beleeve, as
he in his forementioned leter write, he never would side in any
perticuler trade w^ch he conceived would wrong y^e plantation, and eate
up & destroy y^e generall.

3^ly. It may be perceived that, seeing they had done so much for y^e
plantation, both in former adventures and late disbursements, and allso
that M^r. Allerton was y^e first occasioner of bringing them upon these
new designes, which at first seemed faire & profitable unto them, and
unto which they agreed; but now, seeing them to turne to loss, and
decline to greater intanglments, they thought it more meete for y^e
plantation to bear them, then them selves, who had borne much in other
things allready, and so tooke advantage of such comission & power as
M^r. Allerton had formerly had as their agente, to devolve these things
upon them.

4^ly. With pitie and compassion (touching M^r. Allerton) I may say with
y^e apostle to Timothy, 1. Tim. 6. 9. _They that will be rich fall into
many temtations and snares, &c., and pearce them selves throw with many
sorrows, &c.; for the love of money is y^e roote of all evill_, v. 10.
God give him to see y^e evill in his failings, that he may find mercie
by repentance for y^e wrongs he hath done to any, and this pore
plantation in spetiall. They that doe such things doe not only bring
them selves into snares, and sorrows, but many with them, (though in an
other kind,) as lamentable experience shows; and is too manifest in this
bussines.

[186] Now about these ships & their setting forth, the truth, as farr as
could be learned, is this. The motion aboute setting forth y^e fishing
ship (caled y^e Frindship) came first from y^e plantation, and y^e
reasons of it, as is before remembered; but wholy left to them selves to
doe or not to doe, as they saw cause. But when it fell into
consideration, and y^e designe was held to be profitable and hopefull,
it was propounded by some of them, why might not they doe it of them
selves, seeing they must disburse all y^e money, and what need they have
any refferance to y^e plantation in y^t; they might take y^e profile
them selves, towards other losses, & need not let y^e plantation share
therin; and if their ends were other wise answered for their supplyes to
come too them in time, it would be well enough. So they hired her, & set
her out, and fraighted her as full as she could carry with passengers
goods y^t belonged to y^e Massachussets, which rise to a good sume of
money; intending to send y^e plantations supply in y^e other ship. The
effecte of this M^r. Hatherley not only declared afterward upon
occasion, but affirmed upon othe, taken before y^e Gov^r & Dep: Gov^r of
the Massachusets, M^r. Winthrop & M^r. Dudley: That this ship-Frindship
was not sett out nor intended for y^e joynt partnership of y^e
plantation, but for y^e perticuler accounte of M^r. James Sherley, M^r.
Beachampe, M^r. Andrews, M^r. Allerton, & him selfe. This deposition was
taken at Boston y^e 29. of Aug: 1639. as is to be seen under their
hands; besids some other concurente testimonies declared at severall
times to sundrie of them.

About y^e Whit-Angell, though she was first bought, or at least the
price beaten, by M^r. Allerton (at Bristoll), yet that had been nothing
if M^r. Sherley had not liked it, and disbursed y^e money. And that she
was not intended for y^e plantation appears by sundrie evidences;[CZ]
as, first, y^e bills of sale, or charter-parties, were taken in their
owne names, without any mention or refferance to y^e plantation at all;
viz. M^r. Sherley, M^r. Beachampe, M^r. Andrews, M^r. Denison, and M^r.
Allerton; for M^r. Hatherley fell off, and would not joyne with them in
this. That she was not bought for their accounte, M^r. Hatherley tooke
his oath before y^e parties afforesaid, y^e day and year above writen.

M^r. Allerton tooke his oath to like effecte concerning this ship, the
Whit-Angell, before y^e Gov^r & Deputie, the 7. of Sep: 1639. and
likewise deposed, y^e same time, that M^r. Hatherley and him selfe did,
in the behalfe of them selves and y^e said M^r. Sherley, M^r. Andrews, &
M^r. Beachamp, agree and undertake to discharge, and save harmless, all
y^e rest of y^e partners & purchasers, of and from y^e said losses of
Freindship for 200^li., which was to be discounted therupon; as by ther
depossitions (which are in writing) may appeare more at large, and some
other depositions & other testemonies by M^r. Winslow,[DA] &c. But I
suppose these may be sufficente to evince the truth in these things,
against all pretences to y^e contrary. And yet the burthen lay still
upon y^e plantation; or, to speake more truly and rightly, upon those
few that were ingaged for all, for they were faine to wade through these
things without any help from any.

[187] Concerning M^r. Allerton’s accounts, they were so larg and
intrecate, as they could not well understand them, much less examine &
correcte them, without a great deale of time & help, and his owne
presence, which was now hard to gett amongst them; and it was 2. or 3.
years before they could bring them to any good pass, but never make them
perfecte. I know not how it came to pass, or what misterie was in it,
for he tooke upon him to make up all accounts till this time, though
M^r. Sherley was their agente to buy & sell their goods, and did more
then he therin; yet he past in accounts in a maner for all disbursments,
both concerning goods bought, which he never saw, but were done when he
was hear in y^e cuntrie or at sea; and all y^e expences of y^e Leyden
people, done by others in his absence; the charges aboute y^e patente,
&c. In all which he made them debtore to him above 300^li. and demanded
paimente of it. But when things came to scaning, he was found above
2000^li. debtore to them, (this wherin M^r. Hatherley & he being joyntly
ingaged, which he only had, being included,) besids I know not how much
y^t could never be cleared; and interest moneys which ate them up, which
he never accounted. Also they were faine to alow such large bills of
charges as were intolerable; the charges of y^e patent came to above
500^li. and yet nothing done in it but what was done at first without
any confirmation; 30^li. given at a clape, and 50^li. spent in a
journey. No marvell therfore if M^r. Sherley said in his leter, if their
bussines had been better managed, they might have been y^e richest
plantation of any English at y^t time. Yea, he scrued up his poore old
father in law’s accounte to above 200^li. and brought it on y^e generall
accounte, and to befreind him made most of it to arise out of those
goods taken up by him at Bristoll, at 50. per cent., because he knew
they would never let it lye on y^e old man, when, alass! he, poore man,
never dreamte of any such thing, nor y^t what he had could arise nere
y^t valew; but thought that many of them had been freely bestowed on him
& his children by M^r. Allerton. Nither in truth did they come nere y^t
valew in worth, but y^t sume was blowne up by interest & high prises,
which y^e company did for y^e most parte bear, (he deserving farr more,)
being most sory that he should have a name to have much, when he had in
effecte litle.

This year also M^r. Sherley sent over an accounte, which was in a maner
but a cash accounte what M^r. Allerton had had of them, and disbursed,
for which he referd to his accounts; besids an account of beaver sould,
which M^r. Winslow & some others had carried over, and a large supply of
goods which M^r. Winslow had sent & brought over, all which was
comprised in that accounte, and all y^e disbursments aboute y^e
Freindship, & Whit-Angell, and what concerned their accounts from first
to last; or any thing else he could charg y^e partners with. So they
were made debtor in y^e foote of that accounte 4770^li 19. 2.[DB] besids
1000^li. still due for y^e purchase yet unpayed; notwithstanding all y^e
beaver, and returnes that both Ashley & they had made, which were not
small.

[188] In these accounts of M^r. Sherley’s some things were obscure, and
some things twise charged, as a 100. of Bastable ruggs which came in
y^e Freindship, & cost 75^li., charged before by M^r. Allerton, and now
by him againe, with other perticulers of like nature doubtfull, to be
twise or thrise charged; as also a sume of 600^li. which M^r. Allerton
deneyed, and they could never understand for what it was. They sent a
note of these & such like things afterward to M^r. Sherley by M^r.
Winslow; but (I know not how it came to pass) could never have them
explained.

Into these deepe sumes had M^r. Allerton rune them in tow years, for in
y^e later end of y^e year 1628. all their debts did not amounte to much
above 400^li., as was then noted; and now come to so many thousands. And
wheras in y^e year 1629. M^r. Sherley & M^r. Hatherley being at
Bristoll, and write a large letter from thence, in which they had given
an account of y^e debts, and what sumes were then disbursed, M^r.
Allerton never left begging & intreating of them till they had put it
out. So they bloted out 2. lines in y^t leter in which y^e sumes were
contained, and write upon it so as not a word could be perceived; as
since by them was confessed, and by y^e leters may be seene. And thus
were they kept hoodwinckte, till now they were so deeply ingaged. And
wheras M^r. Sherley did so ernestly press y^t M^r. Allerton might be
sent over to finish y^e great bussines aboute y^e patente, as may be
seen in his leter write 1629. as is before recorded, and y^t they should
be ernest w^th his wife to suffer him to goe, &c., he hath since
confessed by a letter under my hands, that it was M^r. Allerton’s owne
doings, and not his, and he made him write his words, & not his owne.
The patent was but a pretence, and not y^e thing. Thus were they abused
in their simplicitie, and no beter then bought & sould, as it may seeme.

And to mend y^e matter, M^r. Allerton doth in a sorte wholy now deserte
them; having brought them into y^e briers, he leaves them to gett out as
they can. But God crost him mightily, for he having hired y^e ship of
M^r. Sherly at 30^li., a month, he set forth againe with a most wicked
and drunken crue, and for covetousnes sake did so over lade her, not
only filling her hould, but so stufed her betweene decks, as she was
walte, and could not bear sayle, and they had like to have been cast
away at sea, and were forced to put for Millford Havene, and new-stow
her, & put some of ther ordnance & more heavie goods in y^e botome;
which lost them time, and made them come late into y^e countrie, lose
ther season, and made a worse viage then y^e year before. But being come
into y^e countrie, he sells trading comodities to any y^t will buy, to
y^e great prejudice of y^e plantation here; but that which is worse,
what he could not sell, he trustes; and sets up a company of base felows
and maks them traders, to rune into every hole, & into y^e river of
Kenebeck, to gleane away y^e trade from y^e house ther, aboute y^e
patente & priviledge wherof he had dasht away so much money of theirs
here; [189] and now what in him lay went aboute to take away y^e
benefite therof, and to overthrow them. Yea, not only this, but he
furnishes a company, and joyns with some consorts, (being now deprived
of Ashley at Penobscote,) and sets up a trading house beyoned
Penobscote, to cute of y^e trade from thence also. But y^e French
perceiving that that would be greatly to their damage allso, they came
in their begining before they were well setled, and displanted them,
slue 2. of their men, and tooke all their goods to a good valew, y^e
loss being most, if not all, M^r. Allerton’s; for though some of them
should have been his partners, yet he trusted them for their partes; the
rest of y^e men were sent into France, and this was the end of y^t
projecte. The rest of those he trusted, being lose and drunken fellows,
did for y^e most parte but coussen & cheate him of all they got into
their hands; that howsoever he did his friends some hurte hereby for y^e
presente, yet he gate litle good, but wente by y^e loss by Gods just
hand. After in time, when he came to Pli[=m]oth, y^e church caled him to
accounte for these, and other his grosse miscarrages; he confessed his
faulte, and promised better walking, and that he would wind him selfe
out of these courses as soone as he could, &c.

This year also Mr. Sherley would needs send them over a new-acountante;
he had made mention of such a thing y^e year before, but they write him
word, that their charge was great allready, and they neede not increase
it, as this would; but if they were well delte with, and had their goods
well sent over, they could keep their accounts hear them selves. Yet he
now sente one, which they did not refuse, being a yonger brother of M^r.
Winslows, whom they had been at charge to instructe at London before he
came. He came over in the White Angell with M^r. Allerton, and ther
begane his first imploymente; for though M^r. Sherley had so farr
befreinded Mr. Allerton, as to cause[DC] M^r. Winslow to ship y^e supply
sente to y^e partners here in this ship, and give him 4^li. [p=]er tune,
wheras others carried for 3. and he made them pay their fraight ready
downe, before y^e ship wente out of y^e harbore, wheras others payed
upon certificate of y^e goods being delivered, and their fraight came to
upward of 6. score pounds, yet they had much adoe to have their goods
delivered, for some of them were chainged, as bread & pease; they were
forced to take worse for better, neither could they ever gett all. And
if Josias Winslow had not been ther, it had been worse; for he had y^e
invoyce, and order to send them to y^e trading houses.

This year their house at Penobscott was robed by y^e French, and all
their goods of any worth they carried away, to y^e value of 400. or
500^li. as y^e cost first peny worth; in beaver 300^li. waight; and y^e
rest in trading goods, as coats, ruggs, blankett, biskett, &c. It was
in this maner. The m^r. of y^e house, and parte of y^e company with him,
were come with their vessell to y^e westward to fecth a supply of goods
which was brought over for them. In y^e mean time comes a smale French
ship into y^e harbore (and amongst y^e company was a false Scott); they
pretended they were nuly come from y^e sea, and knew not wher they were,
and that their vesell was very leake, and desired they might hale her a
shore and stop their leaks. And many French complements they used, and
congees they made; and in y^e ende, seeing but 3. or 4. simple men, y^t
were servants, and by this Scoth-man understanding that y^e maister & ye
rest of y^e company were gone from home, they fell of comending their
gunes and muskets, that lay upon racks by y^e wall side, and tooke them
downe to looke on them, asking if they were charged. And when they were
possesst of them, one presents a peece ready charged against y^e
servants, and another a pistoll; and bid them not sturr, but quietly
deliver them their goods, and carries some of y^e men aborde, & made y^e
other help to carry away y^e goods. And when they had tooke what they
pleased, they sett them at liberty, and wente their way, with this
mocke, biding them tell their m^r. when he came, that some of y^e Ile of
Rey gentlemen had been ther.[DD]

[DE] This year, on S^r Christopher Gardener, being, as him selfe said,
descended of y^t house y^t the Bishop of Winchester came of (who was so
great a persecutor of Gods saincts in Queene Maries days), and being a
great traveler, received his first honour of knighthood at Jerusalem,
being made Knight of y^e Sepulcher ther. He came into these parts under
pretence of forsaking y^e world, and to live a private life, in a godly
course, not unwilling to put him selfe upon any meane imployments, and
take any paines for his living; and some time offered him selfe to joyne
to y^e churchs in sundry places. He brought over with him a servante or
2. and a comly yonge woman, whom be caled his cousin, but it was
suspected, she (after y^e Italian maner) was his concubine. Living at
y^e Massachusets, for some miscariages which he should have answered, he
fled away from authority, and gott amonge y^e Indeans of these parts;
they sent after him, but could not gett him, and promissed some reward
to those y^t should find him. The Indeans came to y^e Gov^r here, and
tould wher he was, and asked if they might kill him; he tould them no,
by no means, but if they could take him and bring him hither, they
should be payed for their paines. They said he had a gune & a rapier, &
he would kill them if y^ey went aboute it; and y^e Massachuset Indeans
said they might kille him. But y^e Gov^r tould them no, they should not
kill him, but watch their opportunitie, & take him. And so they did, for
when they light of him by a river side, he got into a canowe to get from
them, & when they came nere him, whilst he presented his peece at them
to keep them of, the streame carried y^e canow against a rock, and
tumbled both him & his peece & rapier into y^e water; yet he got out,
and having a litle dagger by his side, they durst not close with him,
but getting longe pols they soone beat his dagger out of his hand, so he
was glad to yeeld; and they brought him to y^e Gov^r. But his hands and
armes were swolen & very sore with y^e blowes they had given him. So he
used him kindly, & sent him to a lodging wher his armes were bathed and
anoynted, and he was quickly well againe, and blamed y^e Indeans for
beating him so much. They said that they did but a litle whip him with
sticks. In his lodging, those y^t made his bed found a litle note booke
that by accidente had slipt out of his pockett, or some private place,
in which was a memoriall what day he was reconciled to y^e pope & church
of Rome, and in what universitie he tooke his scapula, and such & such
degrees. It being brought to y^e Gov^r, he kept it, and sent y^e Gov^r
of y^e Massachusets word of his taking, who sent for him. So y^e Gov^r
sent him and these notes to y^e Gov^r ther, who tooke it very thankfuly;
but after he gott for England, he shewed his malice, but God prevented
him.

See y^e Gov^r leter on y^e other side.[DF]

S^r: It hath pleased God to bring S^r. Christopher Gardener safe to
us, with thos that came with him. And howsoever I never intended any
hard measure to him, but to respecte and use him according to his
qualitie, yet I let him know your care of him, and y^t he shall speed
y^e better for your mediation. It was a spetiall providence of God to
bring those notes of his to our hands; I desire y^t you will please to
speake to all y^t are privie to them, not to discovere them to any
one, for y^t may frustrate y^e means of any further use to be made of
them. The good Lord our God who hath allways ordered things for y^e
good of his poore churches here, directe us in this arighte, and
dispose it to a good issue. I am sorie we put you to so much trouble
about this gentleman, espetialy at this time of great imploymente, but
I know not how to avoyed it. I must againe intreate you, to let me
know what charge & troble any of your people have been at aboute him,
y^t it may be recompenced. So with the true affection of a frind,
desiring all happines to your selfe & yours, and to all my worthy
friends with you (whom I love in y^e Lord), I comende you to his grace
& good providence, & rest

Your most assured friend,
JOHN WINTHROP.

Boston, May 5. 1631.

By occation wherof I will take a litle libertie to declare what fell out
by this mans means & malice, complying with others. And though I doubt
not but it will be more fully done by my honourd friends, whom it did
more directly concerne, and have more perticuler knowledg of y^e matter,
yet I will here give a hinte of y^e same, and Gods providence in
preventing y^e hurte that might have come by y^e same. The intelligence
I had by a letter from my much hon^d and beloved friend, Mr. John
Winthrop, Gov^r of y^e Massachusets.

S^r: Upon a petition exhibited by S^r. Christo: Gardner, S^r. Ferd:
Gorges, Captaine Masson, &c., against you and us, the cause was heard
before y^e lords of y^e Privie Counsell, and after reported to y^e
king, the sucsess wherof maks it evident to all, that y^e Lord hath
care of his people hear. The passages are admirable, and too long to
write. I hartily wish an opportunitie to imparte them unto you, being
m[=a]y sheets of paper. But y^e conclusion was (against all mens
expectation) an order for our incouragmente, and much blame and
disgrace upon y^e adversaries, w^ch calls for much thankfullnes from
us all, which we purpose (y^e Lord willing) to express in a day of
thanks-giving to our mercifull God, (I doubt not but you will
consider, if it be not fitt for you to joyne in it,) who, as he hath
humbled us by his late correction, so he hath lifted us up, by an
abundante rejoysing, in our deliverance out of so desperate a danger;
so as that w^ch our enemies builte their hopes upon to ruine us by, He
hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as I shall further
aquainte you, when occasion shall serve.

The coppy of y^e order follows.

At y^e courte at Whit-hall y^e 19. Jan: 1632.

Present

_Sigillum_ Lord Privie Seale
Ea: of Dorsett
Lo: Vi: Falkland
Lo: Bp: of London
Lord Cottinton
M^r. Tre^r
M^r. Vic Chamb^r
M^r. Sec: Cooke
Maister Sec: Windebanck

Wheras his Ma^tie hath latly been informed of great distraction and
much disorder in y^t plantation in y^e parts of America called
New-England, which, if they be true, & suffered to rune on, would
tende to y^e great dishonour of this kingdome, and utter ruine of that
plantation. For prevention wherof, and for y^e orderly settling of
goverment, according to y^e intention of those patents which have been
granted by his Ma^tie and from his late royall father king James, it
hath pleased his Ma^tie that y^e lords & others of his most honourable
Privie Counsell, should take y^e same into consideration. Their
lordships in y^e first place thought fitt to make a comitie of this
bord, to take examination of y^e matters informed; which comitties
having called diverse of y^e principall adventurers in y^t plantation,
and heard those that are complanants against them, most of the things
informed being deneyed, and resting to be proved by parties that must
be called from y^t place, which required a long expence of time; and
at presente their lordships finding the adventurers were upon dispatch
of men, victles, and marchandice for y^t place, all which would be at
a stand, if y^e adventurers should have discouragmente, or take
suspition that the state hear had no good opinion of y^t plantation;
their lordships, not laying the faulte or fancies (if any be) of some
perticuler men upon the generall govermente, or principall
adventurers, (which in due time is further to be inquired into,) have
thought fitt in y^e meane time to declare, that the appearences were
so faire, and hopes so greate, y^t the countrie would prove both
beneficiall to this kingdom, and profitable to the perticuler
adventurers, as y^t the adventurers had cause to goe on cherfully with
their undertakings, and rest assured, if things were carried as was
pretended when y^e patents were granted, and accordingly as by the
patentes it is appointed, his Majestie would not only maintaine the
liberties & privileges heretofore granted, but supply any thing
further that might tend to the good govermente, prosperitie, and
comforte of his people ther of that place, &c.

WILLIAM TRUMBALL.

_Anno Dom_: 1632.

M^r. Allerton, returning for England, litle regarded his bound of a
1000^li. to performe covenants; for wheras he was bound by y^e same to
bring y^e ship to [190] London, and to pay 30^li. per month for her
hire, he did neither of boath, for he carried her to Bristoll againe,
from whence he intended to sett her out againe, and so did y^e 3. time,
into these parts (as after will appear); and though she had been 10.
months upon y^e former viage, at 30^li. [p=]^r month, yet he never payed
peney for hire. It should seeme he knew well enough how to deale with
M^r. Sherley. And M^r. Sherley, though he would needs tye her & her
accounte upon y^e generall, yet he would dispose of her as him selfe
pleased; for though M^r. Winslow had in their names protested against
y^e receiving her on y^t accounte, or if ever they should hope to
preveile in shuch a thing, yet never to suffer M^r. Allerton to have any
more to doe in her, yet he y^e last year let her wholy unto him, and
injoyned them to send all their supplye in her to their prejudice, as is
before noted. And now, though he broke his bonds, kepte no covenante,
paid no hire, nor was ever like to keep covenants, yet now he goes and
sells him all, both ship, & all her accounts, from first to last (and in
effecte he might as well have given him y^e same); and not only this,
but he doth as good as provide a sanctuary for him, for he gives him one
years time to prepare his accounte, and then to give up y^e same to them
here; and then another year for him to make paymente of what should be
due upon y^t accounte. And in y^e mean time writs ernestly to them not
to interupte or hinder him from his bussines, or stay him aboute
clearing accounts, &c.; so as he in y^e mean time gathers up all monies
due for fraighte, and any other debtes belonging either to her, or y^e
Frindship’s accounts, as his owne perticuler; and after, sells ship, &
ordnans, fish, & what he had raised, in Spaine, according to y^e first
designe, in effecte; and who had, or what became of y^e money, he best
knows. In y^e mean time their hands were bound, and could doe nothing
but looke on, till he had made all away into other mens hands (save a
few catle & a litle land & some small maters he had here at Plimoth),
and so in y^e end removed, as he had allready his person, so all his
from hence. This will better appere by M^r. Sherley’s leter.

S^r: These few lines are further to give you to understand, that
seeing you & we, that never differed yet but aboute y^e White-Angell,
which somewhat troubleth us, as I perceive it doth you. And now M^r.
Allerton beeing here, we have had some confferance with him about her,
and find him very willing to give you & us all contente y^t possiblie
he can, though he burthen him selfe. He is contente to take y^e
White-Angell wholy on him selfe, notwithstanding he mett with pirates
nere y^e coast of Ierland, which tooke away his best sayles & other
provissions from her; so as verily if we should now sell her, she
would yeeld but a small price, besids her ordnance. And to set her
forth againe with fresh money we would not, she being now at Bristoll.
Wherfore we thought it best, both for you & us, M^r. Allerton being
willing to take her, to accepte of his bond of tow thousand pounds, to
give [191] you a true & perfecte accounte, and take y^e whole charge
of y^e Whit-Angell wholy to him selfe, from y^e first to y^e last. The
accounte he is to make and perfecte within 12. months from y^e date of
this letter, and then to pay you at 6. and 6. months after, what
soever shall be due unto you and us upon the foote of y^t accounte.
And verily, notwithstanding all y^e disasters he hath had, I am
perswaded he hath enough to pay all men here and ther. Only they must
have patience till he can gather in what is due to him ther. I doe not
write this slightly, but upon some ground of what I have seen (and
perhaps you know not of) under y^e hands & seals of some, &c. I rest

Your assured friend,
JAMES SHERLEY.

Des: 6. 1632.

But heres not a word of y^e breach of former bonds & covenants, or
paimente of y^e ships hire; this is passt by as if no such thing had
been; besids what bonds or obligments so ever they had of him, ther
never came any into y^e hands or sight of y^e partners here. And for
this y^t M^r. Sherley seems to intimate (as a secrete) of his abilitie,
under y^e hands & seals of some, it was but a trick, having gathered up
an accounte of what was owing form such base fellows as he had made
traders for him, and other debts; and then got M^r. Mahue, & some
others, to affirme under their hand & seale, that they had seen shuch
accounts y^t were due to him.

Mr. Hatherley came over againe this year, but upon his owne occasions,
and begane to make preparation to plant & dwell in y^e countrie. He with
his former dealings had wound in what money he had in y^e patnership
into his owne hands, and so gave off all partnership (excepte in name),
as was found in y^e issue of things; neither did he medle, or take any
care aboute y^e same; only he was troubled about his ingagmente aboute
y^e Friendship, as will after appeare. And now partly aboute y^t
accounte, in some reconings betweene M^r. Allerton and him, and some
debts y^t M^r. Allerton otherwise owed him upon dealing between them in
perticuler, he drue up an accounte of above 2000^li., and would faine
have ingaged y^e partners here with it, because M^r. Allerton had been
their agent. But they tould him they had been fool’d longe enough with
such things, and shewed him y^t it no way belonged to them; but tould
him he must looke to make good his ingagment for y^e Freindship, which
caused some trouble betweene M^r. Allerton and him.

M^r. William Peirce did y^e like, M^r. Allerton being wound into his
debte also upon particuler dealings; as if they had been bound to make
good all mens debts. But they easily shooke off these things. But M^r.
Allerton herby rane into much trouble & vexation, as well as he had
troubled others, for M^r. Denison sued him for y^e money he had
disbursed for y^e 6. part of y^e Whit-Angell, & recovered y^e same with
damages.

Though y^e partners were thus pl[=u]ged into great ingagments, &
oppresed with unjust debts, yet y^e Lord prospered their trading, that
they made yearly large returnes, and had soone wound them selves out of
all, if yet they had otherwise been well delt with all; as will more
appear here after. [192] Also y^e people of y^e plantation begane to
grow in their owtward estats, by reason[DG] of y^e flowing of many
people into y^e cuntrie, espetially into y^e Bay of y^e Massachusets; by
which means corne & catle rose to a great prise, by w^ch many were much
inriched, and co[=m]odities grue plentifull; and yet in other regards
this benefite turned to their hurte, and this accession of strength to
their weaknes. For now as their stocks increased, and y^e increse
vendible, ther was no longer any holding them togeather, but now they
must of necessitie goe to their great lots; they could not other wise
keep their katle; and having oxen growne, they must have land for
plowing & tillage. And no man now thought he could live, except he had
catle and a great deale of ground to keep them; all striving to increase
their stocks. By which means they were scatered all over y^e bay,
quickly, and y^e towne, in which they lived compactly till now, was left
very thine, and in a short time allmost desolate. And if this had been
all, it had been less, thoug to much; but y^e church must also be
devided, and those y^t had lived so long togeather in Christian &
comfortable fellowship must now part and suffer many divissions. First,
those that lived on their lots on y^e other side of the bay (called
Duxberie) they could not long bring their wives & children to y^e
publick worship & church meetings here, but with such burthen, as,
growing to some competente number, they sued to be dismissed and become
a body of them selves; and so they were dismiste (about this time),
though very unwillingly. But to touch this sadd matter, and handle
things together that fell out afterward. To prevent any further
scatering from this place, and weakning of y^e same, it was thought best
to give out some good farms to spetiall persons, y^t would promise to
live at Plimoth, and lickly to be helpfull to y^e church or comonewelth,
and so tye y^e lands to Plimoth as farmes for the same; and ther they
might keepe their catle & tillage by some servants, and retaine their
dwellings here. And so some spetiall lands were granted at a place
generall, called Greens Harbor, wher no allotments had been in y^e
former divission, a plase very weell meadowed, and fitt to keep & rear
catle, good store. But alass! this remedy proved worse then y^e disease;
for w^{th}in a few years those that had thus gott footing ther rente
them selves away, partly by force, and partly wearing y^e rest with
importunitie and pleas of necessitie, so as they must either suffer them
to goe, or live in continuall opposition and contention. And others
still, as y^ey conceived them selves straitened, or to want
acco[=m]odation, break away under one pretence or other, thinking their
owne conceived necessitie, and the example of others, a warrente
sufficente for them. And this, I fear, will be y^e ruine of New-England,
at least of y^e churches of God ther, & will provock y^e Lords
displeasure against them.

[193] This year, M^r. William Perce came into y^e cuntry, & brought
goods and passengers, in a ship caled y^e Lyon, which belonged cheefly
to M^r. Sherley, and y^e rest of y^e London partners, but these hear had
nothing to doe with her. In this ship (besides beaver which they had
sent home before) they sent upwards of 800^li. in her, and some otter
skines; and also y^e coppies of M^r. Allertons accounts, desiring that
they would also peruse & examene them, and rectifie shuch things as
they should find amise in them; and rather because they were better
acquaynted with y^e goods bought ther, and y^e disbursments made, then
they could bee here; yea, a great part were done by them selves, though
M^r. Allerton brougt in y^e accounte, and sundry things seemed to them
obscure and had need of clearing. Also they sente a booke of exceptions
against his accounts, in such things as they could manifest, and doubted
not but they might adde more therunto. And also shewed them how much
M^r. Allerton was debtor to y^e accounte; and desired, seeing they had
now put y^e ship White-Angell, and all, wholy into his power, and tyed
their hands here, that they could not call him to accounte for any
thinge, till y^e time was expired which they had given him, and by that
time other men would get their debts of him, (as sume had done already
by suing him,) and he would make all away here quickly out of their
reach; and therfore prayed them to looke to things, and gett paymente of
him ther, as it was all y^e reason they should, seeing they keept all
y^e bonds & covenants they made with him in their owne hands; and here
they could doe nothing by y^e course they had taken, nor had any thing
to show if they should goe aboute it. But it pleased God, this ship,
being first to goe to Verginia before she wente home, was cast away on
y^t coast, not farr from Virginia, and their beaver was all lost (which
was y^e first loss they sustained in that kind); but M^r. Peirce & y^e
men saved their lives, and also their leters, and gott into Virginia,
and so safly home. Y^e accounts were now sent from hence againe to them.
And thus much of y^e passages of this year.

_A part of M^r. Peirce his leter[DH] from Virginia._

It was dated in Des: 25. 1632. and came to their hand y^e 7. of Aprill,
before they heard any thing from England.

Dear freinds, &c. Y^e bruit of this fatall stroke that y^e Lord hath
brought both on me and you all will come to your ears before this
co[=m]eth to your hands, (it is like,) and therfore I shall not need
to inlarg in perticulers, &c. My whole estate (for y^e most parte) is
taken away; and so yours, in a great measure, by this and your former
losses [he means by y^e French & M^r. Allerton]. It is time to looke
aboute us, before y^e wrath of y^e Lord breake forth to utter
destruction. The good Lord give us all grace to search our harts and
trie our ways, and turne unto y^e Lord, and humble our selves under
his mightie hand, and seeke atonemente, &c. Dear freinds, you may know
y^t all your beaver, and y^e books of your accounts, are swallowed up
in y^e sea; your letters remaine with me, and shall be delivered, if
God bring me home. But what should I more say? Have we lost our
outward estates? yet a hapy loss if our soules may gaine; ther is yet
more in y^e Lord Jehova than ever we had yet in y^e world. Oh that our
foolish harts could yet be wained from y^e things here below, which
are vanity and vexation of spirite; and yet we fooles catch after
shadows, y^t flye away, & are gone in a momente, &c. Thus with my
continuall remembrance of you in my poore desires to y^e throne of
grace, beseeching God to renew his love & favoure towards you all, in
& through y^e Lord Jesus Christ, both in spirituall & temporall good
things, as may be most to the glory & praise of his name, and your
everlasting good. So I rest,

Your afflicted brother in Christ,
WILLIAM PEIRCE.

Virginia, Des: 25. 1632.

_Anno Dom: 1633._

This year M^r. Ed: Winslow was chosen Governor.

By the first returne this year, they had leters from M^r. Sherley of
M^r. Allertons further ill success, and y^e loss by M^r. Peirce, with
many sadd complaints; but litle hope of any thinge to be gott of M^r.
Allerton, or how their accounts might be either eased, or any way
rectified by them ther; but now saw plainly y^t the burthen of all would
be cast on their backs. The spetiall passages of his letters I shall
here inserte, as shall be pertinente to these things; for though I am
weary of this tedious & uncomfortable subjecte, yet for y^e clearing of
y^e truth I am compelled to be more larg in y^e opening of these
matters, upon w^ch [194] so much trouble hath insued, and so many hard
censures have passed on both sids. I would not be partiall to either,
but deliver y^e truth in all, and, as nere as I can, in their owne words
and passages, and so leave it to the impartiall judgment of any that
shall come to read, or veiw these things. His leters are as folow,
dated June 24. 1633.

[Illustration: EDWARD WINSLOW.]

Loving friends, my last[DI] was sente in y^e Mary & John, by M^r.
William Collier, &c. I then certified you of y^e great, &
uncomfortable, and unseasonable loss you & we had, in y^e loss of M^r.
Peirce his ship, y^e Lyon; but y^e Lords holy name be blessed, who
gives & taks as it pleaseth him; his will be done, Amen. I then
related unto you y^t fearfull accidente, or rather judgmente, y^e Lord
pleased to lay on London Bridge, by fire, and therin gave you a touch
of my great loss; the Lord, I hope, will give me patience to bear it,
and faith to trust in him, & not in these slipery and uncertaine
things of this world.

I hope M^r. Allerton is nere upon sayle with you by this; but he had
many disasters here before he could gett away; yet y^e last was a
heavie one; his ship, going out of y^e harbor at Bristoll, by stormie
weather was so farr driven on y^e shore, as it cost him above 100^li.
before shee could be gott off againe. Verily his case was so
lamentable as I could not but afford him some help therin (and so did
some were strangers to him); besids, your goods were in her, and if he
had not been supported, he must have broke off his viage, and so loss
could not have been avoyded on all sides. When he first bought her, I
thinke he had made a saving match, if he had then sunck her, and never
set her forth. I hope he sees y^e Lords hand against him, and will
leave of these viages. I thinke we did well in parting with her; she
would have been but a clogge to y^e accounte from time to time, and
now though we shall not gett much by way of satisfaction, yet we shall
lose no more. And now, as before I have writte, I pray you finish all
y^e accounts and reconings with him there; for here he hath nothing,
but many debtes that he stands ingaged to many men for. Besids, here
is not a man y^t will spend a day, or scarce an hower, aboute y^e
accounts but my selfe, and y^t bussines will require more time and
help then I can afford. I shall not need to say any more; I hope you
will doe y^t which shall be best & just, to which adde mercie, and
consider his intente, though he failed in many perticulers, which now
cannot be helped, &c.

To morrow, or next day at furthest, we are to pay 300^li. and M^r.
Beachamp is out of y^e towne, yet y^e bussines I must doe. Oh the
greefe & trouble y^t man, M^r. Allerton, hath brought upon you and us!
I cannot forgett it, and to thinke on it draws many a sigh from my
harte, and teares from my eyes. And now y^e Lord hath visited me with
an other great loss, yet I can undergoe it with more patience. But
this I have follishly pulled upon my selfe, &c. [And in another, he
hath this passage:] By M^r. Allertons faire propositions and large
[195] promises, I have over rune my selfe; verily, at this time greefe
hinders me to write, and tears will not suffer me to see; wherfore, as
you love those that ever loved you, and y^t plantation, thinke upon
us. Oh what shall I say of that man, who hath abused your trust and
wronged our loves! but now to complaine is too late, nither can I
complaine of your backwardnes, for I am perswaded it lys as heavie on
your harts, as it doth on our purses or credites. And had y^e Lord
sent M^r. Peirce safe home, we had eased both you and us of some of
those debts; the Lord I hope will give us patience to bear these
crosses; and that great God, whose care & providence is every where,
and spetially over all those that desire truly to fear and serve him,
direct, guid, prosper, & blesse you so, as y^t you may be able (as I
perswade my selfe you are willing) to discharge & take off this great
& heavie burthen which now lyes upon me for your saks; and I hope in
y^e ende for y^e good of you, and many thousands more; for had not
you & we joyned & continued togeather, New-England might yet have been
scarce knowne, I am perswaded, not so replenished & inhabited with
honest English people, as it now is. The Lord increase & blesse them,
&c. So, with my continuall praiers for you all, I rest

Your assured loving friend,
JAMES SHERLEY.

June 24. 1633.

By this it apperes when M^r. Sherly sould him y^e ship & all her
accounts, it was more for M^r. Allertons advantage then theirs; and if
they could get any there, well & good, for they were like to have
nothing here. And what course was held to hinder them there, hath
allready beene manifested. And though M^r. Sherley became more sinsible
of his owne condition, by these losses, and therby more sadly & plainly
to complaine of M^r. Allerton, yet no course was taken to help them
here, but all left unto them selves; not so much as to examene &
rectifie y^e accounts, by which (it is like) some hundereds of pounds
might have been taken off. But very probable it is, the more they saw
was taken off, y^e less might come unto them selves. But I leave these
maters, & come to other things.

M^r. Roger Williams (a man godly & zealous, having many precious parts,
but very unsettled in judgmente) came over first to y^e Massachusets,
but upon some discontente left y^t place, and came hither, (wher he was
fri[=e]dly entertained, according to their poore abilitie,) and
exercised his gifts amongst them, & after some time was admitted a
member of y^e church; and his teaching well approoved, for y^e benefite
wherof I still blese God, and am thankfull to him, even for his sharpest
admonitions & reproufs, so farr as they agreed with truth. He this year
begane to fall into some strang oppi[=i]ons, and from opinion to
practise; which caused some controversie betweene y^e church & him, and
in y^e end some discontente on his parte, by occasion wherof he left
them some thing abruptly. Yet after wards sued for his dismission to y^e
church of Salem, which was granted, with some caution to them concerning
him, and what care they ought to have of him. But he soone fell into
more things ther, both to their and y^e governments troble and [196]
disturbance. I shall not need to name perticulers, they are too well
knowen now to all, though for a time y^e church here wente under some
hard censure by his occasion, from some that afterwards smarted them
selves. But he is to be pitied, and prayed for, and so I shall leave y^e
matter, and desire y^e Lord to shew him his errors, and reduse him into
y^e way of truth, and give him a setled judgment and constancie in y^e
same; for I hope he belongs to y^e Lord, and y^t he will shew him
mercie.

Having had formerly converse and famliarity with y^e Dutch, (as is
before remembred,) they, seeing them seated here in a barren quarter,
tould them of a river called by them y^e Fresh River, but now is known
by y^e name of Conightecute-River, which they often co[=m]ended unto
them for a fine place both for plantation and trade, and wished them to
make use of it. But their hands being full otherwise, they let it pass.
But afterwards ther coming a company of banishte Indeans into these
parts, that were drivene out from thence by the potencie of y^e
Pequents, which usurped upon them, and drive them from thence, they
often sollisited them to goe thither, and they should have much trad,
espetially if they would keep a house ther. And having now good store of
comodities, and allso need to looke out wher they could advantage them
selves to help them out of their great ingagments, they now begane to
send that way to discover y^e same, and trade with y^e natives. They
found it to be a fine place, but had no great store of trade; but y^e
Indeans excused y^e same in regard of y^e season, and the fear y^e
Indans were in of their enemise. So they tried diverce times, not with
out profite, but saw y^e most certainty would be by keeping a house
ther, to receive y^e trad when it came down out of y^e inland. These
Indeans, not seeing them very forward to build ther, solisited them of
y^e Massachusets in like sorte (for their end was to be restored to
their countrie againe); but they in y^e Bay being but latly come, were
not fitte for y^e same; but some of their cheefe made a motion to joyne
w^th the partners here, to trad joyntly with them in y^t river, the
which they were willing to imbrace, and so they should have builte, and
put in equall stock togeather. A time of meeting was appointed at y^e
Massachusets, and some of y^e cheefe here was appointed to treat with
them, and went accordingly; but they cast many fears of deanger & loss
and the like, which was perceived to be the maine obstacles, though they
alledged they were not provided of trading goods. But those hear offered
at presente to put in sufficiente for both, provided they would become
ingaged for y^e halfe, and prepare against y^e nexte year. They
conffessed more could not be offered, but thanked them, and tould them
they had no mind to it. They then answered, they hoped it would be no
offence unto [197] them, if them sellves wente on without them, if they
saw it meete. They said ther was no reason they should; and thus this
treaty broake of, and those here tooke conveniente time to made a
begining ther; and were y^e first English that both discovered that
place, and built in y^e same, though they were litle better then thrust
out of it afterward as may appeare.

But y^e Dutch begane now to repente, and hearing of their purpose &
preparation, ind[=e]oured to prevente them, and gott in a litle before
them, and made a slight forte, and planted 2. peeces of ordnance,
thretening to stopp their passage. But they having made a smale frame of
a house ready, and haveing a great new-barke, they stowed their frame in
her hold, & bords to cover & finishe it, having nayles & all other
provisions fitting for their use. This they did y^e rather that they
might have a presente defence against y^e Indeans, who weare much
offended that they brought home & restored y^e right Sachem of y^e place
(called Natawanute); so as they were to incounter with a duble danger in
this attempte, both y^e Dutch and y^e Indeans. When they came up y^e
river, the Dutch demanded what they intended, and whither they would
goe; they answered, up y^e river to trade (now their order was to goe
and seat above them). They bid them strike, & stay, or els they would
shoote them; & stood by ther ordnance ready fitted. They answered they
had co[=m]ission from y^e Gov^r of Plimoth to goe up y^e river to such a
place, and if they did shoote, they must obey their order and proceede;
they would not molest them, but would goe one. So they passed along, and
though the Dutch threatened them hard, yet they shoot not. Co[=m]ing to
their place, they clapt up their house quickly, and landed their
provissions, and left y^e companie appoynted, and sent the barke home;
and afterwards palisadoed their house aboute, and fortified them selves
better. The Dutch sent word home to y^e Monhatas what was done: and in
proces of time, they sent a band of aboute 70. men, in warrlike maner,
with collours displayed, to assaulte them; but seeing them strengtened,
& that it would cost blood, they came to parley, and returned in peace.
And this was their enterance ther, who deserved to have held it, and not
by freinds to have been thrust out, as in a sorte they were, as will
after appere. They did y^e Dutch no wrong, for they took not a foote of
any land they bought, but went to y^e place above them, and bought that
tracte of land which belonged to these Indeans which they carried with
them, and their friends, with whom y^e Dutch had nothing to doe. But of
these matters more in another place.

It pleased y^e Lord to visite them this year with an infectious fevoure,
of which many fell very sicke, and upward of 20. persons dyed, men and
women, besids children, and sundry of them of their anciente friends
which had lived in Holand; as Thomas Blossome, Richard Masterson, with
sundry [198] others, and in y^e end (after he had much helped others)
Samuell Fuller, who was their surgeon & phisition, and had been a great
help and comforte unto them; as in his facultie, so otherwise, being a
deacon of y^e church, a man godly, and forward to doe good, being much
missed after his death; and he and y^e rest of their brethren much
lamented by them, and caused much sadnes & mourning amongst them; which
caused them to humble them selves, & seeke y^e Lord; and towards winter
it pleased the Lord y^e sicknes ceased. This disease allso swept away
many of y^e Indeans from all y^e places near adjoyning; and y^e spring
before, espetially all y^e month of May, ther was such a quantitie of a
great sorte of flies, like (for bignes) to wasps, or bumble-bees, which
came out of holes in y^e ground, and replenished all y^e woods, and eate
y^e green-things, and made such a constante yelling noyes, as made all
y^e woods ring of them, and ready to deafe y^e hearers. They have not by
y^e English been heard or seen before or since. But y^e Indeans tould
them y^t sicknes would follow, and so it did in June, July, August, and
y^e cheefe heat of so[=m]er.

It pleased y^e Lord to inable them this year to send home a great
quantity of beaver, besids paing all their charges, & debts at home,
which good returne did much incourage their freinds in England. They
sent in beaver 3366^li. waight, and much of it coat beaver, which yeeled
20^s. [p=]^r pound, & some of it above; and of otter-skines[DJ] 346.
sould also at a good prise. And thus much of y^e affairs of this year.

_Anno Dom: 1634._

This year M^r. Thomas Prence was chosen Gov^r.

M^r. Sherleys letters were very breefe in answer of theirs this year. I
will forbear to coppy any part therof, only name a head or 2. therm.
First, he desirs they will take nothing ill in what he formerly write,
professing his good affection towards them as before, &c. 2^ly. For M^r.
Allertons accounts, he is perswaded they must suffer, and y^t in no
small su[=m]es; and that they have cause enough to complaine, but it
was now too late. And that he had failed them ther, those here, and him
selfe in his owne aimes. And that now, having thus left them here, he
feared God had or would leave him, and it would not be strang, but a
wonder if he fell not into worse things, &c. 3^ly. He blesseth God and
is thankfull to them for y^e good returne made this year. This is y^e
effecte of his letters, other things being of more private nature.

I am now to enter upon one of y^e sadest things that befell them since
they came; but before I begine, it will be needfull to premise such
parte of their patente as gives them right and priviledge at Kenebeck;
as followeth:

[199] The said Counsell hath further given, granted, barganed, sold,
infeoffed, alloted, assigned, & sett over, and by these presents doe
clearly and absolutly give, grante, bargane, sell, alliene, enffeofe,
allote, assigne, and confirme unto y^e said William Bradford, his
heires, associates, and assignes, All that tracte of land or part of
New-England in America afforesaid, which lyeth within or betweene, and
extendeth it selfe from y^e utmost limits of Cobiseconte, which
adjoyneth to y^e river of Kenebeck, towards the westerne ocean, and a
place called y^e falls of Nequamkick in America, aforsaid; and y^e
space of 15. English myles on each side of y^e said river, commonly
called Kenebeck River, and all y^e said river called Kenebeck that
lyeth within the said limits & bounds, eastward, westward, northward,
& southward, last above mentioned; and all lands, grounds, soyles,
rivers, waters, fishing, &c. And by vertue of y^e authority to us
derived by his said late Ma^tis Lr[=e]s patents, to take, apprehend,
seise, and make prise of all such persons, their ships and goods, as
shall attempte to inhabite or trade with y^e savage people of that
countrie within y^e severall precincts and limits of his & their
severall plantations, &c.

Now it so fell out, that one Hocking, belonging to y^e plantation of
Pascataway, wente with a barke and co[=m]odities to trade in that river,
and would needs press into their limites; and not only so, but would
needs goe up y^e river above their house, (towards y^e falls of y^e
river,) and intercept the trade that should come to them. He that was
cheefe of y^e place forbad them, and prayed him that he would not offer
them that injurie, nor goe aboute to infring their liberties, which had
cost them so dear. But he answered he would goe up and trade ther in
dispite of them, and lye ther as longe as he pleased. The other tould
him he must then be forced to remove him from thence, or make seasure of
him if he could. He bid him doe his worste, and so wente up, and
anchored ther. The other tooke a boat & some men & went up to him, when
he saw his time, and againe entreated him to departe by what perswasion
he could. But all in vaine: he could gett nothing of him but ill words.
So he considred that now was y^e season for trade to come downe, and if
he should suffer him to lye, & take it from them, all ther former charge
would be lost, and they had better throw up all. So, consulting with
his men, (who were willing thertoe,) he resolved to put him from his
anchores, and let him drive downe y^e river with y^e streame; but
co[=m]anded y^e men y^t none should shoote a shote upon any occasion,
except he co[=m]anded them. He spoake to him againe, but all in vaine;
then he sente a cuple in a canow to cutt his cable, the which one of
them performes; but Hocking taks up a pece which he had layed ready, and
as y^e barke shered by y^e canow, he shote [200] him close under her
side, in y^e head, (as I take it,) so he fell downe dead instantly. One
of his fellows (that loved him well) could not hold, but with a muskett
shot Hocking, who fell downe dead and never speake word. This was y^e
truth of y^e thing. The rest of y^e men carried home the vessell and y^e
sad tidings of these things. Now y^e Lord Saye & y^e Lord Brooks, with
some other great persons, had a hand in this plantation; they write home
to them, as much as they could to exasperate them in y^e matter,
leaveing out all y^e circomstances, as if he had been kild without any
offenc of his parte, conceling y^t he had kild another first, and y^e
just occasion that he had given in offering such wrong; at w^ch their
Lords^ps were much offended, till they were truly informed of y^e mater.

The bruite of this was quickly carried all aboute, (and y^t in y^e worst
maner,) and came into y^e Bay to their neighbours their. Their owne
barke co[=m]ing home, and bringing a true relation of y^e matter, sundry
were sadly affected with y^e thing, as they had cause. It was not long
before they had occasion to send their vessell into y^e Bay of y^e
Massachusetts; but they were so prepossest with this matter, and
affected with y^e same, as they co[=m]ited M^r. Alden to prison, who was
in y^e bark, and had been at Kenebeck, but was no actore in y^e
bussines, but wente to carie them supply. They dismist y^e barke aboute
her bussines, but kept him for some time. This was thought strang here,
and they sente Capten Standish to give them true information, (togeather
with their letters,) and y^e best satisfaction they could, and to
procure M^r. Alden’s release. I shall recite a letter or 2. which will
show the passages of these things, as folloeth.

Good S^r:

I have received your [~l]r[=e]^s by Captaine Standish, & am unfainedly
glad of Gods mercie towards you in y^e recovery of your health, or
some way thertoo. For y^e bussines you write of, I thought meete to
answer a word or 2. to your selfe, leaving the answer of your Gov^or
[~l]re to our courte, to whom y^e same, together with my selfe is
directed. I conceive (till I hear new matter to y^e contrary) that
your patente may warrente your resistance of any English from trading
at Kenebeck, and y^t blood of Hocking, and y^e partie he slue, will be
required at his hands. Yet doe I with your selfe & others sorrow for
their deaths. I thinke likewise y^t your generall [~l]r[=e]s will
satisfie our courte, and make them cease from any further inter
medling in y^e mater. I have upon y^e same [~l]re sett M^r. Alden at
liberty, and his sureties, and yet, least I should seeme to neglecte
y^e opinion of our court & y^e frequente speeches of others with us,
I have bound Captaine Standish to appeare y^e 3. of June at our nexte
courte, to make affidavid for y^e coppie of y^e patente, and to
manifest the circumstances of Hockins provocations; both which will
tend to y^e clearing of your inocencie. If any unkindnes hath ben
taken from what we have done, let it be further & better considred of,
I pray you; and I hope y^e more you thinke of it, the lesse blame you
will impute to us. At least you ought to be just in differencing them,
whose opinions concurr [201] with your owne, from others who were
opposites; and yet I may truly say, I have spoken w^th no man in y^e
bussines who taxed you most, but they are such as have many wayes
heretofore declared ther good affections towards your plantation. I
further referr my selfe to y^e reporte of Captaine Standish & M^r.
Allden; leaving you for this presente to Gods blessing, wishing unto
you perfecte recovery of health, and y^e long continuance of it. I
desire to be lovingly remembred to M^r. Prence, your Governor, M^r.
Winslow, M^r. Brewster, whom I would see if I knew how. The Lord keepe
you all. Amen.

Your very loving friend in our Lord Jesus,
THO: DUDLEY.

New-towne, y^e 22. of May, 1631.

_Another of his about these things as followeth._

S^r: I am right sorrie for y^e news that Captaine Standish & other of
your neigbours and my beloved freinds will bring now to Plimoth,
wherin I suffer with you, by reason of my opinion, which differeth
from others, who are godly & wise, amongst us here, the reverence of
whose judgments causeth me to suspecte myne owne ignorance; yet must I
remaine in it untill I be convinced therof. I thought not to have
shewed your letter written to me, but to have done my best to have
reconciled differences in y^e best season & maner I could; but
Captaine Standish requiring an answer therof publickly in y^e courte,
I was forced to produce it, and that made y^e breach soe wide as he
can tell you. I propounded to y^e courte, to answer M^r. Prences [~l]re,
your Gov^r, but our courte said it required no answer, it selfe being
an answer to a former [~l]re of ours. I pray you certifie M^r. Prence so
much, and others whom it conce[~r]eth, that no neglecte or ill
ma[=n]ers be imputed to me theraboute. The late [~l]res I received from
England wrought in me divere fears[DK] of some trials which are
shortly like to fall upon us; and this unhappie contention betweene
you and us, and between you & Pascattaway, will hasten them, if God
with an extraordinarie hand doe not help us. To reconcile this for y^e
presente will be very difficulte, but time cooleth distempers, and a
comone danger to us boath approaching, will necessitate our uniting
againe. I pray you therfore, S^r. set your wisdom & patience a worke,
and exhorte others to y^e same, that things may not proceede from bad
to worse, so making our contentions like y^e barrs of a pallace, but
that a way of peace may be kepte open, wherat y^e God of peace may
have enterance in his owne time. If you suffer wrong, it shall be your
honor to bear it patiently; but I goe to farr in needles putting you
in mind of these things. God hath done great things for you, and I
desire his blessings may be multiplied upon you more & more. I will
commite no more to writing, but comending my selfe to your prayers,
doe rest,

Your truly loving freind in our Lord Jesus,
THO: DUDLEY.

June 4. 1634.

By these things it appars what troubls rise herupon, and how hard they
were to be reconciled; for though they hear were hartily sorrie for what
was fallen out, yet they conceived they were unjustly injuried, and
provoked to what was done; and that their neigbours (haveing no
jurisdiction over them) did more then was mete, thus to imprison one of
theirs, and bind them to [202] their courte. But yet being assured of
their Christian love, and perswaded what was done was out of godly
zeale, that religion might not suffer, nor sinne any way covered or
borne with, espetially y^e guilte of blood, of which all should be very
consciencious in any whom soever, they did indeavore to appease &
satisfie them y^e best they could; first, by informing them y^e truth in
all circomstances aboute y^e matter; 2^ly, in being willing to referr
y^e case to any indifferante and equall hearing and judgmente of the
thing hear, and to answere it els wher when they should be duly called
therunto; and further they craved M^r. Winthrops, & other of y^e reve^d
magistrats ther, their advice & direction herein. This did mollifie
their minds, and bring things to a good & comfortable issue in y^e end.

For they had this advice given them by M^r. Winthrop, & others
concurring with him, that from their courte, they should write to the
neigboure plantations, & espetially that of y^e lords, at Pascataway,
and theirs of y^e Massachusets, to appointe some to give them meeting
at some fitt place, to consulte & determine in this matter, so as y^e
parties meeting might have full power to order & bind, &c. And that
nothing be done to y^e infringing or prejudice of y^e liberties of any
place. And for y^e clearing of conscience, y^e law of God is, y^t y^e
preist lips must be consulted with, and therfore it was desired that y^e
ministers of every plantation might be presente to give their advice in
pointe of conscience. Though this course seemed dangerous to some, yet
they were so well assured of y^e justice of their cause, and y^e equitie
of their freinds, as they put them selves upon it, & appointed a time,
of which they gave notice to y^e severall places a month before hand;
viz. Massachusets, Salem, & Pascataway, or any other y^t they would give
notice too, and disired them to produce any evidence they could in y^e
case. The place for meeting was at Boston. But when y^e day & time came,
none apered, but some of y^e magistrats and ministers of y^e
Massachusets, and their owne. Seeing none of Passcataway or other places
came, (haveing been thus desired, & conveniente time given them for y^t
end,) M^r. Winthrop & y^e rest said they could doe no more then they had
done thus to requeste them, y^e blame must rest on them. So they fell
into a fair debating of things them selves; and after all things had
been fully opened & discussed, and y^e opinione of each one demanded,
both magistrats, and ministers, though they all could have wished these
things had never been, yet they could not but lay y^e blame & guilt on
Hockins owne head; and withall gave them such grave & godly exhortations
and advice, as they thought meete, both for y^e presente & future; which
they allso imbraced with love & thankfullnes, promising to indeavor to
follow y^e same. And thus was this matter ended, and ther love and
concord renewed; and also M^r. Winthrop & M^r. Dudley write in their
behalfes to y^e Lord Ssay & other gentl-men that were interesed in y^t
plantation, very effectually, w^th which, togeather with their owne
leters, and M^r. Winslows furder declaration of things unto them, they
rested well satisfied.

[203] M^r. Winslow was sente by them this year into England, partly to
informe and satisfie y^e Lord Say & others, in y^e former matter, as
also to make answer and their just defence for y^e same, if any thing
should by any be prosecuted against them at Counsell-table, or els wher;
but this matter tooke end, without any further trouble, as is before
noted. And partly to signifie unto y^e partners in England, that the
terme of their trade with y^e company here was out, and therfore he was
sente to finishe y^e accounts with them, and to bring them notice how
much debtore they should remaine on y^t accounte, and that they might
know what further course would be best to hold. But y^e issue of these
things will appear in y^e next years passages. They now sente over by
him a great returne, which was very acceptable unto them; which was in
beaver 3738^li. waight, (a great part of it, being coat-beaver, sould at
20^s. p^r pound,) and 234. otter skines;[DL] which alltogeather rise to
a great sume of money.

This year (in y^e foreparte of y^e same) they sente forth a barke to
trad at y^e Dutch-Plantation; and they mette ther with on Captaine
Stone, that had lived in Christophers, one of y^e West-Ende Ilands, and
now had been some time in Virginia, and came from thence into these
parts. He kept company with y^e Dutch Gove^r, and, I know not in what
drunken fitt, he gott leave of y^e Gov^r to ceaise on their barke, when
they were ready to come away, and had done their markett, haveing y^e
valew of 500^li. worth of goods abord her; having no occasion at all, or
any collour of ground for such a thing, but having made y^e Gov^r
drunck, so as he could scarce speake a right word; and when he urged him
hear aboute, he answered him, _Als ‘t u beleeft_.[DM] So he gat abord,
(the cheefe of their men & marchant being ashore,) and with some of his
owne men, made y^e rest of theirs waigh anchor, sett sayle, & carry her
away towards Virginia. But diverse of y^e Dutch sea-men, which had bene
often at Plimoth, and kindly entertayned ther, said one to another,
Shall we suffer our freinds to be thus abused, and have their goods
carried away, before our faces, whilst our Gov^r is drunke? They vowed
they would never suffer it; and so gott a vessell or 2. and pursued him,
& brought him in againe, and delivered them their barke & goods againe.

After wards Stone came into y^e Massachusets, and they sent & commensed
suite against him for this facte; but by mediation of freinds it was
taken up, and y^e suite lett fall. And in y^e company of some other
gentle-men Stone came afterwards to Plimoth, and had freindly & civill
entertainmente amongst them, with y^e rest; but revenge boyled within
his brest, (though concelled,) for some conceived he had a purpose (at
one time) to have staped the Gov^r, and put his hand to his dagger for
that end, but by Gods providence and y^e vigilance of some was
prevented. He afterward returned to Virginia, in a pinass, with one
Captaine Norton & some others; and, I know not for what occasion, they
would needs goe up Coonigtecutt River; and how they carried themselves I
know not, but y^e Indeans knoct him in y^e head, as he lay in his
cabine, and had thrown y^e covering over his face (whether out of fear
or desperation is uncertaine); this was his end. They likewise killed
all y^e rest, but Captaine Norton defended him selfe a long time against
them all in y^e cooke-roome, till by accidente the gunpowder tooke fire,
which (for readynes) he had sett in an open thing before him, which did
so burne, & scald him, & blind his eyes, as he could make no longer
resistance, but was slaine also by them, though they much comended his
vallour. And having killed y^e men, they made a pray of what they had,
and chafered away some of their things to y^e Dutch that lived their.
But it was not longe before a quarell fell betweene the Dutch & them,
and they would have cutt of their bark; but they slue y^e cheef sachem
w^th y^e shott of a murderer.[DN]

I am now to relate some strang and remarkable passages. Ther was a
company of people lived in y^e country, up above in y^e river of
Conigtecut, a great way from their trading house ther, and were enimise
to those Indeans which lived aboute them, and of whom they stood in some
fear (bing a stout people). About a thousand of them had inclosed them
selves in a forte, which they had strongly palissadoed about. 3. or 4.
Dutch men went up in y^e begining of winter to live with them, to gett
their trade, and prevente them for bringing it to y^e English, or to
fall into amitie with them; but at spring to bring all downe to their
place. But their enterprise failed, for it pleased God to visite these
Indeans with a great sicknes, and such a mortalitie that of a 1000.
above 900. and a halfe of them dyed, and many of them did rott above
ground for want of buriall, and y^e Dutch men allmost starved before
they could gett away, for ise and snow. But about Feb: they got with
much difficultie to their trading house; whom they kindly releeved,
being allmost spente with hunger and could. Being thus refreshed by them
diverce days, they got to their owne place, and y^e Dutch were very
thankfull for this kindnes.

This spring, also, those Indeans that lived aboute their trading house
there fell sick of y^e small poxe, and dyed most miserably; for a sorer
disease cannot befall them; they fear it more then y^e plague; for
usualy they that have this disease have them in abundance, and for wante
of bedding & li[=n]ing and other helps, they fall into a lamentable
condition, as they lye on their hard matts, y^e poxe breaking and
mattering, and runing one into another, their skin cleaving (by reason
therof) to the matts they lye on; when they turne them, a whole side
will flea of at once, [204] (as it were,) and they will be all of a gore
blood, most fearfull to behold; and then being very sore, what with
could and other distempers, they dye like rotten sheep. The condition of
this people was so lamentable, and they fell downe so generally of this
diseas, as they were (in y^e end) not able to help on another; no, not
to make a fire, nor to fetch a litle water to drinke, nor any to burie
y^e dead; but would strivie as long as they could, and when they could
procure no other means to make fire, they would burne y^e woden trayes
& dishes they ate their meate in, and their very bowes & arrowes; & some
would crawle out on all foure to gett a litle water, and some times dye
by y^e way, & not be able to gett in againe. But those of y^e English
house, (though at first they were afraid of y^e infection,) yet seeing
their woefull and sadd condition, and hearing their pitifull cries and
lamentations, they had compastion of them, and dayly fetched them wood &
water, and made them fires, gott them victualls whilst they lived, and
buried them when they dyed. For very few of them escaped,
notwithstanding they did what they could for them, to y^e haszard of
them selvs. The cheefe Sachem him selfe now dyed, & allmost all his
freinds & kinred. But by y^e marvelous goodnes & providens of God not
one of y^e English was so much as sicke, or in y^e least measure tainted
with this disease, though they dayly did these offices for them for many
weeks togeather. And this mercie which they shewed them was kindly
taken, and thankfully acknowledged of all y^e Indeans that knew or heard
of y^e same; and their m^rs here did much comend & reward them for y^e
same.

_Anno Dom: 1635._

M^r. Winslow was very wellcome to them in England, and y^e more in
regard of y^e large returne he brought with him, which came all safe to
their hands, and was well sould. And he was borne in hand, (at least he
so apprehended,) that all accounts should be cleared before his returne,
and all former differences ther aboute well setled. And so he writ over
to them hear, that he hoped to cleare y^e accounts, and bring them over
with him; and y^t the accounte of y^e White Angele would be taken of,
and all things fairly ended. But it came to pass [205] that, being
occasioned to answer some complaints made against the countrie at
Counsell bord, more cheefly concerning their neigbours in y^e Bay then
them selves hear, the which he did to good effecte, and further
prosecuting such things as might tend to y^e good of y^e whole, as well
them selves as others, aboute y^e wrongs and incroachments that the
French & other strangers both had and were like further to doe unto
them, if not prevented, he prefered this petition following to their
Hon^rs that were deputed Comissioners for y^e Plantations.

To y^e right honorable y^e Lords Comissioners for y^e Plantations in
America.

The humble petition of Edw: Winslow, on y^e behalfe of y^e plantations
in New-England,

Humbly sheweth unto your Lordships, y^t wheras your petitioners have
planted them selves in New England under his Ma^tis most gratious
protection; now so it is, right Hon^bl, that y^e French & Dutch doe
indeaouer to devide y^e land betweene them; for which purpose y^e
French have, on y^e east side, entered and seased upon one of our
houses, and carried away the goods, slew 2. of y^e men in another
place, and tooke y^e rest prisoners with their goods. And y^e Dutch,
on y^e west, have also made entrie upon Conigtecute River, within y^e
limits of his Maj^ts [~l]rs patent, where they have raised a forte,
and threaten to expell your petitioners thence, who are also planted
upon y^e same river, maintaining possession for his Ma^tie to their
great charge, & hazard both of lives & goods.

In tender consideration hereof your petitioners humbly pray that your
Lo^pps will either procure their peace w^th those foraine states, or
else to give spetiall warrante unto your petitioners and y^e English
Collonies, to right and defend them selves against all foraigne
enimies. And your petitioners shall pray, &c.

This petition found good acceptation with most of them, and Mr. Winslow
was heard sundry times by them, and appointed further to attend for an
answer from their Lo^pps, espetially, having upon conferance with them
laid downe a way how this might be doone without any either charge or
trouble to y^e state; only by furnishing some of y^e cheefe of y^e
cuntry hear with authoritie, who would undertake it at their owne
charge, and in such a way as should be without any publick disturbance.
But this crossed both S^r Ferdinandos Gorges’ & Cap: Masons designe, and
y^e arch-bishop of Counterberies by them; for S^r Ferd: Gorges (by y^e
arch-pps favore) was to have been sent over generall Gov^r into y^e
countrie, and to have had means from y^e state for y^t end, and was now
upon dispatch and conclude of y^e bussines. And y^e arch-bishops
purposs & intente was, by his means, & some he should send with him,
(to be furnished with Episcopall power,) [206] to disturbe y^e peace of
y^e churches here, and to overthrow their proceedings and further
growth, which was y^e thing he aimed at. But it so fell out (by Gods
providence) that though he in y^e end crost this petition from taking
any further effecte in this kind, yet by this as a cheefe means the
plotte and whole bussines of his & S^r Ferdinandos fell to y^e ground,
and came to nothing. When M^r. Winslow should have had his suit granted,
(as indeed upon y^e pointe it was,) and should have been confirmed, the
arch-bishop put a stop upon it, and M^r. Winslow, thinking to gett it
freed, went to y^e bord againe; but y^e bishop, S^r Ferd: and Captine
Masson, had, as it seemes, procured Morton (of whom mention is made
before, & his base carriage) to complaine; to whose complaints M^r.
Winslow made answer to y^e good satisfaction of y^e borde, who checked
Morton and rebuked him sharply, & allso blamed S^r Fer^d Gorges, &
Masson, for countenancing him. But y^e bish: had a further end & use of
his presence, for he now begane to question M^r. Winslow of many things;
as of teaching in y^e church publickly, of which Morton accused him, and
gave evidence that he had seen and heard him doe it; to which M^r.
Winslow answered, that some time (wanting a minster) he did exercise his
gifte to help y^e edification of his breethren, when they wanted better
means, w^ch was not often. Then aboute mariage, the which he also
confessed, that, haveing been called to place of magistracie, he had
sometimes maried some. And further tould their lord^ps y^t mariage was a
civille thinge, & he found no wher in y^e word of God y^t it was tyed to
ministrie. Again, they were necessitated so to doe, having for a long
time togeather at first no minister; besids, it was no new-thing, for he
had been so maried him selfe in Holand, by y^e magistrats in their
Statt-house. But in y^e end (to be short), for these things, y^e bishop,
by vemente importunity, gott y^e bord at last to consente to his
comittemente; so he was comited to y^e Fleete, and lay ther 17. weeks,
or ther aboute, before he could gett to be released. And this was y^e
end of this petition, and this bussines; only y^e others designe was
also frustrated hereby, with other things concurring, which was no
smalle blessing to y^e people here.

But y^e charge fell heavie on them hear, not only in M^r. Winslows
expences, (which could not be smale,) but by y^e hinderance of their
bussines both ther and hear, by his personall imploymente. For though
this was as much or more for others then for them hear, and by them
cheefly he was put on this bussines, (for the plantation k[=e]we nothing
of it till they heard of his imprisonmente,) yet y^e whole charge lay on
them.

Now for their owne bussines; whatsoever M^r. Sherleys mind was before,
(or M^r. Winslow apprehension of y^e same,) he now declared him selfe
plainly, that he would neither take of y^e White-Angell from y^e
accounte, nor [207] give any further accounte, till he had received more
into his hands; only a prety good supply of goods were sent over, but of
y^e most, no note of their prises, or so orderly an invoyce as formerly;
which M^r. Winslow said he could not help, because of his restrainte.
Only now M^r. Sherley & M^r. Beachamp & M^r. Andrews sent over a letter
of atturney under their hands & seals, to recovere what they could of
M^r. Allerton for y^e Angells accounte; but sent them neither y^e bonds,
nor covenants, or such other evidence or accounts, as they had aboute
these matters. I shall here inserte a few passages out of M^r. Sherleys
letters aboute these things.

Your leter of y^e 22. of July, 1634, by your trustie and our loving
friend M^r. Winslow, I have received, and your larg parcell of beaver
and otter skines. Blessed be our God, both he and it came safly to us,
and we have sould it in tow parcells; y^e skin at 14^s. li. & some at
16.; y^e coate at 20^s. y^e pound. The accounts I have not sent you
them this year, I will referr you to M^r. Winslow to tell you y^e
reason of it; yet be assured y^t none of you shall suffer by y^e not
having of them, if God spare me life. And wheras you say y^e 6. years
are expired y^t y^e peopl put y^e trad into your & our hands for, for
y^e discharge of y^t great debte w^ch M^r. Allerton needlesly &
unadvisedly ran you & us into; yet it was promised it should continue
till our disbursments & ingagements were satisfied. You conceive it
is done; we feele & know other wise, &c. I doubt not but we shall
lovingly agree, notwithstanding all y^t hath been writen, on boath
sids, aboute y^e Whit-Angell. We have now sent you a letter of
atturney, therby giving you power in our names (and to shadow it y^e
more we say for our uses) to obtaine what may be of M^r. Allerton
towards y^e satisfing of that great charge of y^e White Angell. And
sure he hath bound him selfe, (though at present I cannot find it,)
but he hath often affirmed, with great protestations, y^t neither you
nor we should lose a peny by him, and I hope you shall find enough to
discharg it, so as we shall have no more contesting aboute it. Yet,
notwithstanding his unnaturall & unkind dealing with you, in y^e
midest of justice remember mercie, and doe not all you may doe, &c.
Set us out of debte, and then let us recone & reason togeither, &c.
M^r. Winslow hath undergone an unkind imprisonment, but I am perswaded
it will turne much to all your good. I leave him to relate
perticuleres, &c.

Your loving freind,
JAMES SHERLEY.

London, Sep: 7. 1635.

This year they sustained an other great loss from y^e French. Monsier de
Aulnay coming into y^e harbore of Penobscote, and having before gott
some of y^e cheefe y^t belonged to y^e house abord his vessell, by
sutlty coming upon them in their shalop, he gott them to pilote him in;
and after getting y^e rest into his power, he tooke possession of y^e
house in y^e name of y^e king of France; and partly by threatening, &
other wise, made Mr. Willett (their agente ther) to approve of y^e sale
of y^e goods their unto him, of which he sett y^e price him selfe [208]
in effecte, and made an inventory therof, (yett leaving out sundry
things,) but made no paymente for them; but tould them in convenient
time he would doe it if they came for it. For y^e house & fortification,
&c. he would not alow, nor accounte any thing, saing that they which
build on another mans ground doe forfite y^e same. So thus turning them
out of all, (with a great deale of complemente, and many fine words,) he
let them have their shalop and some victualls to bring them home. Coming
home and relating all the passages, they here were much troubled at it,
& haveing had this house robbed by y^e French once before, and lost then
above 500^li. (as is before remembred), and now to loose house & all,
did much move them. So as they resolved to consulte with their freinds
in y^e Bay, and if y^ey approved of it, (ther being now many ships
ther,) they intended to hire a ship of force, and seeke to beat out y^e
Frenche, and recover it againe. Ther course was well approved on, if
them selves could bear y^e charge; so they hired a fair ship of above
300. tune, well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with y^e m^r. (one
Girling) to this effect: that he and his company should deliver them y^e
house, (after they had driven out, or surprised y^e French,) and give
them peacable possession therof, and of all such trading comodities as
should ther be found; and give y^e French fair quarter & usage, if they
would yeeld. In consideration wherof he was to have 700^li. of beaver,
to be delivered him ther, when he had done y^e thing; but if he did not
accomplish it, he was to loose his labour, and have nothing. With him
they also sent their owne bark, and about 20. men, with Captaine
Standish, to aide him (if neede weer), and to order things, if the house
was regained; and then to pay him y^e beaver, which they keept abord
their owne barke. So they with their bark piloted him thither, and
brought him safe into y^e harbor. But he was so rash & heady as he would
take no advice, nor would suffer Captaine Standish to have time to
summone them, (who had co[=m]ission & order so to doe,) neither would
doe it him selfe; the which, it was like, if it had been done, & they
come to affaire parley, seeing their force, they would have yeelded.
Neither would he have patience to bring his ship wher she might doe
execution, but begane to shoot at distance like a madd man, and did them
no hurte at all; the which when those of y^e plantation saw, they were
much greeved, and went to him & tould him he would doe no good if he did
not lay his ship beter to pass (for she might lye within pistoll shott
of y^e house). At last, when he saw his owne folly, he was perswaded,
and layed her well, and bestowed a few shott to good purposs. But now,
when he was in a way to doe some good, his powder was goone; for though
he had …[DO] peece of ordnance, it did now [209] appeare he had but a
barrell of powder, and a peece; so he could doe no good, but was faine
to draw of againe; by which means y^e enterprise was made frustrate, and
y^e French incouraged; for all y^e while that he shot so unadvisedly,
they lay close under a worke of earth, & let him consume him selfe. He
advised with y^e Captaine how he might be supplyed with powder, for he
had not to carie him home; so he tould him he would goe to y^e next
plantation, and doe his indeour to procure him some, and so did; but
understanding, by intelligence, that he intended to ceiase on y^e barke,
& surprise y^e beaver, he sent him the powder, and brought y^e barke &
beaver home. But Girling never assualted y^e place more, (seeing him
selfe disapoyented,) but went his way; and this was y^e end of this
bussines.

Upon y^e ill success of this bussines, the Gov^r and Assistants here by
their leters certified their freinds in y^e Bay, how by this ship they
had been abused and disapoynted, and y^t the French partly had, and were
now likly to fortifie them selves more strongly, and likly to become ill
neigbours to y^e English. Upon this they thus writ to them as
folloeth:–

Worthy S^rs: Upon y^e reading of your leters, & consideration of y^e
waightines of y^e cause therin mentioned, the courte hath joyntly
expressed their willingnes to assist you with men & munition, for y^e
accomplishing of your desires upon y^e French. But because here are
none of yours y^t have authority to conclude of any thing herein,
nothing can be done by us for y^e presente. We desire, therfore, that
you would with all conveniente speed send some man of trust, furnished
with instructions from your selves, to make such agreemente with us
about this bussines as may be usefull for you, and equall for us. So
in hast we co[=m]ite you to God, and remaine

Your assured loving freinds,

JOHN HAYNES, Gov^r.
RI: BELLINGHAM, Dep.
JO: WINTHROP.
THO: DUDLEY.
JO: HUMFRAY.
W^M: CODDINGTON.
W^M: PINCHON.
ATHERTON HOUGHE.
INCREAS NOWELL.
RIC: DUMER.
SIMON BRADSTRETE.

New-towne, Octo^r 9. 1635.

Upon the receite of y^e above mentioned, they presently deputed 2. of
theirs to treate with them, giving them full power to conclude,
according to the instructions they gave them, being to this purposs:
that if they would afford such assistance as, togeather with their owne,
was like to effecte the thing, and allso bear a considerable parte of
y^e charge, they would goe on; if not, [210] they (having lost so much
allready) should not be able, but must desiste, and waite further
opportunitie as God should give, to help them selves. But this came to
nothing, for when it came to y^e issue, they would be at no charge, but
sente them this letter, and referd them more at large to their owne
messengers.

S^r: Having, upon y^e consideration of your letter, with y^e message
you sente, had some serious consultations aboute y^e great importance
of your bussines with y^e French, we gave our answer to those whom you
deputed to conferr w^th us aboute y^e viage to Penobscote. We shewed
our willingnes to help, but withall we declared our presente
condition, & in what state we were, for our abilitie to help; which we
for our parts shall be willing to improve, to procure you sufficiente
supply of men & munition. But for matter of moneys we have no
authority at all to promise, and if we should, we should rather
disapoynte you, then incourage you by y^t help, which we are not able
to performe. We likewise thought it fitt to take y^e help of other
Esterne plantations; but those things we leave to your owne wisdomes.
And for other things we refer you to your owne co[=m]itties, who are
able to relate all y^e passages more at large. We salute you, & wish
you all good success in y^e Lord.

Your faithfull & loving friend,
RI: BELLINGHAM, Dep:
In y^e name of the rest of the Comities.

Boston, Octob^r 16. 1635.

This thing did not only thus breake of, but some of their merchants
shortly after sent to trad with them, and furnished them both with
provissions, & poweder & shott; and so have continued to doe till this
day, as they have seen opportunitie for their profite. So as in truth
y^e English them selves have been the cheefest supporters of these
French; for besids these, the plantation at Pemaquid (which lyes near
unto them) doth not only supply them with what y^ey wante, but gives
them continuall intelligence of all things that passes among y^e
English, (espetially some of them,) so as it is no marvell though they
still grow, & incroach more & more upon y^e English, and fill y^e
Indeans with gunes & munishtion, to y^e great deanger of y^e English,
who lye open & unfortified, living upon husbandrie; and y^e other closed
up in their forts, well fortified, and live upon trade, in good
securitie. If these things be not looked too, and remeady provided in
time, it may easily be conjectured what they may come toe; but I leave
them.

This year, y^e 14. or 15. of August (being Saturday) was such a mighty
storme of wind & raine, as none living in these parts, either English or
Indeans, ever saw. Being like (for y^e time it continued) to those
Hauricanes and Tuffons that writers make mention of in y^e Indeas. It
began in y^e morning, a litle before day, and grue not by degrees, but
came with violence in y^e begining, to y^e great amasmente of many. It
blew downe sundry [211] houses, & uncovered others; diverce vessells
were lost at sea, and many more in extreme danger. It caused y^e sea to
swell (to y^e southward of this place) above 20. foote, right up &
downe, and made many of the Indeans to clime into trees for their
saftie; it tooke of y^e borded roofe of a house which belonged to the
plantation at Manamet, and floted it to another place, the posts still
standing in y^e ground; and if it had continued long without y^e
shifting of y^e wind, it is like it would have drouned some parte of y^e
cuntrie. It blew downe many hundered thowsands of trees, turning up the
stronger by the roots, and breaking the hiegher pine trees of in the
midle, and y^e tall yonge oaks & walnut trees of good biggnes were wound
like a withe, very strang & fearfull to behould. It begane in y^e
southeast, and parted toward y^e south & east, and vered sundry ways;
but y^e greatest force of it here was from y^e former quarters. It
continued not (in y^e extremitie) above 5. or 6. houers, but y^e
violence begane to abate. The signes and marks of it will remaine this
100. years in these parts wher it was sorest. The moone suffered a great
eclips the 2. night after it.

Some of their neighbours in y^e Bay, hereing of y^e fame of Conightecute
River, had a hankering mind after it, (as was before noted,) and now
understanding that y^e Indeans were swepte away with y^e late great
mortalitie, the fear of whom was an obstacle unto them before, which
being now taken away, they begane now to prosecute it with great
egernes. The greatest differances fell betweene those of Dorchester
plantation and them hear; for they set their minde on that place, which
they had not only purchased of y^e Indeans, but wher they had builte;
intending only (if they could not remove them) that they should have but
a smale moyety left to y^e house, as to a single family; whose doings
and proceedings were conceived to be very injurious, to attempte not
only to intrude them selves into y^e rights & possessions of others, but
in effect to thrust them out of all. Many were y^e leters & passages
that went betweene them hear aboute, which would be to long here to
relate.

I shall here first inserte a few lines that was write by their own
agente from thence.

S^r: &c. Y^e Masschuset men are coming almost dayly, some by water, &
some by land, who are not yet determined wher to setle, though some
have a great mind to y^e place we are upon, and which was last bought.
Many of them look at that which this river will not afford, excepte it
be at this place which we have, namly, to be a great towne, and have
comodious dwellings for many togeather. So as what they will doe I
cannot yet resolve you; for this place ther is none of them say any
thing to me, but what I hear from their servants (by whom I perceive
their minds). I shall doe what I can to withstand them. I hope they
will hear reason; as that we were here first, and entred with much
difficulty and danger, [212] both in regard of y^e Dutch & Indeans,
and bought y^e land, (to your great charge, allready disbursed,) and
have since held here a chargable possession, and kept y^e Dutch from
further incroaching, which would els long before this day have
possessed all, and kept out all others, &c. I hope these & such like
arguments will stoppe them. It was your will we should use their
persons & messengers kindly, & so we have done, and doe dayly, to your
great charge; for y^e first company had well nie starved had it not
been for this house, for want of victuals; I being forced to supply
12. men for 9. days togeather; and those which came last, I
entertained the best we could, helping both them (& y^e other) with
canows, & guids. They gott me to goe with them to y^e Dutch, to see if
I could procure some of them to have quiet setling nere them; but they
did peremtorily withstand them. But this later company did not once
speak therof, &c. Also I gave their goods house roome according to
their ernest request, and M^r. Pinchons letter in their behalfe (which
I thought good to send you, here inclosed). And what trouble & charge
I shall be further at I know not; for they are co[=m]ing dayly, and I
expecte these back againe from below, whither they are gone to veiw
y^e countrie. All which trouble & charg we under goe for their
occasion, may give us just cause (in y^e judgmente of all wise &
understanding men) to hold and keep that we are setled upon. Thus with
my duty remembred, &c. I rest

Yours to be comanded
JOHNNATH[=A] BREWSTER.

Matianuck, July 6. 1635.

Amongst y^e many agitations that pased betweene them, I shal note a few
out of their last letters, & for y^e present omitte y^e rest, except
upon other occasion I may have fitter opportunity. After their thorrow
veiw of y^e place, they began to pitch them selves upon their land &
near their house; which occasioned much expostulation betweene them.
Some of which are such as follow.

Brethren, having latly sent 2. of our body unto you, to agitate &
bring to an issue some maters in difference betweene us, about some
lands at Conightecutt, unto which you lay challeng; upon which God by
his providence cast us, and as we conceive in a faire way of
providence tendered it to us, as a meete place to receive our body,
now upon removall.

We shall not need to answer all y^e passages of your larg letter, &c.
But wheras you say God in his providence cast you, &c., we tould you
before, and (upon this occasion) must now tell you still, that our
mind is other wise, and y^t you cast rather a partiall, if not a
covetous eye, upon that w^ch is your neigbours, and not yours; and in
so doing, your way could not be faire unto it. Looke y^t you abuse not
Gods providence in such allegations.

Theirs.

Now allbeite we at first judged y^e place so free y^t we might with
Gods good leave take & use it, without just offence to any man, it
being the Lords [213] wast, and for y^e presente altogeather voyd of
inhabitants, that indeede minded y^e imploymente therof, to y^e right
ends for which land was created, Gen: 1. 28. and for future intentions
of any, & uncertaine possibilities of this or that to be done by any,
we judging them (in such a case as ours espetialy) not meete to be
equalled with presente actions (such as ours was) much less worthy to
be prefered before them; and therfore did we make some weake beginings
in that good worke, in y^e place afforesaid.

Ans: Their answer was to this effecte. That if it was y^e Lords wast, it
was them selves that found it so, & not they; and have since bought it
of y^e right oweners, and maintained a chargable possession upon it al
this while, as them selves could not but know. And because of present
ingagments and other hinderances which lay at presente upon them, must
it therfore be lawfull for them to goe and take it from them? It was
well known that they are upon a barren place, wher they were by
necessitie cast; and neither they nor theirs could longe continue upon
y^e same; and why should they (because they were more ready, & more able
at presente) goe and deprive them of that which they had w^th charg &
hazard provided, & intended to remove to, as soone as they could & were
able?

They had another passage in their letter; they had rather have to doe
with the lords in England, to whom (as they heard it reported) some of
them should say that they had rather give up their right to them, (if
they must part with it,) then to y^e church of Dorchester, &c. And that
they should be less fearfull to offend y^e lords, then they were them.

Answer: Their answer was, that what soever they had heard, (more then
was true,) yet y^e case was not so with them that they had need to give
away their rights & adventurs, either to y^e lords, or them; yet, if
they might measure their fear of offence by their practise, they had
rather (in that poynte) they should deal with y^e lords, who were beter
able to bear it, or help them selves, then they were.

But least I should be teadious, I will forbear other things, and come
to the conclusion that was made in y^e endd. To make any forcible
resistance was farr from their thoughts, (they had enough of y^t about
Kenebeck,) and to live in continuall contention with their freinds &
brethren would be uncomfortable, and too heavie a burden to bear.
Therfore for peace sake (though they conceived they suffered much in
this thing) they thought it better to let them have it upon as good
termes as they could gett; and so they fell to treaty. The first thing
y^t (because they had made so many & long disputs aboute it) they would
have them to grante was, y^t they had right too it, or ells they would
never treat aboute it. The[DP] which being acknowledged, & yeelded unto
by them, this was y^e conclusion they came unto in y^e end after much
adoe: that they should retaine their house, and have the 16. parte of
all they had bought of y^e Indeans; and y^e other should have all y^e
rest of y^e land; leaveing such a moyety to those [214] of New-towne, as
they reserved for them. This 16. part was to be taken in too places; one
towards y^e house, the other towards New-townes proporrtion. Also they
were to pay according to proportion, what had been disbursed to y^e
Indeans for y^e purchass. Thus was y^e controversie ended, but the
unkindnes not so soone forgotten. They of New-towne delt more fairly,
desireing only what they could conveniently spare, from a competancie
reserved for a plantation, for them selves; which made them the more
carfull to procure a moyety for them, in this agreement & distribution.

Amongst y^e other bussinesses that M^r. Winslow had to doe in England,
he had order from y^e church to provid & bring over some able & fitt man
for to be their minister. And accordingly he had procured a godly and a
worthy[DQ] man, one M^r. Glover; but it pleased God when he was prepared
for the viage, he fell sick of a feaver and dyed. Afterwards, when he
was ready to come away, he became acquainted with M^r. Norton, who was
willing to come over, but would not ingage him selfe to this place,
otherwise then he should see occasion when he came hear; and if he liked
better else wher, to repay y^e charge laid out for him, (which came to
aboute 70^li.) and to be at his liberty. He stayed aboute a year with
them, after he came over, and was well liked of them, & much desired by
them; but he was invited to Ipswich, wher were many rich & able men, and
sundry of his aquaintance; so he wente to them, & is their minister.
Aboute half of y^e charg was repayed, y^e rest he had for y^e pains he
tooke amongst them.

_Anno Dom: 1636._

M^R. ED: WINSLOW was chosen Gov^r this year.

In y^e former year, because they perceived by M^r. Winslows later
letters that no accounts would be sente, they resolved to keep y^e
beaver, and send no more, till they had them, or came to some further
agreemente. At least they would forbear till M^r. Winslow came over,
that by more full conferance with him they might better understand what
was meete to be done. But when he came, though he brought no accounts,
yet he perswaded them to send y^e beaver, & was confident upon y^e
receite of y^t beaver, & his letters, they should have accounts y^e
nexte year; and though they thought his grounds but weake, that gave him
this hope, & made him so confidente, yet by his importunitie they
yeelded, & sente y^e same, ther being a ship at y^e latter end of year,
by whom they sente 1150^li. waight of beaver, and 200. otter skins,
besids sundrie small furrs, as 55. minks, 2. black foxe skins, &c. And
this year, in the spring, came in a Dutch man, who thought to have
traded at y^e Dutch-forte; [215] but they would not suffer him. He,
having good store of trading goods, came to this place, & tendred them
to sell; of whom they bought a good quantitie, they being very good &
fitte for their turne, as Dutch roll, ketles, &c., which goods amounted
to y^e valew of 500^li., for y^e paymente of which they passed bills to
M^r. Sherley in England, having before sente y^e forementioned parcell
of beaver. And now this year (by another ship) sente an other good round
parcell that might come to his hands, & be sould before any of these
bills should be due. The quantity of beaver now sent was 1809^li.
waight, and of otters 10. skins, and shortly after (y^e same year) was
sent by another ship (Mr. Langrume maister), in beaver 0719^li. waight,
and of otter skins 199. concerning which M^r. Sherley thus writs.

Your leters I have received, with 8. hoggsheads of beaver by Ed:
Wilkinson, master of y^e Falcon. Blessed be God for y^e safe coming of
it. I have also seen & acceped 3. bills of exchainge, &c. But I must
now acquainte you how the Lords heavie hand is upon this kingdom in
many places, but cheefly in this cittie, with his judgmente of y^e
plague. The last weeks bill was 1200. & odd, I fear this will be more;
and it is much feared it will be a winter sicknes. By reason wherof it
is incredible y^e number of people y^t are gone into y^e cuntry & left
y^e citie. I am perswaded many more then went out y^e last sicknes; so
as here is no trading, carriers from most places put downe; nor no
receiving of any money, though long due. M^r. Hall ows us more then
would pay these bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in y^e cuntrie,
60. miles from London. I write to him, he came up, but could not pay
us. I am perswaded if I should offer to sell y^e beaver at 8s. p^r
pound, it would not yeeld money; but when y^e Lord shall please to
cease his hand, I hope we shall have better & quicker markets; so it
shall lye by. Before I accepted y^e bills, I acquainted M^r. Beachamp
& M^r. Andrews with them, & how ther could be no money made nor
received; and that it would be a great discredite to you, which never
yet had any turned back, and a shame to us, haveing 1800^li. of beaver
lying by us, and more oweing then y^e bills come too, &c. But all was
nothing; neither of them both will put too their finger to help. I
offered to supply my 3. parte, but they gave me their answer they
neither would nor could, &c. How ever, your bils shall be satisfied to
y^e parties good contente; but I would not have thought they would
have left either you or me at this time, &c. You will and may expect I
should write more, & answer your leters, but I am not a day in y^e
weeke at home at towne, but carry my books & all to Clapham; for here
is y^e miserablest time y^t I thinke hath been known in many ages. I
have kno[=w] 3. great sickneses, but none like this. And that which
should be a means to pacifie y^e Lord, & help us, that is taken away,
preaching put downe in many places, not a sermone in Westminster on
y^e saboth, nor in many townes aboute us; y^e Lord in mercie looke
uppon us. In the begining of y^e year was a great [216] drought, & no
raine for many weeks togeather, so as all was burnte up, haye, at
5^li. a load; and now all raine, so as much sommer come & later haye
is spoyled. Thus y^e Lord sends judgmente after judgmente, and yet we
cannot see, nor humble our selves; and therfore may justly fear
heavier judgments, unless we speedyly repente, & returne unto him,
which y^e Lord give us grace to doe, if it be his blessed will. Thus
desiring you to remember us in your prayers, I ever rest

Your loving friend,
JAMES SHERLEY.

Sep^t: 14. 1636.

This was all the answer they had from M^r. Sherley, by which M^r.
Winslow saw his hops failed him. So they now resoloved to send no more
beaver in y^t way which they had done, till they came to some issue or
other aboute these things. But now came over letters from M^r. Andrews &
M^r. Beachamp full of complaints, that they marveled y^t nothing was
sent over, by which any of their moneys should be payed in; for it did
appear by y^e accounte sente in An^o 1631. that they were each of them
out, aboute a leven hundered pounds a peece, and all this while had not
received one penie towards y^e same. But now M^r. Sherley sought to draw
more money from them, and was offended because they deneyed him; and
blamed them hear very much that all was sent to M^r. Sherley, & nothing
to them. They marvelled much at this, for they conceived that much of
their moneis had been paid in, & y^t yearly each of them had received a
proportionable quantity out of y^e larg returnes sent home. For they had
sente home since y^t accounte was received in An^o 1631. (in which all &
more then all their debts, w^th y^t years supply, was charged upon them)
these sumes following.

Nov^br 8. An^o 1631. By M^r. Peirce 0400^li. waight of
beaver, & otters 20.
July 13. An^o 1632. By M^r. Griffin 1348^li. beaver, & otters 147.
An^o 1633. By M^r. Graves 3366^li. bever, & otters 346.
An^o 1634. By M^r. Andrews 3738^li. beaver, & otters 234.
An^o 1635. By M^r. Babb 1150^li. beaver, & otters 200.
June 24. An^o 1636. By M^r. Wilkinson 1809^li. beaver, & otters 010.
Ibidem. By M^r. Langrume 0719^li. beaver, & otters 199.
——– —–
12150^li.[DR] 1156.

All these sumes were safly rceived & well sould, as appears by leters.
The coat beaver usualy at 20^s. p^r pound, and some at 24^s.; the skin
at 15. & sometimes 16. I doe not remember any under 14. It may be y^e
last year might be something lower, so also ther were some small furrs
that are not recconed in this accounte, & some black beaver at higer
rates, to make up y^e defects. [217] It was conceived that y^e former
parcells of beaver came to litle less then 10000^li. sterling, and y^e
otter skins would pay all y^e charge, & they w^th other furrs make up
besids if any thing wanted of y^e former sume. When y^e former accounte
was passed, all their debts (those of White-Angelle & Frendship
included) came but to 4770^li. And they could not estimate that all y^e
supplies since sent them, & bills payed for them, could come to above
2000^li. so as they conceived their debts had been payed, with advantage
or intrest. But it may be objected, how comes it that they could not as
well exactly sett downe their receits, as their returnes, but thus
estimate it. I answer, 2. things were y^e cause of it; the first &
principall was, that y^e new accountante, which they in England would
needs presse upon them, did wholy faile them, & could never give them
any accounte; but trusting to his memorie, & lose papers, let things
rune into such confusion, that neither he, nor any with him, could bring
things to rights. But being often called upon to perfecte his accounts,
he desired to have such a time, and such a time of leasure, and he would
doe it. In y^e intrime he fell into a great sicknes, and in conclusion
it fell out he could make no accounte at all. His books were after a
litle good begining left altogeather unperfect; and his papers, some
were lost, & others so confused, as he knew not what to make of them him
selfe, when they came to be searched & examined. This was not unknowne
to M^r. Sherley; and they came to smarte for it to purposs, (though it
was not their faulte,) both thus in England, and also here; for they
conceived they lost some hundreds of pounds for goods trusted out in y^e
place, which were lost for want of clear accounts to call them in.
Another reason of this mischeefe was, that after M^r. Winslow was sente
into England to demand accounts, and to excepte against y^e Whit-Angell,
they never had any price sent with their goods, nor any certaine invoyce
of them; but all things stood in confusion, and they were faine to
guesse at y^e prises of them.

They write back to M^r. Andrews & M^r. Beachamp, and tould them they
marveled they should write they had sent nothing home since y^e last
accounts; for they had sente a great deale; and it might rather be
marveled how they could be able to send so much, besids defraying all
charg at home, and what they had lost by the French, and so much cast
away at sea, when M^r. Peirce lost his ship on y^e coast of Virginia.
What they had sente was to them all, and to them selves as well as M^r.
Sherley, and if they did not looke after it, it was their owne falts;
they must referr them to M^r. Sherley, who had received [218] it, to
demand it of him. They allso write to M^r. Sherley to y^e same purposs,
and what the others complaints were.

This year 2. shallops going to Coonigtecutt with goods from y^e
Massachusetts of such as removed theither to plante, were in an easterly
storme cast away in coming into this harbore in y^e night; the boats men
were lost, and the goods were driven all alonge the shore, and strowed
up & downe at high-water marke. But y^e Gov^r caused them to be gathered
up, and drawn togeather, and appointed some to take an inventory of
them, and others to wash & drie such things as had neede therof; by
which means most of y^e goods were saved, and restored to y^e owners.
Afterwards anotheir boate of theirs (going thither likwise) was cast
away near unto Manoanscusett, and such goods as came a shore were
preserved for them. Such crosses they mette with in their beginings;
which some imputed as a correction from God for their intrution (to y^e
wrong of others) into y^t place. But I dare not be bould with Gods
judgments in this kind.

In y^e year 1634, the Pequents (a stoute and warlike people), who had
made warrs with sundry of their neigbours, and puft up with many
victories, grue now at varience with y^e Narigansets, a great people
bordering upon them. These Narigansets held correspondance and termes of
freindship with y^e English of y^e Massachusetts. Now y^e Pequents,
being conscious of y^e guilte of Captain-Stones death, whom they knew to
be an-English man, as also those y^t were with him, and being fallen out
with y^e Dutch, least they should have over many enemies at once, sought
to make freindship with y^e English of y^e Massachusetts; and for y^t
end sent both messengers & gifts unto them, as appears by some letters
sent from y^e Gov^r hither.

Dear & worthy S^r: &c. To let you know somwhat of our affairs, you may
understand that y^e Pequents have sent some of theirs to us, to desire
our freindship, and offered much wampam & beaver, &c. The first
messengers were dismissed without answer; with y^e next we had diverce
dayes conferance, and taking y^e advice of some of our ministers, and
seeking the Lord in it, we concluded a peace & freindship with them,
upon these conditions: that they should deliver up to us those men who
were guilty of Stones death, &c. And if we desired to plant in
Conightecute, they should give up their right to us, and so we would
send to trade with them as our freinds (which was y^e cheefe thing we
aimed at, being now in warr with y^e Dutch and y^e rest of their
neigbours). To this they readily agreed; and that we should meadiate a
peace betweene them and the Narigansetts; for which end they were
contente we should give the Narigansets parte of y^t presente, they
would bestow on us (for they stood [219][DS] so much on their honour,
as they would not be seen to give any thing of them selves). As for
Captein Stone, they tould us ther were but 2. left of those who had
any hand in his death; and that they killed him in a just quarell, for
(say they) he surprised 2. of our men, and bound them, to make them by
force to shew him y^e way up y^e river;[DT] and he with 2. other
coming on shore, 9. Indeans watched him, and when they were a sleepe
in y^e night, they kiled them, to deliver their owne men; and some of
them going afterwards to y^e pinass, it was suddainly blowne up. We
are now preparing to send a pinass unto them, &c.

In an other of his, dated y^e 12. of y^e first month, he hath this.

Our pinass is latly returned from y^e Pequents; they put of but litle
comoditie, and found them a very false people, so as they mean to have
no more to doe with them. I have diverce other things to write unto
you, &c.

Yours ever assured,
JO: WINTHROP.

Boston, 12. of y^e 1. month, 1634.

After these things, and, as I take, this year, John Oldom, (of whom much
is spoken before,) being now an inhabitant of y^e Massachusetts, went
w^th a small vessell, & slenderly mand, a trading into these south
parts, and upon a quarell betweene him & y^e Indeans was cutt of by them
(as hath been before noted) at an iland called by y^e Indeans Munisses,
but since by y^e English Block Iland. This, with y^e former about the
death of Stone, and the baffoyling of y^e Pequents with y^e English of
y^e Massachusetts, moved them to set out some to take revenge, and
require satisfaction for these wrongs; but it was done so superfitially,
and without their acquainting of those of Conightecute & other
neighbours with y^e same, as they did litle good. But their neigbours
had more hurt done, for some of y^e murderers of Oldome fled to y^e
Pequents, and though the English went to y^e Pequents, and had some
parley with them, yet they did but delude them, & y^e English returned
without doing any thing to purpose, being frustrate of their
oppertunitie by y^e others deceite. After y^e English were returned, the
Pequents tooke their time and oppertunitie to cut of some of y^e English
as they passed in boats, and went on fouling, and assaulted them y^e
next spring at their habytations, as will appear in its place. I doe but
touch these things, because I make no question they wall be more fully &
distinctly handled by them selves, who had more exacte knowledg of them,
and whom they did more properly concerne.

This year M^r. Smith layed downe his place of ministrie, partly by his
owne willingnes, as thinking it too heavie a burthen, and partly at the
desire, and by y^e perswasion, of others; and the church sought out for
[220][DU] some other, having often been disappointed in their hops and
desires heretofore. And it pleased the Lord to send them an able and a
godly man,[DV] and of a meeke and humble spirite, sound in y^e truth,
and every way unreproveable in his life & conversation; whom, after some
time of triall, they chose for their teacher, the fruits of whose
labours they injoyed many years with much comforte, in peace, & good
agreemente.

_Anno Dom: 1637._

In y^e fore parte of this year, the Pequents fell openly upon y^e
English at Conightecute, in y^e lower parts of y^e river, and slew
sundry of them, (as they were at work in y^e feilds,) both men & women,
to y^e great terrour of y^e rest; and wente away in great prid &
triumph, with many high threats. They allso assalted a fort at y^e
rivers mouth, though strong and well defended; and though they did not
their prevaile, yet it struk them with much fear & astonishmente to see
their bould attempts in the face of danger; which made them in all
places to stand upon their gard, and to prepare for resistance, and
ernestly to solissite their freinds and confederats in y^e Bay of
Massachusets to send them speedy aide, for they looked for more forcible
assaults. M^r. Vane, being then Gov^r, write from their Generall Courte
to them hear, to joyne with them in this warr; to which they were
cordially willing, but tooke opportunitie to write to them aboute some
former things, as well as presente, considerable hereaboute. The which
will best appear in y^e Gov^r answer which he returned to y^e same,
which I shall here inserte.

S^r: The Lord having so disposed, as that your letters to our late
Gov^r is fallen to my lott to make answer unto, I could have wished I
might have been at more freedome of time & thoughts also, that I might
have done it more to your & my owne satisfaction. But what shall be
wanting now may be supplyed hereafter. For y^e matters which from your
selfe & counsell were propounded & objected to us, we thought not
fitte to make them so publicke as y^e cognizance of our Generall
Courte. But as they have been considered by those of our counsell,
this answer we thinke fitt to returne unto you. (1.) Wereas you
signifie your willingnes to joyne with us in this warr against y^e
Pequents, though you cannot ingage your selves without y^e consente of
your Generall Courte, we acknowledg your good affection towards us,
(which we never had cause to doubt of,) and are willing to attend your
full resolution, when it may most seasonably be ripened. (2^ly.)
Wheras you make this warr to be our peopls, and not [221] to conceirne
your selves, otherwise then by consequence, we do in parte consente to
you therin; yet we suppose, that, in case of perill, you will not
stand upon such terms, as we hope we should not doe towards you; and
withall we conceive that you looke at y^e Pequents, and all other
Indeans, as a co[=m]one enimie, who, though he may take occasion of
y^e begining of his rage, from some one parte of y^e English, yet if
he prevaile, will surly pursue his advantage, to y^e rooting out of
y^e whole nation. Therfore when we desired your help, we did it not
without respecte to your owne saftie, as ours. (3^ly.) Wheras you
desire we should be ingaged to aide you, upon all like occasions; we
are perswaded you doe not doubte of it; yet as we now deale with you
as a free people, and at libertie, so as we cannot draw you into this
warr with us, otherwise then as reason may guid & provock you; so we
desire we may be at y^e like freedome, when any occasion may call for
help from us. And wheras it is objected to us, that we refused to aide
you against y^e French; we conceive y^e case was not alicke; yet we
cannot wholy excuse our failing in that matter. (4^ly.) Weras you
objecte that we began y^e warr without your privitie, & managed it
contrary to your advise; the truth is, that our first intentions being
only against Block Iland, and y^e interprice seeming of small
difficultie, we did not so much as consider of taking advice, or
looking out for aide abroad. And when we had resolved upon y^e
Pequents, we sent presently, or not long after, to you aboute it; but
y^e answer received, it was not seasonable for us to chaing our
counsells, excepte we had seen and waighed your grounds, which might
have out wayed our owne.

(5^ly.) For our peoples trading at Kenebeck, we assure you (to our
knowledge) it hath not been by any allowance from us; and what we have
provided in this and like cases, at our last Courte, M^r. E. W. can
certifie you.

And (6^ly); wheras you objecte to us y^t we should hold trade &
correspondancie with y^e French, your enemise; we answer, you are
misinformed, for, besids some letters which hath passed betweene our
late Gov^r and them, to which we were privie, we have neither sente
nor incouraged ours to trade with them; only one vessell or tow, for
y^e better conve[=a]ce of our letters, had licens from our Gov^r to
sayle thither.[DW]

Diverce other things have been privatly objected to us, by our worthy
freind, wherunto he received some answer; but most of them concerning
y^e apprehention of perticuler discurteseis, or injueries from some
perticuler persons amongst us. It concernes us not to give any other
answer to them then this; that, if y^e offenders shall be brought
forth in a right way, we shall be ready to doe justice as y^e case
shall require. In the meane time, we desire you to rest assured, that
such things are without our privity, and not a litle greeveous to us.

Now for y^e joyning with us in this warr, which indeed concerns us no
other wise then it may your selves, viz.: the releeving of our freinds
& Christian [222] breethren, who are now first in y^e danger; though
you may thinke us able to make it good without you, (as, if y^e Lord
please to be with us, we may,) yet 3. things we offer to your
consideration, which (we conceive) may have some waight with you.
(First) y^t if we should sinck under this burden, your opportunitie of
seasonable help would be lost in 3. respects. 1. You cannot recover
us, or secure your selves ther, with 3. times y^e charge & hazard
which now y^e may. 2^ly. The sorrowes which we should lye under (if
through your neglect) would much abate of y^e acceptablenes of your
help afterwards. 3^ly. Those of yours who are now full of courage and
forwardnes, would be much damped, and so less able to undergoe so
great a burden. The (2.) thing is this, that it concernes us much to
hasten this warr to an end before y^e end of this somer, otherwise y^e
newes of it will discourage both your & our freinds from coming to us
next year; with what further hazard & losse it may expose us unto,
your selves may judge.

The (3.) thing is this, that if y^e Lord shall please to blesse our
endeaours, so as we end y^e warr, or put it in a hopefull way without
you, it may breed such ill thoughts in our people towards yours, as
will be hard to entertaine such opinione of your good will towards
us, as were fitt to be nurished among such neigbours & brethren as we
are. And what ill consequences may follow, on both sids, wise men may
fear, & would rather prevente then hope to redress. So with my harty
salutations to you selfe, and all your counsell, and other our good
freinds with you, I rest

Yours most assured in y^e Lord,
JO: WINTHROP.

Boston, y^e 20. of y^e 3. month, 1637.

In y^e mean time, the Pequents, espetially in y^e winter before, sought
to make peace with y^e Narigansets, and used very pernicious arguments
to move them therunto: as that y^e English were stranegers and begane to
overspred their countrie, and would deprive them therof in time, if they
were suffered to grow & increse; and if y^e Narigansets did assist y^e
English to subdue them, they did but make way for their owne overthrow,
for if they were rooted out, the English would soone take occasion to
subjugate them; and if they would harken to them, they should not neede
to fear y^e strength of y^e English; for they would not come to open
battle with them, but fire their houses, kill their katle, and lye in
ambush for them as they went abroad upon their occasions; and all this
they might easily doe without any or litle danger to them selves. The
which course being held, they well saw the English could not long
subsiste, but they would either be starved with hunger, or be forced to
forsake the countrie; with many y^e like things; insomuch that y^e
Narigansets were once wavering, and were halfe minded to have made peace
with them, and jo[=y]ed against y^e English. But againe when they
considered, how much wrong they had received from the Pequents, and what
an oppertunitie they now had by y^e help of y^e English to right them
selves, revenge was so sweete unto them, as it prevailed above all y^e
rest; so as they resolved to joyne with y^e English against them, & did.
[223] The Court here agreed forwith to send 50. men at their owne charg;
and w^th as much speed as posiblie they could, gott them armed, and had
made them ready under sufficiente leaders, and provided a barke to
carrie them provisions & tend upon them for all occasions; but when they
were ready to march (with a supply from y^e Bay) they had word to stay,
for y^e enimy was as good as vanquished, and their would be no neede.

I shall not take upon me exactly to describe their proceedings in these
things, because I expecte it will be fully done by them selves, who best
know the carrage & circumstances of things; I shall therfore but touch
them in generall. From Connightecute (who were most sencible of y^e hurt
sustained, & y^e present danger), they sett out a partie of men, and an
other partie mett them from y^e Bay, at y^e Narigansets, who were to
joyne with them. Y^e Narigansets were ernest to be gone before y^e
English were well rested and refreshte, espetially some of them which
came last. It should seeme their desire was to come upon y^e enemie
sudenly, & undiscovered. Ther was a barke of this place, newly put in
ther, which was come from Conightecutte, who did incourage them to lay
hold of y^e Indeans forwardnes, and to shew as great forwardnes as they,
for it would incorage them, and expedition might prove to their great
advantage. So they went on, and so ordered their march, as the Indeans
brought them to a forte of y^e enimies (in which most of their cheefe
men were) before day. They approached y^e same with great silence, and
surrounded it both with English & Indeans, that they might not breake
out; and so assualted them with great courage, shooting amongst them,
and entered y^e forte with all speed; and those y^t first entered found
sharp resistance from the enimie, who both shott at & grapled with them;
others rane into their howses, & brought out fire, and sett them on
fire, which soone tooke in their matts, &, standing close togeather,
with y^e wind, all was quickly on a flame, and therby more were burnte
to death then was otherwise slain; it burnte their bowstrings, and made
them unservisable. Those y^t scaped y^e fire were slaine with y^e sword;
some hewed to peeces, others rune throw with their rapiers, so as they
were quickly dispatchte, and very few escaped. It was conceived they
thus destroyed about 400. at this time. It was a fearfull sight to see
them thus frying in y^e fyer, and y^e streams of blood quenching y^e
same, and horrible was y^e stinck & sente ther of; but y^e victory
seemed a sweete sacrifice, and they gave the prays therof to God, who
had wrought so wonderfuly for them, thus to inclose their enimise in
their hands, and give them so speedy a victory over so proud & insulting
an enimie. The Narigansett Indeans, all this while, stood round aboute,
but aloofe from all danger, and left y^e whole [224] execution to y^e
English, exept it were y^e stoping of any y^t broke away, insulting over
their enimies in this their ruine & miserie, when they saw them dancing
in y^e flames, calling them by a word in their owne language, signifing,
O brave Pequents! which they used familierly among them selves in their
own prayes, in songs of triumph after their victories. After this servis
was thus happily accomplished, they marcht to the water side, wher they
mett with some of their vesells, by which they had refreishing with
victualls & other necessaries. But in their march y^e rest of y^e
Pequents drew into a body, and acoasted them, thinking to have some
advantage against them by[DX] reason of a neck of land; but when they
saw the English prepare for them, they kept a loofe, so as they neither
did hurt, nor could receive any. After their refreishing & repair to
geather for further counsell & directions, they resolved to pursue their
victory, and follow y^e warr against y^e rest, but y^e Narigansett
Indeans most of them forsooke them, and such of them as they had with
them for guids, or otherwise, they found them very could and backward in
y^e bussines, ether out of envie, or y^t they saw y^e English would make
more profite of y^e victorie then they were willing they should, or els
deprive them of such advantage as them selves desired by having them
become tributaries unto them, or y^e like.

For y^e rest of this bussines, I shall only relate y^e same as it is in
a leter which came from M^r. Winthrop to y^e Gov^r hear, as followeth.

Worthy S^r: I received your loving letter, and am much provocked to
express my affections towards you, but straitnes of time forbids me;
for my desire is to acquainte you with y^e Lords greate mercies
towards us, in our prevailing against his & our enimies; that you may
rejoyce and praise his name with us. About 80. of our men, haveing
costed along towards y^e Dutch plantation, (some times by water, but
most by land,) mett hear & ther with some Pequents, whom they slew or
tooke prisoners. 2. sachems they tooke, & beheaded; and not hearing of
Sassacous, (the cheefe sachem,) they gave a prisoner his life, to goe
and find him out. He wente and brought them word where he was, but
Sassacouse, suspecting him to be a spie, after he was gone, fled away
with some 20. more to y^e Mowakes, so our men missed of him. Yet,
deviding them selves, and ranging up & downe, as y^e providence of God
guided them (for y^e Indeans were all gone, save 3. or 4. and they
knew not whither to guid them, or els would not), upon y^e 13. of this
month, they light upon a great company of them, viz. 80. strong men, &
200. women & children, in a small Indean towne, fast by a hideous
swamp, which they all slipped into before our men could gett to them.
Our captains were not then come togeither, but ther was M^r. Ludlow
and Captaine Masson, with some 10. [225] of their men, & Captaine
Patrick with some 20. or more of his, who, shooting at y^e Indeans,
Captaine Trask with 50. more came soone in at y^e noyse. Then they
gave order to surround y^e swampe, it being aboute a mile aboute; but
Levetenante Davenporte & some 12. more, not hearing that co[=m]and,
fell into y^e swampe among y^e Indeans. The swampe was so thicke with
shrub-woode, & so boggie with all, that some of them stuck fast, and
received many shott. Levetenant Davenport was dangerously wounded
aboute his armehole, and another shott in y^e head, so as, fainting,
they were in great danger to have been taken by y^e Indeans. But
Sargante Rigges, & Jeffery, and 2. or 3. more, rescued them, and slew
diverse of y^e Indeans with their swords. After they were drawne out,
the Indeans desired parley, & were offered (by Thomas Stanton, our
interpretour) that, if they would come out, and yeeld them selves,
they should have their lives, all that had not their hands in y^e
English blood. Wherupon y^e sachem of y^e place came forth, and an old
man or 2. & their wives and children, and after that some other women
& children, and so they spake 2. howers, till it was night. Then
Thomas Stanton was sente into them againe, to call them forth; but
they said they would selle their lives their, and so shott at him so
thicke as, if he had not cried out, and been presently rescued, they
had slaine him. Then our men cutt of a place of y^e swampe with their
swords, and cooped the Indeans into so narrow a compass, as they could
easier kill them throw y^e thickets. So they continued all y^e night,
standing aboute 12. foote one from an other, and y^e Indeans, coming
close up to our men, shot their arrows so thicke, as they pierced
their hatte brimes, & their sleeves, & stockins, & other parts of
their cloaths, yet so miraculously did the Lord preserve them as not
one of them was wounded, save those 3. who rashly went into y^e
swampe. When it was nere day, it grue very darke, so as those of them
which were left dropt away betweene our men, though they stood but 12.
or 14. foote assunder; but were presenly discovered, & some killed in
y^e pursute. Upon searching of y^e swampe, y^e next morning, they
found 9. slaine, & some they pulled up, whom y^e Indeans had buried in
y^e mire, so as they doe thinke that, of all this company, not 20. did
escape, for they after found some who dyed in their flight of their
wounds received. The prisoners were devided, some to those of y^e
river, and the rest to us. Of these we send y^e male children to
Bermuda,[DY] by M^r. William Peirce, & y^e women & maid children are
disposed aboute in the townes. Ther have been now slaine & taken, in
all, aboute 700. The rest are dispersed, and the Indeans in all
quarters so terrified as all their friends are affraid to receive
them. 2. of y^e sachems of Long Iland came to M^r. Stoughton and
tendered them selves to be tributaries under our protection. And 2. of
y^e Neepnett sachems have been with me to seeke our frendship. Amonge
the prisoners we have y^e wife & children of Mononotto, a womon of a
very modest countenance and behaviour. It was by her mediation that
the[DZ] 2. English [226] maids were spared from death, and were kindly
used by her; so that I have taken charge of her. One of her first
requests was, that the English would not abuse her body, and that her
children might not be taken from her. Those which were wounded were
fetched of soone by John Galopp, who came with his shalop in a happie
houre, to bring them victuals, and to carrie their wounded men to y^e
pinass, wher our cheefe surgeon was, w^th M^r. Willson, being aboute
8. leagues off. Our people are all in health, (y^e Lord be praised,)
and allthough they had marched in their armes all y^e day, and had
been in fight all y^e night, yet they professed they found them selves
so fresh as they could willingly have gone to such another bussines.

This is y^e substance of that which I received, though I am forced to
omite many considerable circomstances. So, being in much straitnes of
time, (the ships being to departe within this 4. days, and in them the
Lord Lee and M^r. Vane,) I hear breake of, and with harty saluts to,
&c., I rest

Yours assured,
JO: WINTHROP.

The 28. of y^e 5. month, 1637.

The captains reporte we have slaine 13. sachems; but Sassacouse &
Monotto are yet living.

That I may make an end of this matter: this Sassacouse (y^e Pequents
cheefe sachem) being fled to y^e Mowhakes, they cutt of his head, with
some other of y^e cheefe of them, whether to satisfie y^e English, or
rather y^e Narigansets, (who, as I have since heard, hired them to doe
it,) or for their owne advantage, I well know not; but thus this warr
tooke end. The rest of y^e Pequents were wholy driven from their place,
and some of them submitted them selves to y^e Narigansets, & lived under
them; others of them betooke them selves to y^e Monhiggs, under Uncass,
their sachem, w^th the approbation of y^e English of Conightecutt, under
whose protection Uncass lived, and he and his men had been faithful to
them in this warr, & done them very good service. But this did so vexe
the Narrigansetts, that they had not y^e whole sweay over them, as they
have never ceased plotting and contriving how to bring them under, and
because they cannot attaine their ends, because of y^e English who have
protected them, they have sought to raise a generall conspiracie against
y^e English, as will appear in an other place.

They had now letters againe out of England from M^r. Andrews & M^r.
Beachamp, that M^r. Sherley neither had nor would pay them any money, or
give them any accounte, and so with much discontent desired them hear to
send them some, much blaming them still, that they had sent all to M^r.
Sherley, & none to them selves. Now, though they might have justly
referred them to their former answer, and insisted ther upon, & some
wise men counselled them so to doe, yet because they beleeved that [227]
they were realy out round sumes of money, (espetialy M^r. Andrews,) and
they had some in their hands, they resolved to send them what bever they
had.[EA] M^r. Sherleys letters were to this purpose: that, as they had
left him in y^e paiment of y^e former bills, so he had tould them he
would leave them in this, and beleeve it, they should find it true. And
he was as good as his word, for they could never gett peney from him,
nor bring him to any accounte, though Mr. Beachamp sued him in y^e
Chancerie. But they all of them turned their complaints against them
here, wher ther was least cause, and who had suffered most unjustly;
first from M^r. Allerton & them, in being charged with so much of y^t
which they never had, nor drunke for; and now in paying all, & more then
all (as they conceived), and yet still thus more demanded, and that with
many heavie charges. They now discharged M^r. Sherley from his agencie,
and forbad him to buy or send over any more goods for them, and prest
him to come to some end about these things.

_Anno Dom: 1638._

This year M^r. Thomas Prence was chosen Gov^r.

Amongst other enormities that fell out amongst them, this year 3. men
were (after due triall) executed for robery & murder which they had
committed; their names were these, Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and
Richard Stinnings; ther was a 4., Daniel Crose, who was also guilty, but
he escaped away, and could not be found. This Arthur Peach was y^e
cheefe of them, and y^e ring leader of all y^e rest. He was a lustie and
a desperate yonge man, and had been one of y^e souldiers in y^e Pequente
warr, and had done as good servise as y^e most ther, and one of y^e
forwardest in any attempte. And being now out of means, and loath to
worke, and falling to idle courses & company, he intended to goe to y^e
Dutch plantation; and had alured these 3., being other mens servants and
apprentices, to goe with him. But another cause ther was allso of his
secret going away in this maner; he was not only rune into debte, but he
had gott a maid with child, (which was not known till after his death,)
a mans servante in y^e towne, and fear of punishmente made him gett
away. The other 3. complotting with him, ranne away from their maisters
in the night, and could not be heard of, for they went not y^e ordinarie
way, but shaped such a course as they thought to avoyd y^e pursute of
any [228]. But falling into y^e way that lyeth betweene y^e Bay of
Massachusetts and the Narrigansets, and being disposed to rest them
selves, struck fire, and took tobaco, a litle out of y^e way, by y^e way
side. At length ther came a Narigansett Indean by, who had been in y^e
Bay a trading, and had both cloth & beads aboute him. (They had meett
him y^e day before, & he was now returning.) Peach called him to drinke
tobaco with them, and he came & sate downe with them. Peach tould y^e
other he would kill him, and take what he had from him. But they were
some thing afraid; but he said, Hang him, rogue, he had killed many of
them. So they let him alone to doe as he would; and when he saw his
time, he tooke a rapier and rane him through the body once or twise, and
tooke from him 5. fathume of wampam, and 3. coats of cloath, and wente
their way, leaving him for dead. But he scrabled away, when they were
gone, and made shift to gett home, (but dyed within a few days after,)
by which means they were discovered; and by subtilty the Indeans tooke
them. For they desiring a canow to sett them over a water, (not thinking
their facte had been known,) by y^e sachems command they were carried to
Aquidnett Iland, & ther accused of y^e murder, and were examend &
comitted upon it by y^e English ther. The Indeans sent for M^r.
Williams, & made a greeveous complainte; his freinds and kinred were
ready to rise in armes, and provock the rest therunto, some conceiving
they should now find y^e Pequents words trew: that y^e English would
fall upon them. But M^r. Williams pacified them, & tould them, they
should see justice done upon y^e offenders; & wente to y^e man, & tooke
M^r. James, a phisition, with him. The man tould him who did it, & in
what maner it was done; but the phisition found his wounds mortall, and
that he could not live, (as he after testified upon othe, before the
jurie in oppen courte,) and so he dyed shortly after, as both Mr.
Williams, M^r. James, & some Indeans testified in courte. The Gov^rt in
the Bay were aquented with it, but refferrd it hither, because it was
done in this jurisdiction;[EB] but pressed by all means y^t justice
might be done in it; or els y^e countrie must rise & see justice done,
otherwise it would raise a warr. Yet some of y^e rude & ignorante sorte
murmured that any English should be put to death for y^e Indeans. So at
last they of y^e iland brought them hither, and being often examened,
and y^e evidence prodused, they all in the end freely confessed in
effect all y^t the Indean accused them of, & that they had done it, in
y^e maner afforesaid; and so, upon y^e forementioned evidence, were cast
by y^e jurie, & condemned, & executed for the same. And some of y^e
Narigansett Indeans, & of y^e parties freinds, were presente when it was
done, which gave them & all y^e countrie good satisfaction. But it was a
matter of much sadnes to them hear, and was y^e 2. execution which they
had since they came; being both for wilfull murder, as hath bene before
related. Thus much of this mater.

[229] They received this year more letters from England full of reneued
complaints, on y^e one side, that they could gett no money nor accounte
from M^r. Sherley; & he againe, y^t he was pressed therto, saying he was
to accounte with those hear, and not with them, &c. So, as was before
resolved, if nothing came of their last letters, they would now send
them what they could, as supposing, when some good parte was payed them,
that M^r. Sherley & they would more easily agree aboute y^e remainder.

So they sent to M^r. Andrews and M^r. Beachamp, by M^r. Joseph Yonge, in
y^e Mary & Anne, 1325^li. waight of beaver, devided betweene them. M^r.
Beachamp returned an accounte of his moyety, that he made 400^li.
starling of it, fraight and all charges paid. But M^r. Andrews, though
he had y^e more and beter parte, yet he made not so much of his, through
his owne indiscretion; and yet turned y^e loss[EC] upon them hear, but
without cause.

They sent them more by bills & other paimente, which was received &
acknowledged by them, in money[ED] & y^e like; which was for katle sould
of M^r. Allertons, and y^e price of a bark sold, which belonged to y^e
stock, and made over to them in money, 434^li. sterling. The whole sume
was 1234^li. sterling, save what M^r. Andrews lost in y^e beaver, which
was otherwise made good. But yet this did not stay their clamors, as
will apeare here after more at large.

It pleased God, in these times, so to blesse y^e cuntry with such access
& confluance of people into it, as it was therby much inriched, and
catle of all kinds stood at a high rate for diverce years together. Kine
were sould at 20^li. and some at 25^li. a peece, yea, some times at
28^li. A cow-calfe usually at 10^li. A milch goate at 3^li. & some at
4^li. And femall kids at 30^s. and often at 40^s. a peece. By which
means y^e anciente planters which had any stock begane to grow in their
estats. Corne also wente at a round rate, viz. 6^s. a bushell. So as
other trading begane to be neglected; and the old partners (having now
forbidden M^r. Sherley to send them any more goods) broke of their trade
at Kenebeck, and, as things stood, would follow it no longer. But some
of them, (with other they joyned with,) being loath it should be lost by
discontinuance, agreed with y^e company for it, and gave them aboute y^e
6. parte of their gaines for it; [230][EE] with y^e first fruits of
which they builte a house for a prison; and the trade ther hath been
since continued, to y^e great benefite of y^e place; for some well
fore-sawe that these high prises of corne and catle would not long
continue, and that then y^e co[=m]odities ther raised would be much
missed.

This year, aboute y^e 1. or 2. of June, was a great & fearfull
earthquake; it was in this place heard before it was felte. It came with
a rumbling noyse, or low murmure, like unto remoate thunder; it came
from y^e norward, & pased southward. As y^e noyse aproched nerer, they
earth begane to shake, and came at length with that violence as caused
platters, dishes, & such like things as stoode upon shelves, to clatter
& fall downe; yea, persons were afraid of y^e houses them selves. It so
fell oute y^t at y^e same time diverse of y^e cheefe of this towne were
mett together at one house, conferring with some of their freinds that
were upon their removall from y^e place, (as if y^e Lord would herby
shew y^e signes of his displeasure, in their shaking a peeces &
removalls one from an other.) How ever it was very terrible for y^e
time, and as y^e men were set talking in y^e house, some women & others
were without y^e dores, and y^e earth shooke with y^t violence as they
could not stand without catching hould of y^e posts & pails y^t stood
next them; but y^e violence lasted not long. And about halfe an hower,
or less, came an other noyse & shaking, but nether so loud nor strong as
y^e former, but quickly passed over; and so it ceased. It was not only
on y^e sea coast, but y^e Indeans felt it within land; and some ships
that were upon y^e coast were shaken by it. So powerfull is y^e mighty
hand of y^e Lord, as to make both the earth & sea to shake, and the
mountaines to tremble before him, when he pleases; and who can stay his
hand? It was observed that y^e so[=m]ers, for divers years togeather
after this earthquake, were not so hotte & seasonable for y^e ripning of
corne & other fruits as formerly; but more could & moyst, & subjecte to
erly & untimly frosts, by which, many times, much Indean corne came not
to maturitie; but whether this was any cause, I leave it to naturallists
to judge.

_Anno Dom: 1639. & Anno Dom: 1640._

These 2. years I joyne togeather, because in them fell not out many
things more then y^e ordinary passages of their co[=m]one affaires,
which are not needfull to be touched. [231] Those of this plantation
having at sundrie times granted lands for severall townships, and
amongst y^e rest to y^e inhabitants of Sityate, some wherof issewed from
them selves, and allso a large tracte of land was given to their 4.
London partners in y^e place, viz. M^r. Sherley, M^r. Beacham, M^r.
Andrews, & M^r. Hatherley. At M^r. Hatherley’s request and choys it was
by him taken for him selfe and them in y^t place; for the other 3. had
invested him with power & trust to chose for them. And this tracte of
land extended to their utmoste limets that way, and bordered on their
neigbours of y^e Massachusets, who had some years after seated a towne
(called Hingam) on their lands next to these parts. So as now ther grue
great differance betweene these 2. townships, about their bounds, and
some meadow grownds that lay betweene them. They of Hingam presumed to
alotte parte of them to their people, and measure & stack them out. The
other pulled up their stacks, & threw them. So it grew to a controversie
betweene the 2. goverments, & many letters and passages were betweene
them aboute it; and it hunge some 2. years in suspense. The Courte of
Massachusets, appointed some to range their line according to y^e bounds
of their patente, and (as they wente to worke) they made it to take in
all Sityate, and I know not how much more. Againe, on y^e other hand,
according to y^e line of the patente of this place, it would take in
Hingame and much more within their bounds.

In y^e end boath Courts agreed to chose 2. comissioners of each side,
and to give them full & absolute power to agree and setle y^e bounds
betwene them; and what they should doe in y^e case should stand
irrevocably. One meeting they had at Hingam, but could not conclude; for
their comissioners stoode stiffly on a clawes in their graunte, That
from Charles-river, or any branch or parte therof, they were to extend
their limits, and 3. myles further to y^e southward; or from y^e most
southward parte of y^e Massachusets Bay, and 3. mile further. But they
chose to stand on y^e former termes, for they had found a smale river,
or brooke rather, that a great way with in land trended southward, and
issued into some part of y^t river taken to be Charles-river, and from
y^e most southerly part of this, & 3. mile more southward of y^e same,
they would rune a line east to y^e sea, aboute 20. mile; which will (say
they) take in a part of Plimoth itselfe. Now it is to be knowne y^t
though this patente & plantation were much the ancienter, yet this
inlargemente of the same (in which Sityate stood) was granted after
theirs, and so theirs were first to take place, before this inlargmente.
Now their answer was, first, that, however according to their owne plan,
they could noway come upon any part of their ancieante grante. [232]
Secondly. They could never prove y^t to be a parte of Charles-river, for
they knew not which was Charles-river, but as y^e people of this place,
which came first, imposed such a name upon y^t river, upon which, since,
Charles-towne is builte (supposing y^t was it, which Captaine Smith in
his mapp so named). Now they y^t first named it have best reason to know
it, and to explaine which is it. But they only tooke it to be Charles
river, as fare as it was by them navigated, and y^t was as farr as a
boate could goe. But y^t every runlett or small brooke, y^t should, farr
within land, come into it, or mixe their stremes with it, and were by
y^e natives called by other & differente names from it, should now by
them be made Charles-river, or parts of it, they saw no reason for it.
And gave instance in Humber, in Old England, which had y^e Trente, Ouse,
and many others of lesser note fell into it, and yet were not counted
parts of it; and many smaler rivers & broks fell into y^e Trente, &
Ouse, and no parts of them, but had nams aparte, and divisions &
nominations of them selves. Againe, it was pleaded that they had no east
line in their patente, but were to begine at y^e sea, and goe west by a
line, &c. At this meeting no conclution was made, but things discussed &
well prepared for an issue. The next year y^e same co[=m]issioners had
their power continued or renewed, and mett at Sityate, and concluded y^e
mater, as followeth.

_The agreemente of y^e bounds betwixte Plimoth and Massachusetts._

Wheras ther were tow comissiones granted by y^e 2. jurisdictions, y^e
one of Massachsets Govermente, granted unto John Endecott, gent: and
Israell Stoughton, gent: the other of New-Plimoth Govermente, to
William Bradford, Gov^r, and Edward Winslow, gent: and both these for
y^e setting out, setling, & determining of y^e bounds & limitts of y^e
lands betweene y^e said jurisdictions, wherby not only this presente
age, but y^e posteritie to come may live peaceably & quietly in y^t
behalfe. And for as much as y^e said comissioners on both sids have
full power so to doe, as appeareth by y^e records of both
jurisdictions; we therfore, y^e said comissioners above named, doe
hearby with one consente & agreemente conclude, detirmine, and by
these presents declare, that all y^e marshes at Conahasett y^t lye of
y^e one side of y^e river next to Hingam, shall belong to y^e
jurisdition of Massachusetts Plantation; and all y^e marshes y^t lye
on y^e other side of y^e river next to Sityate, shall be long to y^e
jurisdiction of New-Plimoth; excepting 60. acers of marsh at y^e mouth
of y^e river, on Sityate side next to the sea, which we doe herby
agree, conclude, & detirmine shall belong to y^e jurisdition of
Massachusetts. And further, we doe hearby agree, determine, and
conclude, y^t the bounds of y^e limites betweene both y^e said
jurisditions are as followeth, viz. from y^e mouth of y^e brook y^t
runeth into Chonahasett marches (which we call by y^e name of
Bound-brooke) with a stright & directe line to y^e midle of a great
ponde, y^t lyeth on y^e right hand of y^e uper path, or commone way,
y^t leadeth betweene Waimoth and Plimoth, close to y^e path as [233]
we goe alonge, which was formerly named (and still we desire may be
caled) Accord pond, lying aboute five or 6. myles from Weimoth
southerley; and from thence with a straight line to y^e souther-most
part of Charles-river,[EF] & 3. miles southerly, inward into y^e
countrie, according as is expresed in y^e patente granted by his
Ma^tie to y^e Company of y^e Massachusetts Plantation. Provided
allways and never y^e less concluded & determined by mutuall
agreemente betweene y^e said comissioners, y^t if it fall out y^t the
said line from Accord-pond to y^e sothermost parte of Charles-river, &
3. myles southerly as is before expresed, straiten or hinder any parte
of any plantation begune by y^e Gove^rt of New-Plimoth, or hereafter
to be begune within 10. years after y^e date of these ps^{nts}, that
then, notwithstanding y^e said line, it shall be lawfull for y^e said
Gov^rt of New-Plimoth to assume on y^e northerly side of y^e said
line, wher it shall so intrench as afforesaid, so much land as will
make up y^e quantity of eight miles square, to belong to every shuch
plantation begune, or to [be] begune as afforesaid; which we agree,
determine, & conclude to appertaine & belong to y^e said Gov^rt of
New-Plimoth. And wheras y^e said line, from y^e said brooke which
runeth into Choahassett saltmarshes, called by us Bound-brooke, and
y^e pond called Accord-pond, lyeth nere y^e lands belonging to y^e
tounships of Sityate & Hingam, we doe therfore hereby determine &
conclude, that if any devissions allready made and recorded, by either
y^e said townships, doe crose the said line, that then it shall stand,
& be of force according to y^e former intents and purposes of the said
townes granting them (the marshes formerly agreed on exepted). And y^t
no towne in either jurisdiction shall hereafter exceede, but containe
them selves within y^e said lines expressed. In witnes wherof we, the
comissioners of both jurisdictions, doe by these presents indented set
our hands & scales y^e ninth day of y^e 4. month in 16. year of our
soveraine lord, king Charles; and in y^e year of our Lord, 1640.

WILLIAM BRADFORD, GOV^R.
ED: WINSLOW.
JO: ENDECOTT.
ISRAELL STOUGHTON.

Wheras y^e patente was taken in y^e name of William Bradford, (as in
trust,) and rane in these termes: To him, his heires, and associats &
assignes; and now y^e noumber of free-men being much increased, and
diverce tounships established and setled in severall quarters of y^e
govermente, as Plimoth, Duxberie, Sityate, Tanton, Sandwich, Yarmouth,
Barnstable, Marchfeeld, and not longe after, Seacunke (called afterward,
at y^e desire of y^e inhabitants, Rehoboth) and Nawsett, it was by y^e
Courte desired that William Bradford should make a surrender of the same
into their hands. The which he willingly did, in this maner following.

Wheras William Bradford, and diverce others y^e first instruments of
God in the begi[=n]ing of this great work of plantation, togeather
with such as y^e allordering hand of God in his providence soone added
unto them, have been at very great charges to procure y^e lands,
priviledges, & freedoms from all intanglments, as may appeare by
diverse & sundrie deeds, inlargments of grants, purchases, and
payments of debts, &c., by reason wherof y^e title to y^e day of these
presents [234] remaineth in y^e said William Bradford, his heires,
associats, and assignes: now, for y^e better setling of y^e estate of
the said lands (contained in y^e grant or pattente), the said William
Bradford, and those first instruments termed & called in sondry orders
upon publick recorde, Y^e Purchasers, or Old comers; witnes 2. in
spetiall, the one bearing date y^e 3. of March, 1639. the other in
Des: the 1. An^o 1640. wherunto these presents have spetiall relation
& agreemente, and wherby they are distinguished from other y^e freemen
& inhabitants of y^e said corporation. Be it knowne unto all men,
therfore, by these presents, that the said William Bradford, for him
selfe, his heires, together with y^e said purchasers, doe only reserve
unto them selves, their heires, and assignes those 3. tractes of land
mentioned in y^e said resolution, order, and agreemente, bearing date
y^e first of Des: 1640. viz. first, from y^e bounds of Yarmouth, 3.
miles to y^e eastward of Naemschatet, and from sea to sea, crose the
neck of land. The 2. of a place called Acoughcouss, which lyeth in y^e
botome of y^e bay adjoyning to y^e west-side of Pointe Perill, and 2.
myles to y^e westerne side of y^e said river, to an other place called
Acushente river, which entereth at y^e westerne end of Nacata, and 2.
miles to y^e eastward therof, and to extend 8. myles up into y^e
countrie. The 3. place, from Sowansett river to Patucket river, (with
Cawsumsett neck,) which is y^e cheefe habitation of y^e Indeans, &
reserved for them to dwell upon, extending into y^e land 8. myles
through y^e whole breadth therof. Togeather with such other small
parcells of lands as they or any of them are personally possessed of
or intressed in, by vertue of any former titles or grante whatsoever.
And y^e said William Bradford doth, by y^e free & full consente,
approbation, and agreemente of y^e said old-planters, or purchasers,
together with y^e liking, approbation, and acceptation of y^e other
parte of y^e said corporation, surrender into y^e hands of y^e whole
courte, consisting of y^e free-men of this corporation of New-Plimoth,
all y^t other right & title, power, authority, priviledges,
immunities, & freedomes granted in y^e said letters patents by y^e
said right Honb^le Counsell for New-England; reserveing his & their
personall right of freemen, together w^th the said old planters
afforesaid, excepte y^e said lands before excepted, declaring the
freemen of this corporation, togeather with all such as shal be
legally admitted into y^e same, his associats. And y^e said William
Bradford, for him, his heiers, & assignes, doe hereby further promise
and grant to doe & performe whatsoever further thing or things, acte
or actes, which in him lyeth, which shall be needfull and expediente
for y^e better confirming and establishing the said premises, as by
counsel lerned in y^e lawes shall be reasonably advised and devised,
when he shall be ther unto required. In witness wherof, the said
William Bradford hath in publick courte surrendered the said letters
patents actually into y^e hands & power of y^e said courte, binding
him selfe, his heires, executors, administrators, and assignes to
deliver up whatsoever spetialties are in his hands that doe or may
concerne the same.

[235] In these 2. years they had sundry letters out of England to send
one over to end the buissines and accounte with M^r. Sherley; who now
professed he could not make up his accounts without y^e help of some
from hence, espetialy M^r. Winslows. They had serious thoughts of it,
and y^e most parte of y^e partners hear thought it best to send; but
they had formerly written such bitter and threatening letters as M^r.
Winslow was neither willing to goe, nor y^t any other of y^e partners
should; for he was perswaded, if any of them wente, they should be
arested, and an action of such a su[=m]e layed upon them as they should
not procure baele, but must lye in prison, and then they would bring
them to what they liste; or other wise they might be brought into
trouble by y^e arch-bishops means, as y^e times then stood. But,
notwithstanding, they weer much inclined to send, & Captaine Standish
was willing to goe, but they resolved, seeing they could not all agree
in this thing, and that it was waighty, and y^e consequence might prove
dangerous, to take M^r. Winthrops advise in y^e thing, and y^e rather,
because M^r. Andrews had by many letters acquaynted him with y^e
differences betweene them, and appoynted him for his assigne to receive
his parte of y^e debte. (And though they deneyed to pay him any as a
debte, till y^e controversie was ended, yet they had deposited 110^li.
in money in his hands for M^r. Andrews, to pay to him in parte as soone
as he would come to any agreement with y^e rest.) But M^r. Winthrop was
of M^r. Winslows minde, and disswaded them from sending; so they broak
of their resolution from sending, and returned this answer: that the
times were dangerous as things stood with them, for they knew how M^r.
Winslow had suffered formerley, and for a small matter was clapte up in
y^e Fleete, & it was long before he could gett out, to both his & their
great loss and damage; and times were not better, but worse, in y^t
respecte. Yet, that their equall & honest minds might appeare to all
men, they made them this tender: to refferr y^e case to some gentle-men
and marchants in y^e Bay of y^e Massachusetts, such as they should
chuse, and were well knowne unto them selves, (as they perceived their
wer many of their aquaintance and freinds ther, better knowne to them
then y^e partners hear,) and let them be informed in y^e case by both
sids, and have all y^e evidence y^t could be prodused, in writing, or
other wise; and they would be bound to stand to their determination, and
make good their award, though it should cost them all they had in y^e
world. But this did not please them, but they were offended at it,
without any great reasone for ought I know, (seeing nether side could
give in clear accountes, y^e partners here could not, by reason they (to
their smarte) were failed by y^e accountante they sent them, and M^r.
Sherley pretened he could not allso,) save as they conceived it a
disparagmente to yeeld to their inferiours in respecte of y^e place and
other concurring circomstances. So this came to nothing; and afterward
M^r. Sherley write, y^t if M^r. Winslow would mett him in France, y^he
Low-Countries, or Scotland, let y^e place be knowne, and he [236] come
to him ther. But in regard of y^e troubles that now begane to arise in
our owne nation, and other reasons, this did not come to any effecte.
That which made them so desirous to bring things to an end was partly to
stope y^e clamours and aspertions raised & cast upon them hereaboute;
though they conceived them selves to sustaine the greatest wrong, and
had most cause of complainte; and partly because they feared y^e fall of
catle, in which most parte of their estats lay. And this was not a vaine
feare; for they fell indeede before they came to a conclusion, and that
so souddanly, as a cowe that but a month before was worth 20^li., and
would so have passed in any paymente, fell now to 5^li. and would yeeld
no more; and a goate that wente at 3^li. or 50^s. would now yeeld but
8. or 10^s. at most. All men feared a fall of catle, but it was thought
it would be by degrees; and not to be from y^e highest pitch at once to
y^e lowest, as it did, which was greatly to y^e damage of many, and y^e
undoing of some. An other reason was, they many of them grew aged, (and
indeed a rare thing it was that so many partners should all live
together so many years as these did,) and saw many changes were like to
befall; so as they were loath to leave these intanglments upon their
children and posteritie, who might be driven to remove places, as they
had done; yea, them selves might doe it yet before they dyed. But this
bussines must yet rest; y^e next year gave it more ripnes, though it
rendred them less able to pay, for y^e reasons afforesaid.

_Anno Dom: 1641._

M^r. Sherley being weary of this controversie, and desirous of an end,
(as well as them selves,) write to M^r. John Atwode and M^r. William
Collier, 2. of y^e inhabitants of this place, and of his speatiall
aquaintance, and desired them to be a means to bring this bussines to an
end, by advising & counselling the partners hear, by some way to bring
it to a composition, by mutuall agreemente. And he write to them selves
allso to y^t end, as by his letter may apear; so much therof as
concernse y^e same I shall hear relate.

S^r. My love remembered, &c. I have writte so much concerning y^e
ending of accounts betweexte us, as I profess I know not what more to
write, &c. If you desire an end, as you seeme to doe, ther is (as I
conceive) but 2. waise; that is, to parfecte all accounts, from y^e
first to y^e last, &c. Now if we find this difficulte, and tedious,
haveing not been so stricte & carefull as we should and oughte to have
done, as for my owne parte I doe confess I have been somewhat to
remisse, and doe verily thinke so are you, &c. I fear you can never
make a perfecte accounte of all your pety viages, out, & home too &
againe, &c.[EG] So then y^e second way must be, by biding, or [237]
compounding; and this way, first or last, we must fall upon, &c. If we
must warr at law for it, doe not you expecte from me, nether will I
from you, but to cleave y^e heare, and then I dare say y^e lawyers
will be most gainers, &c. Thus let us set to y^e worke, one way or
other, and end, that I may not allways suffer in my name & estate. And
you are not free; nay, y^e gospell suffers by your delaying, and
causeth y^e professors of it to be hardly spoken of, that you, being
many, & now able, should combine & joyne togeather to oppress & burden
me, &c. Fear not to make a faire & reasonable offer; beleeve me, I
will never take any advantage to plead it against you, or to wrong
you; or else let M^r. Winslow come over, and let him have such full
power & authority as we may ende by compounding; or else, y^e accounts
so well and fully made up, as we may end by reconing. Now, blesed be
God, y^e times be much changed here, I hope to see many of you returne
to you^r native countrie againe, and have such freedome & libertie as
y^e word of God prescribs. Our bishops were never so near a downfall
as now; God hath miraculously confounded them, and turned all their
popish & Machavillian plots & projects on their owne heads, &c. Thus
you see what is fitt to be done concerning our perticulere greevances.
I pray you take it seriously into consideration; let each give way a
litle that we may meete, &c. Be you and all yours kindly saluted, &c.
So I ever rest,

Your loving friend,
JAMES SHERLEY.

Clapham, May 18, 1641.

Being thus by this leter, and allso by M^r. Atwodes & M^r. Colliers
mediation urged to bring things to an end, (and y^e continuall clamors
from y^e rest,) and by none more urged then by their own desires, they
tooke this course (because many scandals had been raised upon them).
They apoynted these 2. men before mentioned to meet on a certaine day,
and called some other freinds on both sids, and M^r. Free-man, brother
in law to M^r. Beachamp, and having drawne up a collection of all y^e
remains of y^e stock, in what soever it was, as housing, boats, bark,
and all implements belonging to y^e same, as they were used in y^e time
of y^e trad, were they better or worce, with y^e remaines of all
co[=m]odities, as beads, knives, hatchetts, cloth, or any thing els, as
well y^e refuse as y^e more vendible, with all debts, as well those y^t
were desperate as others more hopefull; and having spent diverce days to
bring this to pass, having y^e helpe of all bookes and papers, which
either any of them selves had, or Josias Winslow, who was their
accountante; and they found y^e sume in all to arise (as y^e things were
valued) to aboute 1400^li. And they all of them tooke a voluntary but a
sollem oath, in y^e presence one of an other, and of all their frends,
y^e persons abovesaid y^t were now presente, that this was all that any
of them knew of, or could remember; and Josias Winslow did y^e like for
his parte. But y^e truth is they wrongd them selves much in y^e
valuation, for they reconed some catle as they were taken of M^r.
Allerton, as for instance a cowe in y^e hands of one cost 25^li. and so
she was valued in this accounte; but when she came to be past away in
parte of paymente, after y^e agreemente, she would be accepted but a
4^li. 15^s. [238] Also being tender of their oaths, they brought in all
they know owing to y^e stock; but they had not made y^e like diligente
search what y^e stocke might owe to any, so as many scattering debts
fell upon afterwards more then now they know of.

Upon this they drew certaine articles of agreemente betweene M^r.
Atwode, on M^r. Sherleys behalfe, and them selves. The effecte is as
folloeth.

_Articles of agreemente made and concluded upon y^e 15. day of
October, 1641. &c._

Imp: Wheras ther was a partnership for diverce years agreed upon
betweene James Sherley, John Beacham, and Richard Andrews, of London,
marchants, and William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles
Standish, William Brewster, John Aldon, & John Howland, w^th Isaack
Allerton, in a trade of beaver skines & other furrs arising in
New-England; the terme of which said partnership being expired, and
diverse su[=m]es of money in goods adventured into New-England by y^e
said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, and many large
returnes made from New-England by y^e said William Bradford, Ed:
Winslow, &c.; and differance arising aboute y^e charge of 2. ships,
the one called y^e White Angele, of Bristow, and y^e other y^e
Frindship, of Barnstable, and a viage intended in her, &c.; which said
ships & their viages, y^e said William Bradford, Ed: W. &c. conceive
doe not at all appertaine to their accounts of partnership; and weras
y^e accounts of y^e said partnership are found to be confused, and
cannot orderley appeare (through y^e defaulte of Josias Winslow, y^e
booke keeper); and weras y^e said W. B. &c. have received all their
goods for y^e said trade from the foresaid James Sherley, and have
made most of their returnes to him, by consente of y^e said John
Beachamp & Richard Andrews; and wheras also y^e said James Sherley
hath given power & authoritie to M^r. John Atwode, with y^e advice &
consente of William Collier, of Duxborow, for and on his behalfe, to
put such an absolute end to y^e said partnership, with all and every
accounts, reconings, dues, claimes, demands, whatsoever, to y^e said
James Sherley, John Beacham, & Richard Andrews, from y^e said W. B.
&c. for and concerning y^e said beaver trade, & also y^e charge y^e
said 2. ships, and their viages made or pretended, whether just or
unjuste, from y^e worlds begining to this presente, as also for y^e
paimente of a purchas of 1800^li. made by Isaack Allerton, for and on
y^e behalfe of y^e said W. B., Ed: W., &c., and of y^e joynt stock,
shares, lands, and adventurs, what soever in New-England aforesaid, as
apeareth by a deede bearing date y^e 6. Nov^br. 1627; and also for and
from such sume and sumes of money or goods as are received by William
Bradford, Tho: Prence, & Myles Standish, for y^e recovery of dues, by
accounts betwexte them, y^e said James Sherly, John Beachamp, &
Richard Andrews, and Isaack Allerton, for y^e ship caled y^e White
Angell. Now y^e said John Attwode, with advice & counsell of y^e said
William Collier, having had much comunication & spente diverse days in
agitation of all y^e said differances & accounts with y^e said W. B.,
E. W., &c.; and y^e said W. B., E. W., &c. have also, with y^e said
book-keeper spente much time in collecting & gathering togeither y^e
remainder of y^e stock of partnership for y^e said trade, and what
soever hath beene received, or is due by y^e said attorneyship before
expresed, and all, and all manner of goods, debts, and dues therunto
belonging, as well those debts that are weake and doubtfull [239] and
desperate, as those y^t are more secure, which in all doe amounte to
y^e sume of 1400^li. or ther aboute; and for more full satisfaction of
y^e said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, the said W.
B. and all y^e rest of y^e abovesaid partners, togeither with Josias
Winslow y^e booke keeper, have taken a voluntarie oath, y^t within y^e
said sume of 1400^li. or theraboute, is contained whatsoever they
knew, to y^e utmost of their rememberance.

In consideration of all which matters & things before expressed, and
to y^e end y^t a full, absolute, and finall end may be now made, and
all suits in law may be avoyded, and love & peace continued, it is
therfore agreed and concluded betweene y^e said John Attwode, with y^e
advice & consent of y^e said William Colier, for & on y^e behalfe of
y^e said James Sherley, to and with y^e said W. B., &c. in maner and
forme following: viz. that y^e said John Attwode shall procure a
sufficiente release and discharge, under y^e hands & seals of y^e said
James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, to be delivered fayer
& unconcealed unto y^e said William Bradford, &c., at or before y^e
last day of August, next insuing y^e date hereof, whereby y^e said
William Bradford &c., their heires, executors, & administrators, &
every of them shall be fully and absolutly aquited & discharged of
all actions, suits, reconings, accounts, claimes, and demands
whatsoever concerning y^e generall stock of beaver trade, paymente of
y^e said 1800^li. for y^e purchass, and all demands, reckonings, and
accounts, just or unjuste, concerning the tow ships Whit-Angell and
Frendship aforesaid, togeather with whatsoever hath been received by
y^e said William Bradford, of y^e goods or estate of Isaack Allerton,
for satisfaction of y^e accounts of y^e said ship called y^e Whit
Angele, by vertue of a [~l]re of attourney to him, Thomas Prence, & Myles
Standish, directed from y^e said James Sherley, John Beachamp, &
Richard Andrews, for y^t purpose as afforesaid.

It is also agreed & concluded upon betweene the said parties to these
presents, that the said W. B., E. W., &c. shall now be bound in
2400^li. for paymente of 1200^li. in full satisfaction of all demands
as afforesaid; to be payed in maner & forme following; that is to say,
400^li. within 2. months next after y^e receite of the aforesaid
releases and discharges, one hundred and ten pounds wherof is allready
in y^e hands of John Winthrop senior of Boston, Esquire, by the means
of M^r. Richard Andrews afforesaid, and 80^li. waight of beaver now
deposited into y^e hands of y^e said John Attwode, to be both in part
of paimente of y^e said 400^li. and y^e other 800^li. to be payed by
200^li. [p=]^r a[=n]ume, to such assignes as shall be appointed,
inhabiting either in Plimoth or Massachusetts Bay, in such goods &
comodities, and at such rates, as the countrie shall afford at y^e
time of delivery & paymente; and in y^e mean time y^e said bond of
2400^li. to be deposited into y^e hands of y^e said John Attwode. And
it is agreed upon by & betweene y^e said parties to these presents,
that if y^e said John Attwode shall not or cannot procure such said
releases & discharges as afforesaid from y^e said James Sherley, John
Bachamp, & Richard Andrews, at or before y^e last day of August next
insuing y^e date hear of, y^t then y^e said John Attwode shall, at y^e
said day precisely, redeliver, or cause to [240] be delivered unto ye
said W. B., E. W., &c. their said bond of 2400^li. and y^e said 80^li.
waight of beaver, or y^e due valew therof, without any fraud or
further delay; and for performance of all & singuler y^e covenants and
agreements hearin contained and expressed, which on y^e one parte and
behalfe of y^e said James Sherley are to be observed & performed,
shall become bound in y^e su[=m]e of 2400^li. to them, y^e said
William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish,
William Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland. And it is lastly
agreed upon betweene y^e said parties, that these presents shall be
left in trust, to be kepte for boath parties, in y^e hands of Mr. John
Reanour, teacher of Plimoth. In witnes wherof, all y^e said parties
have hereunto severally sett their hands, y^e day and year first above
writen.

JOHN ATWODE, WILLIAM BRADFORD, EDWARD WINSLOW, &c. In y^e presence of

EDMOND FREEMAN,
WILLIAM THOMAS,
WILLIAM PADY,
NATHANIELL SOUTHER.

The nexte year this long and tedious bussines came to some issue, as
will then appeare, though not to a finall ende with all y^e parties; but
this much for y^e presente.

I had forgoten to inserte in its place how y^e church here had invited
and sent for M^r. Charles Chansey,[EH] a reverend, godly, and very
larned man, intending upon triall to chose him pastor of y^e church
hear, for y^e more comfortable performance of y^e ministrie with Mr.
John Reinor, the teacher of the same. But ther fell out some differance
aboute baptising, he holding it ought only to be by diping, and putting
y^e whole body under water, and that sprinkling was unlawfull. The
church yeelded that immersion, or dipping, was lawfull, but in this
could countrie not so conveniente. But they could not nor durst not
yeeld to him in this, that sprinkling (which all y^e churches of Christ
doe for y^e most parte use at this day) was unlawfull, & an humane
invention, as y^e same was prest; but they were willing to yeeld to him
as far as y^ey could, & to y^e utmost; and were contented to suffer him
to practise as he was perswaded; and when he came to minister that
ordnance, he might so doe it to any y^t did desire it in y^t way,
provided he could peacably suffer Mr. Reinor, and such as desired to
have theirs otherwise baptised by him, by sprinkling or powering on of
water upon them; so as ther might be no disturbance in y^e church
hereaboute. But he said he could not yeeld herunto. Upon which the
church procured some other ministers to dispute y^e pointe with him
publikly; as Mr. Ralfe Partrich, of Duxberie, who did it sundrie times,
very ablie and sufficently, as allso some other ministers within this
govermente. But he was not satisfied; so y^e church sent to many other
churches to crave their help and advise in [241] this mater, and, with
his will & consente, sent them his arguments writen under his owne hand.
They sente them to y^e church at Boston in y^e Bay of Massachusets, to
be comunicated with other churches ther. Also they sent y^e same to the
churches of Conightecutt and New-Haven, with sundrie others; and
received very able & sufficent answers, as they conceived, from them and
their larned ministers, who all concluded against him. But him selfe was
not satisfied therw^th. Their answers are too large hear to relate. They
conceived y^e church had done what was meete in y^e thing, so M^r.
Chansey, having been y^e most parte of 3. years here, removed him selfe
to Sityate, wher he now remaines a minister to y^e church ther. Also
about these times, now y^t catle & other things begane greatly to fall
from their former rates, and persons begane to fall into more straits,
and many being allready gone from them, (as is noted before,) both to
Duxberie, Marshfeeld, and other places, & those of y^e cheefe sorte, as
M^r. Winslow, Captaine Standish, Mr. Allden, and many other, & stille
some dropping away daly, and some at this time, and many more unsetled,
it did greatly weaken y^e place, and by reason of y^e straitnes and
barrennes of y^e place, it sett y^e thoughts of many upon removeall; as
will appere more hereafter.

_Anno Dom: 1642._

Marvilous it may be to see and consider how some kind of wickednes did
grow & breake forth here, in a land wher the same was so much witnesed
against, and so narrowly looked unto, & severly punished when it was
knowne; as in no place more, or so much, that I have known or heard of;
insomuch as they have been somewhat censured, even by moderate and good
men, for their severitie in punishments. And yet all this could not
suppress y^e breaking out of sundrie notorious sins, (as this year,
besids other, gives us too many sad presidents and instances,)
espetially drunkennes and unclainnes; not only incontinencie betweene
persons unmaried, for which many both men & women have been punished
sharply enough, but some maried persons allso. But that which is worse,
even sodomie and bugerie, (things fearfull to name,) have broak forth in
this land, oftener then once. I say it may justly be marveled at, and
cause us to fear & tremble at the consideration of our corrupte natures,
which are so hardly bridled, subdued, & mortified; nay, cannot by any
other means but y^e powerfull worke & grace of Gods spirite. But (besids
this) one reason may be, that y^e Divell may carrie a greater spite
against the churches of Christ and y^e gospell hear, by how much y^e
more they indeaour to preserve holynes and puritie amongst them, and
strictly punisheth the contrary when it ariseth either in church or
comone wealth; that he might cast a [242] blemishe & staine upon them in
y^e eyes of [y^e] world, who use to be rash in judgmente. I would rather
thinke thus, then that Satane hath more power in these heathen lands, as
som have thought, then in more Christian nations, espetially over Gods
servants in them.

2. An other reason may be, that it may be in this case as it is with
waters when their streames are stopped or da[=m]ed up, when they gett
passage they flow with more violence, and make more noys and
disturbance, then when they are suffered to rune quietly in their owne
chanels. So wikednes being here more stopped by strict laws, and y^e
same more nerly looked unto, so as it cannot rune in a comone road of
liberty as it would, and is inclined, it searches every wher, and at
last breaks out wher it getts vente.

3. A third reason may be, hear (as I am verily perswaded) is not more
evills in this kind, nor nothing nere so many by proportion, as in other
places; but they are here more discoverd and seen, and made publick by
due serch, inquisition, and due punishment; for y^e churches looke
narrowly to their members, and y^e magistrats over all, more strictly
then in other places. Besids, here the people are but few in comparison
of other places, which are full & populous, and lye hid, as it were, in
a wood or thickett, and many horrible evills by y^t means are never seen
nor knowne; wheras hear, they are, as it were, brought into y^e light,
and set in y^e plaine feeld, or rather on a hill, made conspicuous to
y^e veiw of all.

But to proceede; y^er came a letter from y^e Gov^r in y^e Bay to them
here, touching matters of y^e forementioned nature, which because it may
be usefull I shall hear relate it, and y^e passages ther aboute.

S^r: Having an opportunitie to signifie y^e desires of our Generall
Court in toow things of spetiall importance, I willingly take this
occasion to imparte them to you, y^t you may imparte them to y^e rest
of your magistrats, and also to your Elders, for counsell; and give us
your advise in them. The first is concerning heinous offences in point
of uncleannes; y^e perticuler cases, with y^e circomstances, and y^e
questions ther upon, you have hear inclosed. The 2. thing is
concerning y^e Ilanders at Aquidnett; y^t seeing the cheefest of them
are gone from us, in offences, either to churches, or co[=m]one welth,
or both; others are dependants on them, and y^e best sorte are such as
close with them in all their rejections of us. Neither is it only in a
faction y^t they are devided from us, but in very deed they rend them
selves from all y^e true churches of Christ, and, many of them, from
all y^e powers of majestracie. We have had some experience hereof by
some of their underworkers, or emissaries, who have latly come amongst
us, and have made publick defiance against magistracie, ministrie,
churches, & church covenants, &c. as antichristian; secretly also
sowing y^e seeds of Familisme, and Anabaptistrie, to y^e infection of
some, and danger of others; so that we are not willing to joyne with
them in any league or confederacie at all, but rather that you would
consider & advise with us how we may avoyd them, and keep ours from
being infected by them. Another thing I should mention to you, for
y^e maintenance of y^e trad of beaver; if ther be not a company to
order it in every jurisdition among y^e English, which companies
should agree in generall of their way in trade, I supose that y^e
trade will be overthrowne, and the Indeans will abuse us. For this
cause we have latly put it into order amongst us, hoping of
incouragmente from you (as we have had) y^t we may continue y^e same.
Thus not further to trouble you, I rest, with my loving remembrance to
your selfe, &c.

Your loving friend,
RI: BELLINGHAM.

Boston, 28. (1.) 1642.

The note inclosed follows on y^e other side.[EI]

[244] Worthy & beloved S^r:

Your letter (with y^e questions inclosed) I have comunicated with our
Assistants, and we have refered y^e answer of them to such Rev[=e]^d
Elders as are amongst us, some of whose answers thertoo we have here
sent you inclosed, under their owne hands; from y^e rest we have not
yet received any. Our farr distance hath bene y^e reason of this long
delay, as also y^t they could not conferr their counsells togeather.

For our selves, (you know our breedings & abillities,) we rather
desire light from your selves, & others, whom God hath better inabled,
then to presume to give our judgments in cases so difficulte and of so
high a nature. Yet under correction, and submission to better
judgments, we propose this one thing to your prudent considerations.
As it seems to us, in y^e case even of willfull murder, that though a
man did smite or wound an other, with a full pourpose or desire to
kill him, (w^ch is murder in a high degree, before God,) yet if he
did not dye, the magistrate was not to take away y^e others life.[EJ]
So by proportion in other grosse & foule sines, though high attempts &
nere approaches to y^e same be made, and such as in the sight &
account of God may be as ill as y^e accomplishmente of y^e foulest
acts of y^t sine, yet we doute whether it may be safe for y^e
magistrate to proceed to death; we thinke, upon y^e former grounds,
rather he may not. As, for instance, in y^e case of adultrie, (if it
be admitted y^t it is to be punished w^{th} death, which to some of us
is not cleare,) if y^e body be not actually defiled, then death is not
to be inflicted. So in sodomie, & beastialitie, if ther be not
penetration. Yet we confess foulnes of circomstances, and frequencie
in y^e same, doth make us remaine in y^e darke, and desire further
light from you, or any, as God shall give.

As for y^e 2. thing, concerning y^e Ilanders? we have no conversing
with them, nor desire to have, furder then necessitie or humanity may
require.

And as for trade? we have as farr as we could ever therin held an
orderly course, & have been sory to see y^e spoyle therof by others,
and fear it will hardly be recovered. But in these, or any other
things which may concerne y^e co[=m]one good, we shall be willing to
advise & concure with you in what we may. Thus w^{th} my love
remembered to your selfe, and y^e rest of our worthy friends, your
Assistants, I take leave, & rest,

Your loving friend,
W. B.

Plim: 17. 3. month, 1642.

Now follows y^e ministers answers. And first Mr. Reynors.

Qest: What sodmiticall acts are to be punished with death, & what very
facte (ipso facto) is worthy of death, or, if y^e fact it selfe be not
capitall, what circomstances concurring may make it capitall?

Ans: In y^e judiciall law (y^e moralitie wherof concerneth us) it is
manyfest y^t carnall knowledg of man, or lying w^{th} man, as with
woman, cum penetratione corporis, was sodomie, to be punished with
death; what els can be understood by Levit: 18. 22. & 20. 13. & Gen: 19.
5? 2^ly. It seems allso y^t this foule sine might be capitall, though
ther was not penitratio corporis, but only contactus & fricatio us[q~]
ad effusionem seminis, for these reasons: [245] 1. Because it was sin to
be punished with death, Levit. 20. 13. in y^e man who was lyen withall,
as well as in him y^t lyeth with him; now his sin is not mitigated wher
ther is not penitration, nor augmented wher it is; wheras its charged
upon y^e women, y^t they were guilty of this unnaturall sine, as well as
men, Rom. 1. 26. 27. Y^e same thing doth furder apeare, 2. because of
y^t proportion betwexte this sin & beastialitie, wherin if a woman did
stand before, or aproach to, a beast, for y^t end, to lye downe therto,
(whether penetration was or not,) it was capitall, Levit: 18. 23. & 20.
16. 3^{ly}. Because something els might be equivalent to penetration
wher it had not been, viz. y^e fore mentioned acts with frequencie and
long continuance with a high hand, utterly extinguishing all light of
nature; besids, full intention and bould attempting of y^e foulest acts
may seeme to have been capitall here, as well as coming presumptuously
to slay with guile was capitall. Exod: 21. 14.

Yet it is not so manyfest y^t y^e same acts were to be punished with
death in some other sines of uncleannes, w^ch yet by y^e law of God were
capitall crimes; besids other reasons, (1.) because sodomie, & also
beastialitie, is more against y^e light of nature then some other
capitall crimes of unclainnes, which reason is to be attended unto, as
y^t which most of all made this sin capitall; (2.) because it might be
co[=m]ited with more secrecie & less suspition, & therfore needed y^e
more to be restrained & suppresed by y^e law; (3^ly) because ther was
not y^e like reason & degree of si[=n]ing against family & posteritie in
this sin as in some other capitall sines of uncleannes.

2. Quest: How farr a magistrate may extracte a confession from a
delinquente, to acuse him selfe of a capitall crime, seeing Nemo tenetur
prodere seipsum.

Ans: A majestrate cannot without sin neglecte diligente inquision into
y^e cause brought before him. Job 29. 16. Pro: 24. 11. 12. & 25. 2.
(2^ly.) If it be manifest y^t a capitall crime is committed, & y^t
comone reporte, or probabilitie, suspition, or some complainte, (or y^e
like,) be of this or y^t person, a magistrate ought to require, and by
all due means to procure from y^e person (so farr allready bewrayed) a
naked confession of y^e fact, as apears by y^t which is morall & of
perpetuall equitie, both in y^e case of uncertaine murder, Deut: 21. 1.
9. and slander, Deut: 22. 13. 21; for though nemo tenetur prodere
seipsum, yet by that w^ch may be known to y^e magistrat by y^e forenamed
means, he is bound thus to doe, or els he may betray his countrie &
people to y^e heavie displeasure of God, Levit: 18. 24. 25. Jos: 22. 18.
Psa: 106. 30; such as are i[=n]ocente to y^e sinfull, base, cruell lusts
of y^e profane, & such as are delinquents, and others with them, into
y^e hands of y^e stronger temptations, & more bouldness, & hardnes of
harte, to co[=m]ite more & worse villany, besids all y^e guilt & hurt he
will bring upon him selfe. (3^ly.) To inflicte some punishmente meerly
for this reason, to extracte a conffession of a capitall crime, is
contrary to y^e nature of vindictive justice, which always hath respecte
to a kno[=w] crime co[=m]itited by y^e person punished; and it will
therfore, for any thing which can before be knowne, be y^e provocking
and forcing of wrath, compared to y^e wringing of y^e nose, Pro: 30. 33.
which is as well forbiden y^e fathers of y^e countrie as of y^e family,
Ephe. 6. 4. as produsing many sad & dangerous effects. That an oath (ex
officio) for such a purpose is no due means, hath been abundantly proved
by y^e godly learned, & is well known.

Q. 3. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with other
circomstances shall be sufficiente to convince? or is ther no conviction
without 2. witneses?

Ans: In taking away y^e life of man, one witnes alone will not suffice,
ther must be tow, or y^t which is instar; y^e texts are manifest, Numb:
35. 30. Deut: 17. 6. & 19. 15. 2^ly. Ther may be conviction by one
witnes, & some thing y^t hath y^e force of another, as y^e evidencie of
y^e fact done by such an one, & not an other; unforced confession when
ther was no fear or danger of suffering for y^e fact, hand writings
acknowledged & confessed.

JOHN REYNOR.

[246] _M^r. Partrich his writing, in ans: to y^e questions._

What is y^t sodomiticall acte which is to be punished with death?

Though I conceive probable y^t a voluntary effusion of seed per modum
concubitus of man with man, as of a man with woman, though in
concubitu ther be not penetratio corporis, is y^t sin which is
forbiden, Levit: 18. 22. & adjudged to be punished with death, Levit:
20. 13. because, though ther be not penetratio corporis, yet ther may
be similitudo concubitus muliebris, which is y^t the law specifieth;
yet I dar not be con-[EK] (1.) because, Gen: 19. 5. y^e intended acte
of y^e Sodomits (who were y^e first noted maisters of this unnaturall
act of more then brutish filthines) is expressed by carnall copulation
of man with woman: Bring them out unto us, y^t we may know them;
(2^ly.) because it is observed among y^e nations wher this unnaturall
unclainnes is co[=m]ited, it is w^th penetration of y^e body; (3^ly.)
because, in y^e judiciall proceedings of y^e judges in England, y^e
indict: so rune (as I have been informed).

Q. How farr may a magistrat extracte a confession of a capitall crime
from a suspected and an accused person?

Ans. I conceive y^t a magistrate is bound, by carfull examenation of
circomstances & waighing of probabilities, to sifte y^e accused, and
by force of argumente to draw him to an acknowledgment of y^e truth;
but he may not extracte a confession of a capitall crime from a
suspected person by any violent means, whether it be by an oath
imposed, or by any punishmente inflicted or threatened to be
inflicted, for so he may draw forth an acknowledgmente of a crime from
a fearfull i[=n]ocente; if guilty, he shall be compelled to be his
owne accuser, when no other can, which is against y^e rule of justice.

Q. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with other
circomstances shall be sufficente to convicte; or is ther no
conviction without two witnesses?

Ans: I conceive y^t, in y^e case of capitall crimes, ther can be no
safe proceedings unto judgmente without too witnesses, as Numb: 35.
30. Deut: 19. 15. excepte ther can some evidence be prodused as
aveilable & firme to prove y^e facte as a witnes is, then one witnes
may suffice; for therin y^e end and equitie of y^e law is attained.
But to proceede unto sentence of death upon presumptions, wher
probably ther may subesse falsum, though ther be y^e testimony of one
wittnes, I supose it cannot be a safe way; better for such a one to be
held in safe custodie for further triall, I conceive.

RALPH PARTRICH.

_The Answer of M^r. Charles Chancy._

An contactus et fricatio us[q~] ad seminis effusi[=o]nem sine
penetratione corporis sit sodomia morte plectenda?

Q. The question is what sodomiticall acts are to be punished w^th
death, & what very facte committed, (ipso facto,) is worthy of death,
or if y^e facte it selfe be not capitall, what circomstances concuring
may make it capitall. The same question may be asked of rape, inceste,
beastialitie, unnaturall sins, presumtuous sins. These be y^e words of
y^e first question.

Ans: The answer unto this I will lay downe (as God shall directe by
his word & spirite) in these following conclusions: (1.) That y^e
judicials of Moyses, that are appendances to y^e morall law, &
grounded on y^e law of nature, or y^e decalogue, are i[=m]utable, and
ppetuall, w^ch all orthodox devines acknowledge; see y^e authors
following. Luther, Tom. 1. Whitenberge: fol. 435. & fol. 7.
Melanethon, in loc: com loco de conjugio. Calvin, 1. 4. Institu. c. 4.
sect. 15. Junious de politia Moysis, thes. 29. & 30. Hen: Bulin:
Decad. 3. sermo. 8. Wolf: Muscu. loc: com: in 6. precepti explicaci:
Bucer de regno Christi, 1. 2. c. 17. Theo: Beza, vol: 1. de hereti:
puniendis, fol. 154. Zanch: in 3. præcept: Ursin: Pt. 4. explicat.
contra John. Piscat: in Aphorismi Loc. de lege dei aphorism. 17. And
more might be added. I forbear, for brevities sake, to set downe their
very words; this being y^e constante & generall oppinion of y^e best
devines, I will rest in this as undoubtedly true, though much more
might be said to confirme it.

2. That all y^e si[=n]es mentioned in y^e question were punished with
death by y^e judiciall law of Moyses, as adultry, Levit: 20. 10. Deut:
22. 22. Esech: 16. 38. Jhon. 8. 5. which is to be understood not only
of double adultrie, when as both parties are maried, (as some
conceive,) but whosoever (besids her husband) lyes with a married
woman, whether y^e man be maried or not, as in y^e place, Deut: 22.
22. or whosoever, being a maried man, lyeth with another woman (besids
his wife), as P. Martire saith, loc: com: which in diverce respects
maks y^e sine worse on y^e maried mans parte; for y^e Lord in this
law hath respect as well to publick honesty, (the sin being so
prejudicall to y^e church & state,) as y^e private wrongs (saith
Junious). So incest is to be punished with death, Levit: 20. 11. 22.
Beastiality likwise, Lev: 20. 15. Exod: 22. 19. Raps in like maner,
Deut: 22. 25. Sodomie in like sort, Levit: 18. 22. & 20. 13. And all
presumptuous sins, Numb: 15. 30. 31.

3. That y^e punishmente of these foule sines w^th death is grounded on
y^e law of nature, & is agreeable to the morall law. (1.) Because y^e
reasons a[=n]exed shew them to be perpetuall. Deut. 22. 22. So shalt
thou put away evill. Incest, beastiality, are caled confusion, &
wickednes. (2.) Infamie to y^e whole humane nature, Levit: 22. 12.
Levit: 18. 23. Raps are as murder, Deut: 22. 25. Sodomie is an
abomination, Levit: 22. 22. [247] No holier & juster laws can be
devised by any man or angele then have been by y^e Judg of all y^e
world, the wisdome of y^e Father, by whom kings doe raigne, &c. (3.)
Because, before y^e giving of y^e Law, this punishmente was anciently
practised, Gen: 26. 11. 38. 29. 39. 20. & even by the heathen, by y^e
very light of nature, as P. Martire shews. (4^ly.) Because y^e land is
defiled by such sins, and spews out y^e inhabitants, Levit: 18. 24,
25. & that in regard of those nations y^t were not acquainted w^th the
law of Moyses. 5. All y^e devins above specified consent in this, that
y^e unclean acts punishable with death by y^e law of God are not only
y^e grose acts of uncleannes by way of carnall copulation, but all y^e
evidente attempts therof, which may appeare by those severall words
y^t are used by y^e spirite of God, expressing y^e sins to be punished
with death; as y^e discovering of nakednes, Levit: 18. 20. which is
retegere pudenda, as parts p^r euphemismum (saith Junius), or detegere
ad cubandum (saith Willett), to uncover y^e shamefull parts of y^e
body (saith Ainsworth), which, though it reaches to y^e grose acts,
yet it is plaine it doth comprehend ye other foregoing immodest
attempts, as contactum, fricationem, &c.; likwise ye phrase of lying
with, so often used, doth not only signifie carnall copulation, but
other obscene acts, p^{r}ceding y^e same, is implyed in Pauls word
[Greek: arsenokoitai], 1. Cor: 6. 9. & men lying with men, 1. Tim: 1.
9. men defiling them selves w^th mankind, men burning with lust
towards men, Rom: 1. 26. & Levit: 18.[EL] 22. sodom & sin going after
strange flesh, Jud: v. 7. 8. and lying with mankind as with a woman,
Levit: 18. 22. Abulentis says y^t it signifies omnes modos quibus
masculus masculo abutatur, changing y^e naturall use into y^t which is
against nature, Rom: 1. 26. arrogare sibi cubare, as Junius well
translats Levit: 20. 15. to give consente to lye withall, so
approaching to a beast, & lying downe therto, Levit: 20. 16. ob solum
conatú[EM] (saith Willett) or for going about to doe it. Add to this a
notable speech of Zepperus de legibus (who hath enough to end
controversies of this nature). L. 1. he saith: In crimine adulterii
voluntas (understanding manifeste) sine effectu subsecuto de jure
attenditur; and he proves it out of good laws, in these words:
Solicitatores[EN] alie[=n]um nupti[=a]m item[q~] matrimon[=i]um
interpellatores, etsi effectu sceleris potiri non possunt, propter
voluntatem tamen perniciosæ libidinis extra ordinem puniuntur; nam
generale est quidem affect[=u] sine effectu [non] puniri, sed
contrarium observatur in atrocioribus & horum similibus.

5. In concluding punishments from y^e judiciall law of Moyses y^t is
perpetuall, we must often p^{r}ceed by analogicall proportion &
interpretation, as a paribus similibus, minore ad majus, &c.; for ther
will still fall out some cases, in every co[=m]one-wealth, which are
not in so many words extante in holy write, yet y^e substance of y^e
matter in every kind (I conceive under correction) may be drawne and
concluded out of y^e scripture by good consequence of an equevalent
nature; as, for example, ther is no express law against destroying
conception in y^e wombe by potions, yet by anologie with Exod: 21. 22,
23. we may reason y^t life is to be given for life. Againe, y^e
question, An contactus & fricatio, &c., and methinks y^t place Gen:
38. 9. in y^e punishmente of Onans sin, may give some cleare light to
it; it was (saith Pareus) beluina crudelitas quam Deus pari loco cum
parricidio habuit, nam semen corrumpere, quid fuit aliud quam hominem
ex semine generandum occidere? Propterea juste a Deo occisus est.
Observe his words. And againe, Discamus quantopere Deus abominetur
omnem seminis genitalis abusum, illicit[=a] effusionem, &
corruption[=e], &c., very pertinente to this case. That allso is
considerable, Deut: 25. 11, 12. God comanded y^t, if any wife drue
nigh to deliver her husband out of y^e hand of him y^t smiteth him,
&c., her hand should be cutt off. Yet such a woman in y^t case might
say much for her selfe, y^t what she did was in trouble & perplexitie
of her minde, & in her husbands defence; yet her hand must be cutt of
for such impuritie (and this is morall, as I conceive). Then we may
reason from y^e less to y^e greater, what greevous sin in y^e sight of
God it is, by y^e instigation of burning lusts, set on fire of hell,
to proceede to contactum & fricationem ad emissionem seminis, &c., &
y^t contra naturam, or to attempte y^e grosse acts of unnaturall
filthines. Againe, if y^t unnaturall lusts of men with men, or woman
with woman, or either with beasts, be to be punished with death, then
a pari naturall lusts of men towards children under age are so to be
punished.

6. Circumstantiæ variant vis e actiunes, (saith y^e lawiers,) &
circomstances in these cases cannot possibly be all reck[=e]d up; but
God hath given laws for those causes & cases that are of greatest
momente, by which others are to be judged of, as in y^e differance
betwixte chanc medley, & willfull murder; so in y^e sins of
uncleannes, it is one thing to doe an acte of uncleannes by sudden
temptation, & another to lye in waite for it, yea, to make a co[=m]une
practise of it; this mightily augments & multiplies y^e sin. Againe,
some si[=n]es of this nature are simple, others compound, as y^t is
simple adultrie, or inceste, or simple sodomie; but when ther is a
mixture of diverce kinds of lust, as when adultery & sodomie &
[p=]^{r}ditio seminis goe togeather in y^e same acte of uncleannes,
this is capitall, double, & trible. Againe, when adultrie or sodomie
is co[=m]ited by [p=]fessors or church members, I fear it coms too
near y^e sine of y^e preists daughters, forbidden, & comanded to be
punished, Levit: 21. 9. besids y^e presumption of y^e si[=n]es of
such. Againe, when uncleannes is comited with those whose chastity
they are bound to [*)p]serve, this coms very nere the incestious
copulation, I feare; but I must hasten to y^e other questions.

[248] 2. Question y^e second, upon y^e pointe of examination, how farr
a magistrate may extracte a confession from a delinquente to accuse
him selfe in a capitall crime, seeing Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum.

Ans: The words of y^e question may be understood of extracting a
confession from a delinquente either by oath or bodily tormente. If it
be mente of extracting by requiring an oath, (ex officio, as some call
it,) & that in capitall crimes, I fear it is not safe, nor warented by
Gods word, to extracte a confession from a delinquente by an oath in
matters of life and death. (1.) Because y^e practise in y^e Scripturs
is other wise, as in y^e case of Achan, Jos: 7. 19. Give, I pray y^e,
glorie to y^e Lord God of Israll, and make a confession to him, & tell
me how thou hast done. He did not compell him to sweare. So when as
Johnathans life was indangered, 1. Sam. 14. 43. Saule said unto
Johnathan, Tell me what thou hast done; he did not require an oath.
And notable is y^t, Jer: 38. 14. Jeremiah was charged by Zedechias,
who said, I will aske the a thing, hide it not from me; & Jeremiah
said, If I declare it unto y^e, wilt thou not surely put me to death?
impling y^t, in case of death, he would have refused to answer him.
(2.) Reason shews it, & experience; Job: 2. 4. Skin for skin, &c. It
is to be feared y^t those words (whatsoever a man hath) will
comprehend also y^e conscience of an oath, and y^e fear of God, and
all care of religion; therfore for laying a snare before y^e guiltie,
I think it ought not to be donn. But now, if y^e question be mente of
inflicting bodyly torments to extracte a confession from a
mallefactor, I conceive y^t in maters of higest consequence, such as
doe conceirne y^e saftie or ruine of stats or countries, magistrats
may proceede so farr to bodily torments, as racks, hote-irons, &c., to
extracte a conffession, espetially wher presumptions are strounge; but
otherwise by no means. God sometims hids a sinner till his wickednes
is filled up.

Question 3. In what cases of capitall crimes, one witnes with other
circumstances shall be sufficente to convicte, or is ther no
conviction without 2. witneses?

Deut: 19. 25. God hath given an express rule y^t in no case one
witness shall arise in judgmente, espetially not in capitall cases.
God would not put our lives into y^e power of any one toungue. Besids,
by y^e examination of more wittneses agreeing or disagreeing, any
falshood ordenarilly may be discovered; but this is to be understood
of one witnes of another; but if a man witnes against him selfe, his
owne testimony is sufficente, as in y^e case of y^e Amalakite, 2. Sam:
1. 16. Againe, when ther are sure & certaine signes & evidences by
circumstances, ther needs no witnes in this case, as in y^e bussines
of Adoniah desiring Abishage y^e Shunamite to wife, that therby he
might make way for him selfe unto y^e kingdome, 1. King: 2. 23, 24.
Againe, probably by many concurring circumstances, if probability may
have y^e strength of a witnes, somthing may be this way gathered, me
thinks, from Sallomons judging betweexte y^e true mother, and y^e
harlote, 1. King. 3. 25. Lastly, I see no cause why in waighty
matters, in defecte of witneses & other proofes, we may not have
recourse to a lott, as in y^e case of Achan, Josu: 7. 16. which is a
clearer way in such doubtfull cases (it being solemnely & religiously
performed) then any other that I know, if it be made y^e last refuge.
But all this under correction.

The Lord in mercie directe & prosper y^e desires of his servants that
desire to walk before him in truth & righteousnes in the
administration of justice, and give them wisdome and largnes of harte.

CHARLES CHANNCY.

Besids y^e occation before mentioned in these writings concerning the
abuse of those 2. children, they had aboute y^e same time a case of
buggerie fell out amongst them, which occasioned these questions, to
which these answers have been made.

And after y^e time of y^e writ[=i]g of these things befell a very sadd
accidente of the like foule nature in this govermente, this very year,
which I shall now relate. Ther was a youth whose name was Thomas
Granger; he was servant to an honest man of Duxbery, being aboute 16. or
17. years of age. (His father & mother lived at the same time at
Sityate.) He was this year detected of buggery (and indicted for y^e
same) with a mare, a cowe, tow goats, five sheep, 2. calves, and a
turkey. Horrible [249] it is to mention, but y^e truth of y^e historie
requires it. He was first discovered by one y^t accidentally saw his
lewd practise towards the mare. (I forbear perticulers.) Being upon it
examined and co[=m]itted, in y^e end he not only confest y^e fact with
that beast at that time, but sundrie times before, and at severall times
with all y^e rest of y^e forenamed in his indictmente; and this his
free-confession was not only in private to y^e magistrats, (though at
first he strived to deney it,) but to sundrie, both ministers & others,
and afterwards, upon his indictmente, to y^e whole court & jury; and
confirmed it at his execution. And wheras some of y^e sheep could not so
well be knowne by his description of them, others with them were brought
before him, and he declared which were they, and which were not. And
accordingly he was cast by y^e jury, and condemned, and after executed
about y^e 8. of Sept^r, 1642. A very sade spectakle it was; for first
the mare, and then y^e cowe, and y^e rest of y^e lesser catle, were kild
before his face, according to y^e law, Levit: 20. 15. and then he him
selfe was executed. The catle were all cast into a great & large pitte
that was digged of purposs for them, and no use made of any part of
them.

Upon y^e examenation of this person, and also of a former that had made
some sodomiticall attempts upon another, it being demanded of them how
they came first to y^e knowledge and practice of such wickednes, the one
confessed he had long used it in old England; and this youth last
spoaken of said he was taught it by an other that had heard of such
things from some in England when he was ther, and they kept catle
togeather. By which it appears how one wicked person may infecte many;
and what care all ought to have what servants they bring into their
families.

But it may be demanded how came it to pass that so many wicked persons
and profane people should so quickly come over into this land, & mixe
them selves amongst them? seeing it was religious men y^t begane y^e
work, and they came for religions sake. I confess this may be marveilled
at, at least in time to come, when the reasons therof should not be
knowne; and y^e more because here was so many hardships and wants mett
withall. I shall therfore indeavor to give some answer hereunto. And
first, according to y^t in y^e gospell, it is ever to be remembred that
wher y^e Lord begins to sow good seed, ther y^e envious man will
endeavore to sow tares. 2. Men being to come over into a wildernes, in
which much labour & servise was to be done aboute building & planting,
&c., such as wanted help in y^t respecte, when they could not have such
as y^ey would, were glad to take such as they could; and so, many
untoward servants, sundry of them proved, that were thus brought over,
both men & women kind: who, when their times were expired, became
families of them selves, which gave increase hereunto. 3. An other and a
maine reason hearof was, that men, finding so many godly disposed
persons willing to come into these parts, some begane to make a trade of
it, to transeport passengers & their goods, and hired ships for that
end; and then, to make up their fraight and advance their profite, cared
not who y^e persons were, so they had money to pay them. And by this
means the cuntrie became pestered with many unworthy persons, who, being
come over, crept into one place or other. 4. Againe, the Lords blesing
usually following his people, as well in outward as spirituall things,
(though afflictions be mixed withall,) doe make many to adhear to y^e
people of God, as many followed Christ, for y^e loaves sake, John 6. 26.
and a mixed multitud came into y^e willdernes with y^e people of God out
of Eagipte of old, Exod. 12. 38; so allso ther were sente by their
freinds some under hope y^t they would be made better; others that they
might be eased of such burthens, and they kept from shame at home y^t
would necessarily follow their dissolute courses. And thus, by one means
or other, in 20. years time, it is a question whether y^e greater part
be not growne y^e worser.

[250] I am now come to y^e conclusion of that long & tedious bussines
betweene y^e partners hear, & them in England, the which I shall
manifest by their owne letters as followeth, in such parts of them as
are pertinente to y^e same.

_M^r. Sherleys to M^r. Attwood._

M^r. Attwood, my approved loving friend: Your letter of y^e 18. of
October last I have received, wherin I find you have taken a great
deall of paines and care aboute y^t troublesome bussines betwixte our
Plimoth partners & freinds, & us hear, and have deeply ingaged your
selfe, for which complements & words are no reall satisfaction, &c.
For y^e agreemente you have made with M^r. Bradford, M^r. Winslow, &
y^e rest of y^e partners ther, considering how honestly and justly I
am perswaded they have brought in an accounte of y^e remaining stock,
for my owne parte I am well satisfied, and so I thinke is M^r.
Andrewes, and I supose will be M^r. Beachampe, if most of it might
acrew to him, to whom y^e least is due, &c. And now for peace sake,
and to conclud as we began, lovingly and freindly, and to pass by all
failings of all, the conclude is accepted of; I say this agreemente
y^t you have made is condesended unto, and M^r. Andrews hath sent his
release to M^r. Winthrop, with such directions as he conceives fitt;
and I have made bould to trouble you with mine, and we have both
sealed in y^e presence of M^r. Weld, and M^r. Peeters, and some
others, and I have also sente you an other, for the partners ther, to
seale to me; for you must not deliver mine to them, excepte they seale
& deliver one to me; this is fitt and equall, &c.

Yours to co[=m]and in what I may or can,
JAMES SHERLEY.

June 14. 1642.

_His to y^e partners as followeth._

Loving freinds,

M^r. Bradford, M^r. Winslow, M^r. Prence, Captaine Standish, M^r.
Brewster, M^r. Alden, & M^r. Howland, give me leave to joyne you all
in one letter, concerning y^e finall end & conclude of y^t tedious &
troublsome bussines, & I thinke I may truly say uncomfurtable &
unprofitable to all, &c. It hath pleased God now to put us upon a way
to sease all suits, and disquieting of our spirites, and to conclude
with peace and love, as we began. I am contented to yeeld & make good
what M^r. Attwood and you have agreed upon; and for y^t end have sente
to my loving friend, M^r. Attwood, an absolute and generall release
unto you all, and if ther wante any thing to make it more full, write
it your selves, & it shall be done, provided y^t all you, either
joyntly or severally, seale y^e like discharge to me. And for y^t end
I have drawne one joyntly, and sent it to M^r. Attwood, with y^t I
have sealed to you. Mr. Andrews hath sealed an aquitance also, & sent
it to M^r. Winthrop, whith such directions as he conceived fitt, and,
as I hear, hath given his debte, which he maks 544^li. unto y^e
gentlemen of y^e Bay. Indeed, M^r. Welld, M^r. Peters, & M^r. Hibbens
have taken a great deale of paines with M^r. Andrews, M^r. Beachamp, &
my selfe, to bring us to agree, and to y^t end we have had many
meetings and spent much time aboute it. But as they are very religious
& honest gentle-men, yet they had an end y^t they drove at & laboured
to accomplish (I meane not any private end, but for y^e generall good
of their patente). It had been very well you had sent one over. M^r.
Andrew wished you might have one 3. parte of y^e 1200^li. & the Bay 2.
thirds; but then we 3. must have agreed togeather, which were a hard
mater now. But M^r. Weld, M^r. Peters, & M^r. Hibbens, & I, have
agreed, they giving you bond (so to compose with M^r. Beachamp, as) to
procure his generall release, & free you from all trouble & charge y^t
he may put you too; which indeed is nothing, for I am perswaded M^r.
Weld will in time gaine him to give them all that is dew to [251] him,
which in some sorte is granted allready; for though his demands be
great, yet M^r. Andrewes hath taken some paines in it, and makes it
appear to be less then I thinke he will consente to give them for so
good an use; so you neede not fear, that for taking bond ther to save
you harmles, you be safe and well. Now our accord is, y^t you must pay
to y^e gentle-men of y^e Bay 900^li.; they are to bear all chargs y^t
may any way arise concerning y^e free & absolute clearing of you from
us three. And you to have y^e other 300^li. &c.

Upon y^e receiving of my release from you, I will send you your bonds
for y^e purchass money. I would have sent them now, but I would have
M^r. Beachamp release as well as I, because you are bound to him in
them. Now I know if a man be bound to 12. men, if one release, it is
as if all released, and my discharge doth cutt them of; wherfore
doubte you not but you shall have them, & your commission, or any
thing els that is fitt. Now you know ther is tow years of y^e purchass
money, that I would not owne, for I have formerley certified you y^t
would but pay 7. years; but now you are discharged of all, &c.

Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can,
JAMES SHERLEY.

June 14. 1642.

The coppy of his release is as followeth.

Wheras diverce questions, differences, & demands have arisen &
depended betweene William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence,
Mylest Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland,
gent: now or latly inhabitants or resident at New-Plimoth, in
New-England, on y^e one party, and James Sherley of London, marchante,
and others, in th’ other parte, for & concerning a stocke & partable
trade of beaver & other comodities, and fraighting of ships, as y^e
White Angell, Frindship, or others, and y^e goods of Isaack Allerton
which were seazed upon by vertue of a leter of atturney made by y^e
said James Sherley and John Beachamp and Richard Andrews, or any other
maters concerning y^e said trade, either hear in Old-England or ther
in New-England or elsewher, all which differences are since by
mediation of freinds composed, compremissed, and all y^e said parties
agreed. Now know all men by these presents, that I, the said James
Sherley, in performance of y^e said compremise & agreemente, have
remised, released, and quite claimed, & doe by these presents remise,
release, and for me, myne heires, executors, & Administrators, and for
every of us, for ever quite claime unto y^e said William Bradford,
Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John
Allden, & John Howland, and every of them, their & every of their
heires, executors, and administrators, all and all maner of actions,
suits, debts, accounts, rekonings, comissions, bonds, bills,
specialties, judgments, executions, claimes, challinges, differences,
and demands whatsoever, with or against y^e said William Bradford,
Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John
Allden, and John Howland, or any of them, ever I had, now have, or in
time to come can, shall, or may have, for any mater, cause, or thing
whatsoever from y^e begining of y^e world untill y^e day of y^e date
of these presents. In witnes wherof I have hereunto put my hand &
seale, given the second day of June, 1642, and in y^e eighteenth year
of y^e raigne of our soveraigne lord, king Charles, &c.

JAMES SHERLEY.

Sealed and delivered in y^e presence of
THOMAS WELD,
HUGH PETERS,
WILLIAM HIBBINS.
ARTHUR TIRREY, Scr.
THO: STURGS, his servante.

M^r. Andrews his discharg was to y^e same effecte; he was by
agreem[=e]te to have 500^li. of y^e money, the which he gave to them in
y^e Bay, who brought his discharge and demanded y^e money. And they
tooke in his release and paid y^e money according to agreem[=e]te, viz.
one third of the 500^li. they paid downe in hand, and y^e rest in 4.
equall payments, to be paid yearly, for which they gave their bonds. And
wheras 44^li. was more demanded, they conceived they could take it of
with M^r. Andrews, and therfore it was not in the bonde. [252] But M^r.
Beachamp would not parte with any of his, but demanded 400^li. of y^e
partners here, & sent a release to a friend, to deliver it to them upon
y^e receite of y^e money. But his relese was not perfecte, for he had
left out some of y^e partners names, with some other defects; and
besids, the other gave them to understand he had not near so much due.
So no end was made with him till 4. years after; of which in it plase.
And in y^t regard, that them selves did not agree, I shall inserte some
part of M^r. Andrews letter, by which he conceives y^e partners here
were wronged, as followeth. This leter of his was write to M^r. Edmond
Freeman, brother in law to M^r. Beachamp.

M^r. Freeman,

My love remembred unto you, &c. I then certified y^e partners how I
found M^r. Beachamp & M^r. Sherley, in their perticuler demands, which
was according to mens principles, of getting what they could;
allthough y^e one will not shew any accounte, and y^e other a very
unfaire and unjust one; and both of them discouraged me from sending
y^e partners my accounte, M^r. Beachamp espetially. Their reason, I
have cause to conceive, was, y^t allthough I doe not, nor ever
intended to, wrong y^e partners or y^e bussines, yet, if I gave no
accounte, I might be esteemed as guiltie as they, in some degree at
least; and they might seeme to be y^e more free from taxation in not
delivering their accounts, who have both of them charged y^e accounte
with much intrest they have payed forth, and one of them would likwise
for much intrest he hath not paid forth, as appeareth by his accounte,
&c. And seeing y^e partners have now made it appear y^t ther is
1200^li. remaining due between us all, and that it may appear by my
accounte I have not charged y^e bussines with any intrest, but doe
forgive it unto y^e partners, above 200^li. if M^r. Sherley & M^r.
Beachamp, who have betweene them wronged y^e bussines so many 100^li.
both in principall & intrest likwise, and have therin wronged me as
well and as much as any of y^e partners; yet if they will not make &
deliver faire & true accounts of y^e same, nor be contente to take
what by computation is more then can be justly due to either, that is,
to M^r. Beachamp 150^li. as by M^r. Allertons accounte, and M^r.
Sherleys accounte, on oath in chancerie; and though ther might be
nothing due to M^r. Sherley, yet he requirs 100^li. &c. I conceive,
seing y^e partners have delivered on their oaths y^e su[=m]e remaining
in their hands, that they may justly detaine y^e 650^li. which may
remaine in their hands, after I am satisfied, untill M^r. Sherley &
M^r. Beachamp will be more fair & just in their ending, &c. And as I
intend, if y^e partners fayrly end with me, in satisfing in parte and
ingaging them selves for y^e rest of my said 544^li. to returne back
for y^e poore my parte of y^e land at Sityate, so likwise I intend to
relinquish my right & intrest in their dear patente, on which much of
our money was laid forth, and also my right & intrest in their cheap
purchass, the which may have cost me first & last 350^li.[EO] But I
doubte whether other men have not charged or taken on accounte what
they have disbursed in y^e like case, which I have not charged,
neither did I conceive any other durst so doe, untill I saw y^e
accounte of the one and heard y^e words of y^e other; the which gives
me just cause to suspecte both their accounts to be unfaire; for it
seemeth they consulted one with another aboute some perticulers
therin. Therfore I conceive y^e partners ought y^e rather to require
just accounts from each of them before they parte with any money to
either of them. For marchants understand how to give an acounte; if
they mean fairley, they will not deney to give an accounte, for they
keep memorialls to helpe them to give exacte acounts in all
perticulers, and memoriall cannot forget his charge, if y^e man will
remember. I desire not to wrong M^r. Beachamp or M^r. Sherley, nor may
be silente in such apparente probabilities of their wronging y^e
partners, and me likwise, either in deneying to deliver or shew any
accounte, or in delivering one very unjuste in some perticulers, and
very suspitious in many more; either of which, being from
understanding marchants, cannot be from weaknes or simplisitie, and
therfore y^e more unfaire. So comending you & yours, and all y^e
Lord’s people, unto y^e gratious protection and blessing of y^e Lord,
and rest your loving friend,

RICHARD ANDREWES.

Aprill 7. 1643.

This leter was write y^e year after y^e agreement, as doth appear; and
what his judgmente was herein, y^e contents doth manifest, and so I
leave it to y^e equall judgmente of any to consider, as they see cause.

Only I shall adde what M^r. Sherley furder write in a leter of his,
about y^e same time, and so leave this bussines. His is as followeth on
y^e other side.[EP]

[253] Loving freinds, M^r. Bradford, M^r. Winslow, Cap: Standish, M^r.
Prence, and y^e rest of y^e partners w^th you; I shall write this
generall leter to you all, hoping it will be a good conclude of a
generall, but a costly & tedious bussines I thinke to all, I am sure
to me, &c.

I received from M^r. Winslow a letter of y^e 28. of Sept: last, and so
much as concernes y^e generall bussines I shall answer in this, not
knowing whether I shall have opportunitie to write perticuler letters,
&c. I expected more letters from you all, as some perticuler
writs,[EQ] but it seemeth no fitt opportunity was offered. And now,
though y^e bussines for y^e maine may stand, yet some perticulers is
alltered; I say my former agreemente with M^r. Weld & M^r. Peters,
before they[ER] could conclude or gett any grante of M^r. Andrews,
they sought to have my release; and ther upon they sealed me a bond
for a 110^li. So I sente my acquittance, for they said without mine
ther would be no end made (& ther was good reason for it). Now they
hoped, if y^ey ended with me, to gaine M^r. Andrews parte, as they did
holy, to a pound, (at which I should wonder, but y^t I observe some
passages,) and they also hoped to have gotten M^r. Beachamps part, & I
did thinke he would have given it them. But if he did well understand
him selfe, & that acounte, he would give it; for his demands make a
great sound.[ES] But it seemeth he would not parte with it, supposing
it too great a sume, and y^t he might easily gaine it from you. Once
he would have given them 40^li. but now they say he will not doe that,
or rather I suppose they will not take it; for if they doe, & have
M^r. Andrewses, then they must pay me their bond of 110^li. 3 months
hence. Now it will fall out farr better for you, y^t they deal not
with Mr. Beachamp, and also for me, if you be as kind to me as I have
been & will be to you; and y^t thus, if you pay M^r. Andrews, or y^e
Bay men, by his order, 544^li. which is his full demande; but if
looked into, perhaps might be less. The man is honest, & in my
conscience would not wittingly doe wronge, yett he may forgett as well
as other men; and M^r. Winslow may call to minde wherin he forgetts;
(but some times it is good to buy peace.) The gentlemen of y^e Bay may
abate 100^li. and so both sids have more right & justice then if they
exacte all, &c. Now if you send me a 150^li. then say M^r. Andrews
full sume, & this, it is nere 700^li. M^r. Beachamp he demands 400^li.
and we all know that, if a man demands money, he must shew wherfore,
and make proofe of his debte; which I know he can never make good
proafe of one hunderd pound dew unto him as principall money; so till
he can, you have good reason to keep y^e 500^li. &c. This I proteste I
write not in malice against M^r. Beachamp, for it is a reall truth.
You may partly see it by M^r. Andrews making up his accounte, and I
think you are all perswaded I can say more then M^r. Andrews
concerning that accounte. I wish I could make up my owne as plaine &
easily, but because of former discontents, I will be sparing till I be
called; & you may injoye y^e 500^li. quietly till he begine; for let
him take his course hear or ther, it shall be all one, I will doe him
no wronge; and if he have not on peney more, he is less loser then
either M^r. Andrews or I. This I conceive to be just & honest; y^e
having or not having of his release matters not; let him make such
proafe of his debte as you cannot disprove, and according to your
first agreemente you will pay it, &c.

Your truly affectioned friend,
JAMES SHERLEY.

London, Aprill 27. 1643.

_Anno Dom: 1643._

I am to begine this year whith that which was a mater of great saddnes
and mo[=u]ring unto them all. Aboute y^e 18. of Aprill dyed their Reve^d
Elder, and my dear & loving friend, M^r. William Brewster; a man that
had done and suffered much for y^e Lord Jesus and y^e gospells sake, and
had bore his parte in well and woe with this poore persecuted church
above 36. years [254] in England, Holand, and in this wildernes, and
done y^e Lord & them faithfull service in his place & calling. And
notwithstanding y^e many troubls and sorrows he passed throw, the Lord
upheld him to a great age. He was nere fourskore years of age (if not
all out) when he dyed. He had this blesing added by y^e Lord to all y^e
rest, to dye in his bed, in peace, amongst y^e mids of his freinds, who
mourned & wepte over him, and ministered what help & comforte they could
unto him, and he againe recomforted them whilst he could. His sicknes
was not long, and till y^e last day therof he did not wholy keepe his
bed. His speech continued till somewhat more then halfe a day, & then
failed him; and aboute 9. or 10. a clock that ev[=i]ng he dyed, without
any pangs at all. A few howers before, he drew his breath shorte, and
some few minuts before his last, he drew his breath long, as a man falen
into a sound slepe, without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly
departed this life unto a better.

I would now demand of any, what he was y^e worse for any former
sufferings? What doe I say, worse? Nay, sure he was y^e better, and they
now added to his honour. _It is a manifest token_ (saith y^e Apostle, 2.
Thes: 1. 5, 6, 7.) _of y^e righeous judgmente of God that you may be
counted worthy of y^e kingdome of God, for which ye allso suffer; seing
it is a righteous thing with God to recompence tribulation to them y^t
trouble you: and to you who are troubled, rest with us, when y^e Lord
Jesus shall be revealed from heaven, with his mighty angels._ 1. Pet. 4.
14. _If you be reproached for y^e name of Christ, hapy are ye, for y^e
spirite of glory and of God resteth upon you._ What though he wanted y^e
riches and pleasurs of y^e world in this life, and pompous monuments at
his funurall? yet y^e memoriall of y^e just shall be blessed, when y^e
name of y^e wicked shall rott (with their marble monuments). Pro: 10. 7.

I should say something of his life, if to say a litle were not worse
then to be silent. But I cannot wholy forbear, though hapily more may be
done hereafter. After he had attained some learning, viz. y^e knowledg
of y^e Latine tongue, & some insight in y^e Greeke, and spent some small
time at Cambridge, and then being first seasoned with y^e seeds of grace
and vertue, he went to y^e Courte, and served that religious and godly
gentlman, M^r. Davison, diverce years, when he was Secretary of State;
who found him so discreete and faithfull as he trusted him above all
other that were aboute him, and only imployed him in all matters of
greatest trust and secrecie. He esteemed him rather as a sonne then a
servante, and for his wisdom & godlines (in private) he would converse
with him more like a freind & familier then a maister. He attended his
m^r. when he was sente in ambassage by the Queene into y^e
Low-Countries, in y^e Earle of Leicesters time, as for other waighty
affaires of state, so to receive possession of the cautionary townes,
and in token & signe therof the keyes of Flushing being delivered to
him, in her ma^tis name, he kepte them some time, and co[=m]itted them
to this his servante, who kept them under his pilow, on which he slepte
y^e first night. And, at his returne, y^e States honoured him with a
gould chaine, and his maister co[=m]itted it to him, and co[=m]anded him
to wear it when they arrived in England, as they ridd thorrow the
country, till they came to y^e Courte. He afterwards remained with him
till his troubles, that he was put from his place aboute y^e death of
y^e Queene of Scots; and some good time after, doeing him manie
faithfull offices of servise in y^e time of his troubles. Afterwards he
wente and lived in y^e country, in good esteeme amongst his freinds and
y^e gentle-men of those parts, espetially the godly & religious. He did
much good in y^e countrie wher he lived, in promoting and furthering
religion, not only by his practiss & example, and provocking and
incouraging of others, but by procuring of good preachers to y^e places
theraboute, and, drawing on of others to assiste & help forward in such
a worke; he him selfe most comonly deepest in y^e charge, & some times
above his abillitie. And in this state he continued many years, doeing
y^e best good he could, and walking according to y^e light he saw, till
y^e Lord reveiled further unto him. And in y^e end, by y^e tirrany of
y^e bishops against godly preachers & people, in silenceing the one &
persecuting y^e other, he and many more of those times begane to looke
further into things, and to see into y^e unlawfullnes of their callings,
and y^e burthen of many anti-christian corruptions, which both he and
they endeavored to cast of; as y^ey allso did, as in y^e begining of
this treatis is to be seene. [255] After they were joyned togither in
comunion, he was a spetiall stay & help unto them. They ordinarily mett
at his house on y^e Lords day, (which was a manor of y^e bishops,) and
with great love he entertained them when they came, making provission
for them to his great charge. He was y^e cheefe of those that were taken
at Boston, and suffered y^e greatest loss; and of y^e seven that were
kept longst in prison, and after bound over to y^e assises. Affter he
came into Holland he suffered much hardship, after he had spente y^e
most of his means, haveing a great charge, and many children; and, in
regard of his former breeding & course of life, not so fitt for many
imployments as others were, espetially such as were toylesume &
laborious. But yet he ever bore his condition with much cherfullnes and
contentation. Towards y^e later parte of those 12. years spente in
Holland, his outward condition was mended, and he lived well &
plentifully; for he fell into a way (by reason he had y^e Latine tongue)
to teach many students, who had a disire to lerne y^e English tongue, to
teach them English; and by his method they quickly attained it with
great facilitie; for he drew rules to lerne it by, after y^e Latine
maner; and many gentlemen, both Danes & Germans, resorted to him, as
they had time from other studies, some of them being great mens
so[=n]es. He also had means to set up printing, (by y^e help of some
freinds,) and so had imploymente inoughg, and by reason of many books
which would not be alowed to be printed in England, they might have had
more then they could doe. But now removeing into this countrie, all
these things were laid aside againe, and a new course of living must be
framed unto; in which he was no way unwilling to take his parte, and to
bear his burthen with y^e rest, living many times without bread, or
corne, many months together, having many times nothing but fish, and
often wanting that also; and drunke nothing but water for many years
togeather, yea, till within 5. or 6. years of his death. And yet he
lived (by y^e blessing of God) in health till very old age. And besids
y^t, he would labour with his hands in y^e feilds as long as he was
able; yet when the church had no other minister, he taught twise every
Saboth, and y^t both powerfully and profitably, to y^e great contentment
of y^e hearers, and their comfortable edification; yea, many were
brought to God by his ministrie. He did more in this behalfe in a year,
then many that have their hundreds a year doe in all their lives. For
his personall abilities, he was qualified above many; he was wise and
discreete and well spoken, having a grave & deliberate utterance, of a
very cherfull spirite, very sociable & pleasante amongst his freinds, of
an humble and modest mind, of a peaceable disposition, under vallewing
him self & his owne abilities, and some time over valewing others;
inoffencive and i[=n]ocente in his life & conversation, w^ch gained him
y^e love of those without, as well as those within; yet he would tell
them plainely of their faults & evills, both publickly & privatly, but
in such a maner as usually was well taken from him. He was tender
harted, and compassionate of such as were in miserie, but espetialy of
such as had been of good estate and ranke, and were fallen unto want &
poverty, either for goodnes & religions sake, or by y^e injury &
oppression of others; he would say, of all men these deserved to be
pitied most. And none did more offend & displease him then such as would
hautily and proudly carry & lift up themselves, being rise from nothing,
and haveing litle els in them to comend them but a few fine cloaths, or
a litle riches more then others. In teaching, he was very moving &
stirring of affections, also very plaine & distincte in what he taught;
by which means he became y^e more profitable to y^e hearers. He had a
singuler good gift in prayer, both publick & private, in ripping up y^e
hart & conscience before God, in the humble confession of sinne, and
begging y^e mercies of God in Christ for y^e pardon of y^e same. He
always thought it were better for ministers to pray oftener, and devide
their prears, then be longe & tedious in the same (excepte upon sollemne
& spetiall occations, as in days of humiliation & y^e like). His reason
was, that y^e harte & spirits of all, espetialy y^e weake, could hardly
continue & stand bente (as it were) so long towards God, as they ought
to doe in y^t duty, without flagging and falling of. For y^e govermente
of y^e church, (which was most [256] proper to his office,) he was
carfull to preserve good order in y^e same, and to preserve puritie,
both in y^e doctrine & comunion of y^e same; and to supress any errour
or contention that might begine to rise up amongst them; and accordingly
God gave good success to his indeavors herein all his days, and he saw
y^e fruite of his labours in that behalfe. But I must breake of, having
only thus touched a few, as it were, heads of things.

I cannot but here take occasion, not only to mention, but greatly to
admire y^e marvelous providence of God, that notwithstanding y^e many
changes and hardships that these people wente throwgh, and y^e many
enemies they had and difficulties they mette with all, that so many of
them should live to very olde age! It was not only this reve^d mans
condition, (for one swallow maks no summer, as they say,) but many more
of them did y^e like, some dying aboute and before this time, and many
still living, who attained to 60. years of age, and to 65. diverse to
70. and above, and some nere 80. as he did. It must needs be more then
ordinarie, and above naturall reason, that so it should be; for it is
found in experience, that chaing of aeir, famine, or unholsome foode,
much drinking of water, sorrows & troubls, &c., all of them are enimies
to health, causes of many diseaces, consumers of naturall vigoure and
y^e bodys of men, and shortners of life. And yet of all these things
they had a large parte, and suffered deeply in y^e same. They wente from
England to Holand, wher they found both worse air and dyet then that
they came from; from thence (induring a long imprisonmente, as it were,
in y^e ships at sea) into New-England; and how it hath been with them
hear hath allready beene showne; and what crosses, troubls, fears,
wants, and sorrowes they had been lyable unto, is easie to conjecture;
so as in some sorte they may say with y^e Apostle, 2. Cor: 11. 26, 27.
they were _in journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perills of
robers, in perills of their owne nation, in perils among y^e heathen, in
perills in y^e willdernes, in perills in y^e sea, in perills among
false breethern; in wearines & painfullnes, in watching often, in hunger
and thirst, in fasting often, in could and nakednes._ What was it then
that upheld them? It was Gods vissitation that preserved their spirits.
Job 10. 12. _Thou hast given me life and grace, and thy vissitation hath
preserved my spirite._ He that upheld y^e Apostle upheld them. _They
were persecuted, but not forsaken, cast downe, but perished not._ 2.
Cor: 4. 9. _As unknowen, and yet knowen; as dying, and behold we live;
as chastened, and yett not kiled._ 2. Cor: 6. 9. God, it seems, would
have all men to behold and observe such mercies and works of his
providence as these are towards his people, that they in like cases
might be incouraged to depend upon God in their trials, & also blese his
name when they see his goodnes towards others. Man lives not by bread
only, Deut: 8. 3. It is not by good & dainty fare, by peace, & rest, and
harts ease, in injoying y^e contentments and good things of this world
only, that preserves health and prolongs life. God in such examples
would have y^e world see & behold that he can doe it without them; and
if y^e world will shut ther eyes, and take no notice therof, yet he
would have his people to see and consider it. Daniell could be better
liking with pulse then others were with y^e kings dainties. Jaacob,
though he wente from one nation to another people, and passed thorow
famine, fears, & many afflictions, yet he lived till old age, and dyed
sweetly, & rested in y^e Lord, as infinite others of Gods servants have
done, and still shall doe, (through Gods goodnes,) notwithstanding all
y^e malice of their enemies; _when y^e branch of y^e wicked shall be cut
of before his day_, Job. 15. 32. _and the bloody and deceitfull men
shall not live out halfe their days_. Psa: 55. 23.

By reason of y^e plottings of the Narigansets, (ever since y^e Pequents
warr,) the Indeans were drawne into a generall conspiracie against y^e
English in all parts, as was in part discovered y^e yeare before; and
now made more plaine and evidente by many discoveries and
free-conffessions of sundrie Indeans (upon severall occasions) from
diverse places, concuring in one; with such other concuring
circomstances as gave them suffissently to understand the trueth therof,
and to thinke of means, how to prevente y^e same, and secure them
selves. Which made them enter into this more nere union & confederation
following.

[257] Articles of Confederation betweene y^e Plantations under y^e
Govermente of Massachusets, y^e Plantations under y^e Govermente of
New-Plimoth, y^e Plantations under y^e Govermente of Conightecute, and
y^e Govermente of New-Haven, with y^e Plantations in combination
therwith.

Wheras we all came into these parts of America with one and y^e same
end and aime, namly; to advance the kingdome of our Lord Jesus Christ,
& to injoye y^e liberties of y^e Gospell in puritie with peace; and
wheras in our setling (by a wise providence of God) we are further
disperced upon y^e sea coasts and rivers then was at first intended,
so y^t we cannot, according to our desires, with convenience
comunicate in one govermente & jurisdiction; and wheras we live
encompassed with people of severall nations and strang languages,
which hereafter may prove injurious to us and our posteritie; and for
as much as y^e natives have formerly committed sundrie insolencies and
outrages upon severall plantations of y^e English, and have of late
combined them selves against us; and seeing, by reason of those
distractions in England (which they have heard of) and by which they
know we are hindered from y^t humble way of seeking advice or reaping
those comfurtable fruits of protection which at other times we might
well expecte; we therfore doe conceive it our bounden duty, without
delay, to enter into a presente consociation amongst our selves, for
mutuall help & strength in all our future concernments. That as in
nation and religion, so in other respects, we be & continue one,
according to y^e tenor and true meaning of the insuing articles. (1)
Wherfore it is fully agreed and concluded by & betweene y^e parties or
jurisdictions above named, and they joyntly & severally doe by these
presents agree & conclude, that they all be and henceforth be called
by y^e name of The United Colonies of New-England.

2. The said United Collonies, for them selves & their posterities, doe
joyntly & severally hereby enter into a firme & perpetuall league of
frendship & amitie, for offence and defence, mutuall advice and
succore upon all just occasions, both for preserving & propagating y^e
truth of y^e Gospell, and for their owne mutuall saftie and wellfare.

3. It is further agreed that the plantations which at presente are or
hereafter shall be setled with[in] y^e limites of y^e Massachusets
shall be for ever under y^e Massachusets, and shall have peculier
jurisdiction amonge them selves in all cases, as an intire body. And
y^t Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-Haven shall each of them have like
peculier jurisdition and govermente within their limites and in
refference to y^e plantations which allready are setled, or shall
hereafter be erected, or shall setle within their limites,
respectively; provided y^t no other jurisdition shall hereafter be
taken in, as a distincte head or member of this confederation, nor
shall any other plantation or jurisdiction in presente being, and not
allready in combination or under y^e jurisdiction of any of these
confederats, be received by any of them; nor shall any tow of y^e
confederats joyne in one jurisdiction, without consente of y^e rest,
which consete to be interpreted as is expresed in y^e sixte article
ensewing.

4. It is by these conffederats agreed, y^t the charge of all just
warrs, whether offencive or defencive, upon what parte or member of
this confederation soever they fall, shall, both in men, provissions,
and all other disbursments, be borne by all y^e parts of this
confederation, in differente proportions, according to their
differente abillities, in maner following: namely, y^t the
comissioners for each jurisdiction, from time to time, as ther shall
be occasion, bring a true accounte and number of all their males in
every plantation, or any way belonging too or under their severall
jurisdictions, of what qualitie or condition soever they be, from 16.
years old to 60, being inhabitants ther; and y^t according to y^e
differente numbers which from time to time shall be found in each
jurisdiction upon a true & just accounte, the service of men and all
charges of y^e warr be borne by y^e pole; each jurisdiction or
plantation being left to their owne just course & custome of rating
them selves and people according to their differente estates, with due
respects to their qualities and exemptions amongst them selves, though
the confederats take no notice of any such priviledg. And y^t
according to their differente charge of each jurisdiction &
plantation, the whole advantage of y^e warr, (if it please God to
blesse their indeaours,) whether it be in lands, goods, or persons,
shall be proportionably devided amonge y^e said confederats.

5. It is further agreed, that if these jurisdictions, or any
plantation under or in combynacion with them, be invaded by any enemie
whomsoever, upon notice & requeste of any 3. [258] magistrats of y^t
jurisdiction so invaded, y^e rest of y^e confederats, without any
further meeting or expostulation, shall forthwith send ayde to y^e
confederate in danger, but in differente proportion; namely, y^e
Massachusets an hundred men sufficently armed & provided for such a
service and journey, and each of y^e rest forty five so armed &
provided, or any lesser number, if less be required according to this
proportion. But if such confederate in danger may be supplyed by their
nexte confederates, not exeeding y^e number hereby agreed, they may
crave help ther, and seeke no further for y^e presente; y^e charge to
be borne as in this article is exprest, and at y^e returne to be
victuled & suplyed with powder & shote for their jurney (if ther be
need) by y^t jurisdiction which imployed or sent for them. But none of
y^e jurisdictions to exceede these numbers till, by a meeting of y^e
co[=m]issioners for this confederation, a greater aide appear
nessessarie. And this proportion to continue till upon knowlege of
greater numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall be brought to y^e
nexte meeting, some other proportion be ordered. But in such case of
sending men for presente aide, whether before or after such order or
alteration, it is agreed y^t at y^e meeting of y^e comissioners for
this confederation, the cause of such warr or invasion be duly
considered; and if it appeare y^t the falte lay in y^e parties so
invaded, y^t then that jurisdiction or plantation make just
satisfaction both to y^e invaders whom they have injured, and beare
all y^e charges of y^e warr them selves, without requiring any
allowance from y^e rest of y^e confederats towards y^e same. And
further, y^t if any jurisdiction see any danger of any invasion
approaching, and ther be time for a meeting, that in such a case 3.
magistrats of y^t jurisdiction may su[=m]one a meeting, at such
conveniente place as them selves shall thinke meete, to consider &
provid against y^e threatened danger, provided when they are mett,
they may remove to what place they please; only, whilst any of these
foure confederats have but 3 magistrats in their jurisdiction, their
requeste, or summons, from any 2. of them shall be accounted of equall
force with y^e 3. mentioned in both the clauses of this article, till
ther be an increase of majestrats ther.

6. It is also agreed y^t, for y^e managing & concluding of all affairs
propper, & concerning the whole confederation, tow comissioners shall
be chosen by & out of each of these 4. jurisdictions; namly, 2. for
y^e Massachusets, 2. for Plimoth, 2. for Conightecutt, and 2. for
New-Haven, being all in church fellowship with us, which shall bring
full power from their severall Generall Courts respectively to hear,
examene, waigh, and detirmine all affairs of warr, or peace, leagues,
aids, charges, and numbers of men for warr, divissions of spoyles, &
whatsoever is gotten by conquest; receiving of more confederats, or
plantations into combination with any of y^e confederates, and all
things of like nature, which are y^e proper concomitants or
consequences of such a confederation, for amitie, offence, & defence;
not inter-medling with y^e govermente of any of y^e jurisdictions,
which by y^e 3. article is preserved entirely to them selves. But if
these 8. comissioners when they meete shall not all agree, yet it
concluded that any 6. of the 8. agreeing shall have power to setle &
determine y^e bussines in question. But if 6. doe not agree, that then
such propositions, with their reasons, so farr as they have been
debated, be sente, and referred to y^e 4. Generall Courts, viz. y^e
Massachusets, Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-haven; and if at all y^e
said Generall Courts y^e bussines so referred be concluded, then to
be prosecuted by y^e confederats, and all their members. It was
further agreed that these 8. comissioners shall meete once every year,
besids extraordinarie meetings, (according to the fifte article,) to
consider, treate, & conclude of all affaires belonging to this
confederation, which meeting shall ever be the first Thursday in
September. And y^t the next meeting after the date of these presents,
which shall be accounted y^e second meeting, shall be at Boston in y^e
Massachusets, the 3. at Hartford, the 4. at New-Haven, the 5. at
Plimoth, and so in course successively, if in y^e meane time some
midle place be not found out and agreed on, which may be comodious for
all y^e jurisdictions.

7. It is further agreed, y^t at each meeting of these 8. comissioners,
whether ordinarie, or extraordinary, they all 6. of them agreeing as
before, may chuse a presidente out of them selves, whose office & work
shall be to take care and directe for order, and a comly carrying on
of all proceedings in y^e present meeting; but he shall be invested
with no such power or respecte, as by which he shall hinder y^e
propounding or progrese of any bussines, or any way cast y^e scailes
otherwise then in y^e precedente article is agreed.

[259] 8. It is also agreed, y^t the comissioners for this
confederation hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or
extraordinarie, as they may have comission or opportunitie, doe
indeaover to frame and establish agreements & orders in generall cases
of a civill nature, wherin all y^e plantations are interessed, for y^e
preserving of peace amongst them selves, and preventing as much as may
be all occasions of warr or difference with others; as aboute y^e free
& speedy passage of justice, in every jurisdiction, to all y^e
confederats equally as to their owne; not receiving those y^t remove
from one plantation to another without due certificate; how all y^e
jurisdictions may carry towards y^e Indeans, that they neither growe
insolente, nor be injured without due satisfaction, least warr breake
in upon the confederats through such miscarriages. It is also agreed,
y^t if any servante rune away from his maister into another of these
confederated jurisdictions, that in such case, upon y^e certificate of
one magistrate in the jurisdiction out of which y^e said servante
fledd, or upon other due proofe, the said servante shall be delivered,
either to his maister, or any other y^t pursues & brings such
certificate or proofe. And y^t upon y^e escape of any prisoner
whatsoever, or fugitive for any criminall cause, whether breaking
prison, or getting from y^e officer, or otherwise escaping, upon the
certificate of 2. magistrats of y^e jurisdiction out of which y^e
escape is made, that he was a prisoner, or such an offender at y^e
time of y^e escape, they magistrats, or sume of them of the
jurisdiction wher for y^e presente the said prisoner or fugitive
abideth, shall forthwith grante such a warrante as y^e case will
beare, for y^e apprehending of any such person, & the delivering of
him into y^e hands of y^e officer, or other person who pursues him.
And if ther be help required, for y^e safe returning of any such
offender, then it shall be granted to him y^t craves y^e same, he
paying the charges therof.

9. And for y^t the justest warrs may be of dangerous consequence,
espetially to y^e smaler plantations in these United Collonies, it is
agreed y^t neither y^e Massachusets, Plimoth, Conightecutt, nor
New-Haven, nor any member of any of them, shall at any time hear after
begine, undertake, or ingage them selves, or this confederation, or
any parte therof, in any warr whatsoever, (sudden[ET] exegents, with
y^e necessary consequents therof excepted, which are also to be
moderated as much as y^e case will permitte,) without y^e consente
and agreemente of y^e forementioned 8. comissioners, or at the least
6. of them, as in y^e sixt article is provided. And y^t no charge be
required of any of they confederats, in case of a defensive warr, till
y^e said comissioners have mett, and approved y^e justice of y^e warr,
and have agreed upon y^e su[=m]e of money to be levied, which sume is
then to be paid by the severall confederats in proportion according to
y^e fourth article.

10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are summoned by
three magistrates of any jurisdiction, or 2. as in y^e 5. article, if
any of y^e comissioners come not, due warning being given or sente, it
is agreed y^t 4. of the comissioners shall have power to directe a
warr which cannot be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men
out of each jurisdiction, as well as 6. might doe if all mett; but not
less then 6. shall determine the justice of y^e warr, or alow y^e
demands or bills of charges, or cause any levies to be made for y^e
same.

11. It is further agreed, y^t if any of y^e confederats shall
hereafter breake any of these presente articles, or be any other ways
injurious to any one of y^e other jurisdictions, such breach of
agreemente or injurie shall be duly considered and ordered by y^e
comissioners for y^e other jurisdiction; that both peace and this
presente confederation may be intirly preserved without violation.

12. Lastly, this perpetuall confederation, and y^e severall articles
therof being read, and seriously considered, both by y^e Generall
Courte for y^e Massachusets, and by y^e comissioners for Plimoth,
Conigtecute, & New-Haven, were fully alowed & confirmed by 3. of y^e
forenamed confederats, namly, y^e Massachusets, Conightecutt, and
New-Haven; only y^e comissioners for Plimoth haveing no co[=m]ission
to conclude, desired respite till they might advise with their
Generall Courte; wher upon it was agreed and concluded by y^e said
Courte of y^e Massachusets, and the comissioners for y^e other tow
confederats, that, if Plimoth consente, then the whole treaty as it
stands in these present articls is, and shall continue, firme & stable
without alteration. But if Plimoth come not in, yet y^e other three
confederats doe by these presents [260] confeirme y^e whole
confederation, and the articles therof; only in September nexte, when
y^e second meeting of y^e co[=m]issioners is to be at Boston, new
consideration may be taken of y^e 6. article, which concerns number of
comissioners for meeting & concluding the affaires of this
confederation, to y^e satisfaction of y^e Courte of y^e Massachusets,
and y^e comissioners for y^e other 2. confederats, but y^e rest to
stand unquestioned. In y^e testimonie wherof, y^e Generall Courte of
y^e Massachusets, by ther Secretary, and y^e comissioners for
Conightecutt and New-Haven, have subscribed these presente articles
this 19. of y^e third month, comonly called May, Anno Dom: 1643.

At a meeting of y^e comissioners for y^e confederation held at Boston
y^e 7. of Sept: it appearing that the Generall Courte of New-Plimoth,
and y^e severall towneshipes therof, have read & considered & approved
these articles of confederation, as appeareth by co[=m]ission from
their Generall Courte bearing date y^e 29. of August, 1643. to M^r.
Edward Winslow and M^r. William Collier, to ratifie and confirme y^e
same on their behalfes. We, therfore, y^e Comissioners for y^e
Massachusets, Conightecutt, & New Haven, doe also, for our severall
goverments, subscribe unto them.

JOHN WINTHROP, Gov^r. of y^e Massachusest.
THO: DUDLEY.
GEO: FENWICK.
THOMAS GREGSON.
THEOPH: EATON.
EDWA: HOPKINS.
THOMAS GREGSON.

These were y^e articles of agreemente in y^e union and confederation
which they now first entered into; and in this their first meeting,
held at Boston y^e day & year abovesaid, amongst other things they had
this matter of great consequence to considere on: the Narigansets, after
y^e subduing of y^e Pequents, thought to have ruled over all y^e Indeans
aboute them; but y^e English, espetially those of Conightecutt holding
correspondencie & frenship with Uncass, sachem of y^e Monhigg Indeans
which lived nere them, (as y^e Massachusets had done with y^e
Narigansets,) and he had been faithful to them in y^e Pequente warr,
they were ingaged to supporte him in his just liberties, and were
contented y^t such of y^e surviving Pequents as had submited to him
should remaine with him and quietly under his protection. This did much
increase his power and augmente his greatnes, which y^e Narigansets
could not indure to see. But Myantinomo, their cheefe sachem, (an
ambitious & politick man,) sought privatly and by trearchery (according
to y^e Indean maner) to make him away, by hiring some to kill him.
Sometime they assayed to poyson him; that not takeing, then in y^e night
time to knock him on y^e head in his house, or secretly to shoot him,
and such like attempts. But none of these taking effecte, he made open
warr upon him (though it was against y^e covenants both betweene y^e
English & them, as also betweene them selves, and a plaine breach of y^e
same). He came suddanly upon him with 900. or 1000. men (never
denouncing any warr before). Y^e others power at y^t presente was not
above halfe so many; but it pleased God to give Uncass y^e victory, and
he slew many of his men, and wounded many more; but y^e cheefe of all
was, he tooke Miantinomo prisoner. And seeing he was a greate man, and
y^e Narigansets a potente people & would seeke revenge, he would doe
nothing in y^e case without y^e advise of y^e English; so he (by y^e
help & direction of those of Conightecutt) kept him prisoner till this
meeting of y^e comissioners. The comissioners weighed y^e cause and
passages, as they were clearly represented & sufficently evidenced
betwixte Uncass and Myantinomo; and the things being duly considered,
the comissioners apparently saw y^t Uncass could not be safe whilst
Miantynomo lived, but, either by secrete trechery or open force, his
life would still be in danger. Wherfore they thought he might justly put
such a false & bloud-thirstie enimie to death; but in his owne
jurisdiction, not in y^e English plantations. And they advised, in y^e
maner of his death all mercy and moderation should be showed, contrary
to y^e practise of y^e Indeans, who exercise torturs and cruelty. And,
[261] Uncass having hitherto shewed him selfe a freind to y^e English,
and in this craving their advise, if the Narigansett Indeans or others
shall unjustly assaulte Uncass for this execution, upon notice and
request, y^e English promise to assiste and protecte him as farr as they
may aga[=i]ste such violence.

This was y^e issue of this bussines. The reasons and passages hereof are
more at large to be seene in y^e acts & records of this meeting of y^e
comissioners. And Uncass follewd this advise, and accordingly executed
him, in a very faire maner, acording as they advised, with due respecte
to his honour & greatnes. But what followed on y^e Narigansets parte
will appear hear after.

_Anno Dom: 1644._

M^R. EDWARD WINSLOW was chosen Gov^r this year.

Many having left this place (as is before noted) by reason of the
straightnes & barrennes of y^e same, and their finding of better
accommodations elsewher, more sutable to their ends & minds; and sundrie
others still upon every occasion desiring their dismissions, the church
begane seriously to thinke whether it were not better joyntly to remove
to some other place, then to be thus weakened, and as it were insensibly
dissolved. Many meetings and much consultation was held hearaboute, and
diverse were mens minds and opinions. Some were still for staying
togeather in this place, aledging men might hear live, if they would be
contente with their condition; and y^t it was not for wante or
necessitie so much y^t they removed, as for y^e enriching of them
selves. Others were resolute upon removall, and so signified y^t hear
y^ey could not stay; but if y^e church did not remove, they must;
insomuch as many were swayed, rather then ther should be a dissolution,
to condescend to a removall, if a fitt place could be found, that might
more conveniently and comfortablie receive y^e whole, with such
accession of others as might come to them, for their better strength &
subsistence; and some such like cautions and limitations. So as, with
y^e afforesaide provissos, y^e greater parte consented to a removall to
a place called Nawsett, which had been superficially veiwed and y^e good
will of y^e purchassers (to whom it belonged) obtained, with some
addition thertoo from y^e Courte. But now they begane to see their
errour, that they had given away already the best & most co[=m]odious
places to others, and now wanted them selves; for this place was about
50. myles from hence, and at an outside of y^e countrie, remote from all
society; also, that it would prove so straite, as it would not be
competente to receive y^e whole body, much less be capable of any
addition or increase; so as (at least in a shorte time) they should be
worse ther then they are now hear. The which, with sundery other like
considerations and inconveniences, made them chaing their resolutions;
but such as were before resolved upon removall tooke advantage of this
agreemente, & wente on notwithstanding, neither could y^e rest hinder
them, they haveing made some begi[=n]ing. And thus was this poore church
left, like an anciente mother, growne olde, and forsaken of her
children, (though not in their affections,) yett in regarde of their
bodily presence and personall helpfullness. Her anciente members being
most of them worne away by death; and these of later time being like
children translated into other families, and she like a widow left only
to trust in God. Thus she that had made many rich became her selfe
poore.

[262] _Some things handled, and pacified by y^e co[=m]issioner this
year._

Wheras, by a wise providence of God, tow of y^e jurisdictions in y^e
westerne parts, viz. Conightecutt & New-haven, have beene latly
exercised by sundrie insolencies & outrages from y^e Indeans; as,
first, an Englishman, runing from his m^r out of y^e Massachusets, was
murdered in y^e woods, in or nere y^e limites of Conightecute
jurisdiction; and aboute 6. weeks after, upon discovery by an Indean,
y^e Indean sagamore in these parts promised to deliver the murderer to
y^e English, bound; and having accordingly brought him within y^e
sight of Uncaway, by their joynte consente, as it is informed, he was
ther unbound, and left to shifte for him selfe; wherupon 10.
Englishmen forthwith coming to y^e place, being sente by M^r. Ludlow,
at y^e Indeans desire, to receive y^e murderer, who seeing him
escaped, layed hold of 8. of y^e Indeans ther presente, amongst whom
ther was a sagamore or 2. and kept them in hold 2. days, till 4.
sagamors ingaged themselves within one month to deliver y^e prisoner.
And about a weeke after this agreemente, an Indean came presumtuously
and with guile, in y^e day time, and murtherously assalted an English
woman in her house at Stamford, and by 3. wounds, supposed mortall,
left her for dead, after he had robbed y^e house. By which passages
y^e English were provoked, & called to a due consideration of their
owne saftie; and y^e Indeans generally in those parts arose in an
hostile maner, refused to come to y^e English to carry on treaties of
peace, departed from their wigwames, left their corne unweeded, and
shewed them selves tumultuously about some of y^e English
plantations, & shott of peeces within hearing of y^e towne; and some
Indeans came to y^e English & tould them y^e Indeans would fall upon
them. So y^t most of y^e English thought it unsafe to travell in those
parts by land, and some of y^e plantations were put upon strong watchs
and ward, night & day, & could not attend their private occasions, and
yet distrusted their owne strength for their defence. Wherupon
Hartford & New-Haven were sent unto for aide, and saw cause both to
send into y^e weaker parts of their owne jurisdiction thus in danger,
and New-Haven, for conveniencie of situation, sente aide to Uncaway,
though belonging to Conightecutt. Of all which passages they presently
acquainted y^e comissioners in y^e Bay, & had y^e allowance &
approbation from y^e Generall Courte ther, with directions neither to
hasten warr nor to bear such insolencies too longe. Which courses,
though chargable to them selves, yet through Gods blessing they hope
fruite is, & will be, sweete and wholsome to all y^e collonies; the
murderers are since delivered to justice, the publick peace preserved
for y^e presente, & probabillitie it may be better secured for y^e
future.

Thus this mischeefe was prevented, and y^e fear of a warr hereby
diverted. But now an other broyle was begune by y^e Narigansets; though
they unjustly had made warr upon Uncass, (as is before declared,) and
had, y^e winter before this, ernestly presed y^e Gove^r of y^e
Massachusets that they might still make warr upon them to revenge the
death of their sagamore, w^ch, being taken prisoner, was by them put to
death, (as before was noted,) pretending that they had first received
and accepted his ransome, and then put him to death. But y^e Gove^r
refused their presents, and tould them y^t it was them selves had done
y^e wronge, & broaken y^e conditions of peace; and he nor y^e English
neither could nor would allow them to make any further warr upon him,
but if they did, must assiste him, & oppose them; but if it did appeare,
upon good proofe, that he had received a ransome for his life, before he
put him to death, when y^e comissioners mett, they should have a fair
hearing, and they would cause Uncass to returne y^e same. But
notwithstanding, at y^e spring of y^e year they gathered a great power,
and fell upon Uncass, and slue sundrie of his men, and wounded more, and
also had some loss them selves. Uncass cald for aide from y^e English;
they tould him what y^e Narigansets objected, he deney the same; they
tould him it must come to triall, and if he was inocente, if y^e
Narigansets would not desiste, they would aide & assiste him. So at this
meeting they [263] sent both to Uncass & y^e Narrigansets, and required
their sagamors to come or send to y^e comissioners now mete at Hartford,
and they should have a faire & inpartiall hearing in all their
greevances, and would endeavor y^t all wrongs should be rectified wher
they should be found; and they promised that they should safly come and
returne without any danger or molestation; and sundry y^e like things,
as appears more at large in y^e messengers instructions. Upon w^ch the
Narigansets sent one sagamore and some other deputies, with full power
to doe in y^e case as should be meete. Uncass came in person,
accompanyed with some cheefe aboute him. After the agitation of y^e
bussines, y^e issue was this. The comissioners declared to the
Narigansett deputies as followeth.

1. That they did not find any proofe of any ransome agreed on.

2. It appeared not y^t any wampam had been paied as a ransome, or any
parte of a ransome, for Myantinomos life.

3. That if they had in any measure proved their charge against Uncass,
the comissioners would have required him to have made answerable
satisfaction.

4. That if hereafter they can make satisfing profe, y^e English will
consider y^e same, & proceed accordingly.

5. The comissioners did require y^t neither them selves nor y^e
Nyanticks make any warr or injurious assaulte upon Unquass or any of
his company untill they make profe of y^e ransume charged, and y^t due
satisfaction be deneyed, unless he first assaulte them.

6. That if they assaulte Uncass, the English are engaged to assist
him.

Hearupon y^e Narigansette sachim, advising with y^e other deputies,
ingaged him selfe in the behalfe of y^e Narigansets & Nyanticks that
no hostile acts should be comitted upon Uncass, or any of his, untill
after y^e next planting of corne; and y^t after that, before they
begine any warr, they will give 30. days warning to y^e Gove^r of the
Massachusets or Conightecutt. The comissioners approving of this
offer, and taking their ingagmente under their hands, required Uncass,
as he expected y^e continuance of y^e favour of the English, to
observe the same termes of peace with y^e Narigansets and theirs.

These foregoing conclusions were subscribed by y^e comissioners, for
y^e severall jurisdictions, y^e 19. of Sept: 1644.

EDWA: HOPKINS, Presidente.
SIMON BRADSTREETE.
WILL^M. HATHORNE.
EDW: WINSLOW.
JOHN BROWNE.
GEOR: FENWICK.
THEOPH: EATON.
THO: GREGSON.

The forenamed Narigansets deputies did further promise, that if,
contrary to this agreemente, any of y^e Nyantick Pequents should make
any assaulte upon Uncass, or any of his, they would deliver them up to
y^e English, to be punished according to their demerits; and that they
would not use any means to procure the Mowacks to come against Uncass
during this truce.

These were their names subscribed with their marks.

WEETOWISH.
PAMPIAMETT.
CHINÑOUGH.
PUMMUNISH.

[264] _Anno Dom: 1645._

The comissioners this year were caled to meete to-gither at Boston,
before their ordinarie time; partly in regard of some differances falen
betweene y^e French and y^e govermente of the Massachusets, about their
aiding of Munseire Latore against Munsseire de Aulney, and partly aboute
y^e Indeans, who had broaken y^e former agreements aboute the peace
concluded y^e last year. This meeting was held at Boston, y^e 28. of
July.

Besids some underhand assualts made on both sids, the Narigansets
gathered a great power, and fell upon Uncass, and slew many of his men,
and wounded more, by reason y^t they farr exseeded him in number, and
had gott store of peeces, with which they did him most hurte. And as
they did this withoute y^e knowledg and consente of y^e English,
(contrary to former agreemente,) so they were resolved to prosecute y^e
same, notwithstanding any thing y^e English said or should doe against
them. So, being incouraged by ther late victorie, and promise of
assistance from y^e Mowaks, (being a strong, warlike, and desperate
people,) they had allready devoured Uncass & his, in their hops; and
surly they had done it in deed, if the English had not timly sett in for
his aide. For those of Conightecute sent him 40. men, who were a garison
to him, till y^e comissioners could meete and take further order.

Being thus mett, they forthwith sente 3. messengers, viz. Sargent John
Davis, Benedicte Arnold, and Francis Smith, with full & ample
instructions, both to y^e Narigansets and Uncass; to require them y^t
they should either come in person or send sufficiente men fully
instructed to deale in y^e bussines; and if they refused or delayed, to
let them know (according to former agreements) y^t the English are
engaged to assiste against these hostile invasions, and y^t they have
sente their men to defend Uncass, and to know of y^e Narigansets whether
they will stand to y^e former peace, or they will assaulte y^e English
also, that they may provid accordingly.

But y^e messengers returned, not only with a sleighting, but a
threatening answer from the Narigansets (as will more appear hereafter).
Also they brought a letter from M^r. Roger Williams, wherin he assures
them that y^e warr would presenly breake forth, & y^e whole country
would be all of a flame. And y^t the sachems of y^e Narigansets had
concluded a newtrality with y^e English of Providence and those of
Aquidnett Iland. Wherupon y^e comissioners, considering y^e great danger
& provocations offered, and y^e necessitie we should be put unto of
making warr with y^e Narigansetts, and being also carfull, in a matter
of so great waight & generall concernmente, to see y^e way cleared, and
to give satisfaction to all y^e colonies, did thinke fitte to advise
with such of y^e magistrats & elders of y^e Massachusets as were then at
hand, and also with some of y^e cheefe millitary comanders ther; who
being assembled, it was then agreed,–

First, y^t our ingagmente bound us to aide & defend Uncass. 2. That this
ayde could not be intended only to defend him & his forte, or
habitation, but (according to y^e comone acceptation of such covenants,
or ingagments, considered with y^e grounds or occasion therof) so to
ayde him as he might be preserved in his liberty and estate. 3^ly. That
this ayde [265] must be speedy, least he might be swalowed up in y^e
mean time, and so come to late. 4^ly. The justice of this warr being
cleared to our selves and y^e rest then presente, it was thought meete
y^t the case should be stated, and y^e reasons & grounds of y^e warr
declared and published. 5^ly. That a day of humilliation should be
apoynted, which was y^e 5. day of y^e weeke following. 6^ly. It was then
allso agreed by y^e comissioners that y^e whole number of men to be
raised in all y^e colonies should be 300. Wherof from y^e Massachusets a
190. Plimoth, 40. Conightecute, 40. New-Haven, 30. And considering y^t
Uncass was in present danger, 40. men of this number were forthwith
sente from y^e Massachusets for his sucoure; and it was but neede, for
y^e other 40. from Conightecutt had order to stay but a month, & their
time being out, they returned; and y^e Narigansets, hearing therof,
tooke the advantage, and came suddanly upon him, and gave him another
blow, to his further loss, and were ready to doe y^e like againe; but
these 40. men being arrived, they returned, and did nothing.

The declaration which they sett forth I shall not transcribe, it being
very larg, and put forth in printe, to which I referr those y^t would
see y^e same, in which all passages are layed open from y^e first. I
shall only note their prowd carriage, and answers to y^e 3. messengers
sent from y^e comissioners. They received them with scorne & contempte,
and tould them they resolved to have no peace without Uncass his head;
also they gave them this further answer: that it mattered not who
begane y^e warr, they were resolved to follow it, and that y^e English
should withdraw their garison from Uncass, or they would procure y^e
Mowakes against them; and withall gave them this threatening answer:
that they would lay y^e English catle on heaps, as high as their houses,
and y^t no English-man should sturr out of his dore to pisse, but he
should be kild. And wheras they required guids to pass throw their
countrie, to deliver their message to Uncass from y^e comissioners, they
deneyed them, but at length (in way of scorne) offered them an old
Pequente woman. Besids allso they conceived them selves in danger, for
whilst y^e interpretour was speakeing with them about y^e answer he
should returne, 3. men came & stood behind him with ther hatchets,
according to their murderous maner; but one of his fellows gave him
notice of it, so they broak of & came away; with sundry such like
affrontes, which made those Indeans they carryed with them to rune away
for fear, and leave them to goe home as they could.

Thus whilst y^e comissioners in care of y^e publick peace sought to
quench y^e fire kindled amongst y^e Indeans, these children of strife
breath out threatenings, provocations, and warr against y^e English them
selves. So that, unless they should dishonour & provoak God, by
violating a just ingagmente, and expose y^e colonies to contempte &
danger from y^e barbarians, they cannot but exerciese force, when no
other means will prevaile to reduse y^e Narigansets & their confederats
to a more just & sober temper.

So as here upon they went on to hasten y^e preparations, according to
y^e former agreemente, and sent to Plimoth to send forth their 40. men
with all speed, to lye at Seacunke, least any deanger should befalle it,
before y^e rest were ready, it lying next y^e enemie, and ther to stay
till y^e Massachusetts should joyne with them. Allso Conigtecute &
Newhaven forces were to joyne togeather, and march with all speed, and
y^e Indean confederats of those parts with them. All which was done
accordingly; and the souldiers of this place were at Seacunk, the place
of their rendevouze, 8. or 10. days before y^e rest were ready; they
were well armed all with snaphance peeces, and wente under y^e camand of
Captain [266] Standish. Those from other places were led likwise by able
comanders,[EU] as Captaine Mason for Conigtecute, &c.; and Majore Gibons
was made generall over y^e whole, with such comissions & instructions as
was meete.

Upon y^e suden dispatch of these souldiears, (the present necessitie
requiring it,) the deputies of y^e Massachusetts Courte (being now
assembled i[=m]ediatly after y^e setting forth of their 40. men) made a
question whether it was legally done, without their comission. It was
answered, that howsoever it did properly belong to y^e authority of y^e
severall jurisdictions (after y^e warr was agreed upon by y^e
comissioners, & the number of men) to provid y^e men & means to carry on
y^e warr; yet in this presente case, the proceeding of y^e comissioners
and y^e comission given was as sufficiente as if it had been done by y^e
Generall Courte.

First, it was a case of such presente & urgente necessitie, as could
not stay y^e calling of y^e Courte or Counsell. 2^ly. In y^e Articles
of Confederation, power is given to y^e comissioners to consult,
order, & determine all affaires of warr, &c. And y^e word _determine_
comprehends all acts of authority belonging therunto.

3^ly. The comissioners are y^e judges of y^e necessitie of the
expedition.

4^ly. The Generall Courte have made their owne comissioners their sole
counsell for these affires.

5^ly. These counsels could not have had their due effecte excepte they
had power to proceede in this case, as they have done; which were to
make y^e comissioners power, and y^e maine end of y^e confederation,
to be frustrate, and that mearly for observing a ceremony.

6^ly. The comissioners haveing sole power to manage y^e warr for
number of men, for time, place, &c., they only know their owne
counsells, & _determinations_, and therfore none can grante
co[=m]ission to acte according to these but them selves.

All things being thus in readines, and some of y^e souldiers gone forth,
and the rest ready to march, the comissioners thought it meete before
any hostile acte was performed, to cause a presente to be returned,
which had been sente to y^e Gove^r of the Massachusetts from y^e
Narigansett sachems, but not by him received, but layed up to be
accepted or refused as they should carry them selves, and observe y^e
covenants. Therfore they violating the same, & standing out thus to a
warr, it was againe returned, by 2. messengers & an interpretour. And
further to let know that their men already sent to Uncass (& other wher
sent forth) have hitherto had express order only to stand upon his &
their owne defence, and not to attempte any invasion of y^e Narigansetts
country; and yet if they may have due reperation for what is past, and
good securitie for y^e future, it shall appear they are as desirous of
peace, and shall be as tender of y^e Narigansets blood as ever. If
therefore Pessecuss, Innemo, writh other sachemes, will (without further
delay) come along with you to Boston, the comissioners doe promise &
assure them, they shall have free liberty to come, and retourne without
molestation or any just greevance from y^e English. But deputies will
not now serve, nor may the preparations in hand be now stayed, or y^e
directions given recalled, till y^e forementioned sagamors come, and
some further order be taken. But if they will have nothing but warr, the
English are providing, and will proceede accordingly.

Pessecouss, Mixano, & Witowash, 3. principall sachems of y^e Narigansett
Indeans, and Awasequen, deputie for y^e Nyanticks, with a large traine
of men, within a few days after came to Boston.

And to omitte all other circomstances and debats y^t past betweene them
and the comissioners, they came to this conclusion following.

[267] 1. It was agreed betwixte y^e comissioners of y^e United
Collonies, and y^e forementioned sagamores, & Niantick deputie, that
y^e said Narigansets & Niantick sagamores should pay or cause to be
payed at Boston, to y^e Massachusets comissioners, y^e full sume of
2000. fathome of good white wampame, or a third parte of black
wampampeage, in 4. payments; namely, 500. fathome within 20. days,
500. fathome within 4. months, 500. fathome at or before next planting
time, and 500. fathome. within 2. years next after y^e date of these
presents; which 2000. fathome y^e comissioners accepte for
satisfaction of former charges expended.

2. The foresaid sagamors & deputie (on y^e behalfe of y^e Narigansett
& Niantick Indeans) hereby promise & covenante that they upon demand
and profe satisfie & restore unto Uncass, y^e Mohigan sagamore, all
such captives, whether men, or women, or children, and all such
canowes, as they or any of their men have taken, or as many of their
owne canowes in y^e roome of them, full as good as they were, with
full satisfaction for all such corne as they or any of theire men have
spoyled or destroyed, of his or his mens, since last planting time;
and y^e English comissioners hereby promise y^t Uncass shall doe y^e
like.

3. Wheras ther are sundry differences & greevances betwixte
Narigansett & Niantick Indeans, and Uncass & his men, (which in Uncass
his absence cannot now be detirmined,) it is hearby agreed y^t
Nariganset & Niantick sagamores either come them selves, or send their
deputies to y^e next meeting of y^e comissioners for y^e collonies,
either at New-Haven in Sep^t 1646. or sooner (upon conveniente
warning, if y^e said comissioners doe meete sooner), fully instructed
to declare & make due proofe of their injuries, and to submite to y^e
judgmente of y^e comissioners, in giving or receiving satisfaction;
and y^e said comissioners (not doubting but Uncass will either come
him selfe, or send his deputies, in like maner furnished) promising to
give a full hearing to both parties with equall justice, without any
partiall respects, according to their allegations and profs.

4. The said Narigansett & Niantick sagamors & deputies doe nearby
promise & covenante to keep and maintaine a firme & perpetuall peace,
both with all y^e English United Colonies & their successors, and with
Uncass, y^e Monhegen sachem, & his men; with Ossamequine, Pumham,
Sokanoke, Cutshamakin, Shoanan, Passaconaway, and all other Indean
sagamors, and their companies, who are in freindship with or subjecte
to any of y^e English; hearby ingaging them selves, that they will not
at any time hearafter disturbe y^e peace of y^e cuntry, by any
assaults, hostile attempts, invasions, or other injuries, to any of
y^e Unnited Collonies, or their successors; or to y^e afforesaid
Indeans; either in their persons, buildings, catle, or goods, directly
or indirectly; nor will they confederate with any other against them;
& if they know of any Indeans or others y^t conspire or intend hurt
against y^e said English, or any Indeans subjecte to or in freindship
with them, they will without delay acquainte & give notice therof to
y^e English co[=m]issioners, or some of them.

Or if any questions or differences shall at any time hereafter arise
or grow betwext them & Uncass, or any Endeans before mentioned they
will, according to former ingagments (which they hearby confirme &
ratifie) first acquainte y^e English, and crave their judgments &
advice therin; and will not attempte or begine any warr, or hostille
invasion, till they have liberty and alowance from y^e comissioners of
y^e United Collonies so to doe.

5. The said Narigansets & Niantick sagamores & deputies doe hearby
promise y^t they will forthw^th deliver & restore all such Indean
fugitives, or captives which have at any time fled from any of y^e
English, and are now living or abiding amongst them, or give due
satisfaction for them to y^e comissioners for y^e Massachusets; and
further, that they will (without more delays) pay, or cause to be
payed, a yearly tribute, a month before harvest, every year after
this, at Boston, to y^e English Colonies, for all such Pequents as
live amongst them, according to y^e former treaty & agreemente, made
at Hartford, 1638. namly, one fathome of white wampam for every
Pequente man, & halfe a fathume for each Pequente youth, and one hand
length for each mal-child. And if Weequashcooke refuse to pay this
tribute for any Pequents with him, the Narigansetts sagamores promise
to assiste y^e English against him. And they further covenante y^t
they will resigne & yeeld up the whole Pequente cuntrie, and every
parte of it, to y^e English collonies, as due to them by conquest.

6. The said Narigansett & Niantick sagamores & deputie doe hereby
promise & covenante y^t within 14. days they will bring & deliver to
y^e Massachusetts comissioners on the behalf of y^e collonies, [268]
foure of their children, viz. Pessecous his eldest son, the sone
Tassaquanawite, brother to Pessecouss, Awashawe his sone, and Ewangsos
sone, a Niantick, to be kepte (as hostages & pledges) by y^e English,
till both y^e forementioned 2000. fathome of wampam be payed at y^e
times appoynted, and y^e differences betweexte themselves & Uncass be
heard & ordered, and till these artickles be under writen at Boston,
by Jenemo & Wipetock. And further they hereby promise & covenante, y^t
if at any time hearafter any of y^e said children shall make escape,
or be conveyed away from y^e English, before y^e premisses be fully
accomplished, they will either bring back & deliver to y^e
Massachusett comissioners y^e same children, or, if they be not to be
founde, such & so many other children, to be chosen by y^e
comissioners for y^e United Collonies, or their assignes, and y^t
within 20. days after demand, and in y^e mean time, untill y^e said 4.
children be delivered as hostages, y^e Narigansett & Niantick sagamors
& deputy doe, freely & of their owne accorde, leave with y^e
Massachusett comissioners, as pledges for presente securitie, 4.
Indeans, namely, Witowash, Pumanise, Jawashoe, Waughwamino, who allso
freely consente, and offer them selves to stay as pledges, till y^e
said children be brought & delivered as abovesaid.

7. The comissioners for y^e United Collonies doe hereby promise &
agree that, at y^e charge of y^e United Collonies, y^e 4. Indeans now
left as pledges shall be provided for, and y^t the 4. children to be
brought & delivered as hostages shall be kepte & maintained at y^e
same charge; that they will require Uncass & his men, with all other
Indean sagamors before named, to forbear all acts of hostilitie
againste y^e Narigansetts and Niantick Indeans for y^e future. And
further, all y^e promises being duly observed & kept by y^e
Narigansett & Niantick Indians and their company, they will at y^e end
of 2. years restore y^e said children delivered as hostiages, and
retaine a firme peace with y^e Narigansets & Nianticke Indeans and
their successours.

8. It is fully agreed by & betwixte y^e said parties, y^t if any
hostile attempte be made while this treaty is in hand, or before
notice of this agreemente (to stay further preparations & directions)
can be given, such attempts & y^e consequencts therof shall on neither
parte be accounted a violation of this treaty, nor a breach of y^e
peace hear made & concluded.

9. The Narigansets & Niantick sagamors & deputie hereby agree &
covenante to & with y^e comissioners of y^e United Collonies, y^t
henceforth they will neither give, grante, sell, or in any maner
alienate, any parte of their countrie, nor any parcell of land
therin, either to any of y^e English or others, without consente or
allowance of y^e co[=m]issioners.

10. Lastly, they promise that, if any Pequente or other be found &
discovered amongst them who hath in time of peace murdered any of y^e
English, he or they shall be delivered to just punishmente.

In witness wherof y^e parties above named have interchaingablie
subscribed these presents, the day & year above writen.

JOHN WINTHROP, President.
HERBERT PELHAM.
THO: PRENCE.
JOHN BROWNE.
GEO: FENWICK.
EDWA: HOPKINS.
THEOPH: EATON.
STEVEN GOODYEARE.
PESSECOUSS his mark [Illustration:]
MEEKESANO his mark [Illustration:]
WITOWASH his mark [Illustration:]
AUMSEQUEN his mark [Illustration:] the Niantick deputy.
ABDAS his mark [Illustration:]
PUMMASH his mark [Illustration:]
CUTCHAMAKIN his mark [Illustration:]

This treaty and agreemente betwixte the comissioners of y^e United
Collonies and y^e sagamores and deputy of Narrigansets and Niantick
Indeans was made and concluded, Benedicte Arnold being interpretour
upon his oath; Sergante Callicate & an Indean, his man, being
presente, and Josias & Cutshamakin, tow Indeans aquainted with y^e
English language, assisting therin; who opened & cleared the whole
treaty, & every article, to y^e sagamores and deputie there presente.

And thus was y^e warr at this time stayed and prevented.

[269] _Anno Dom: 1646._

About y^e midle of May, this year, came in 3. ships into this harbor, in
warrlike order; they were found to be men of warr. The captains name was
Crumwell, who had taken sundrie prizes from y^e Spaniards in y^e West
Indies. He had a comission from y^e Earle of Warwick. He had abord his
vessels aboute 80. lustie men, (but very unruly,) who, after they came
ashore, did so distemper them selves with drinke as they became like
madd-men; and though some of them were punished & imprisoned, yet could
they hardly be restrained; yet in y^e ende they became more moderate &
orderly. They continued here aboute a month or 6. weeks, and then went
to y^e Massachusets; in which time they spente and scattered a great
deale of money among y^e people, and yet more sine (I fear) then money,
notwithstanding all y^e care & watchfullnes that was used towards them,
to prevente what might be.

In which time one sadd accidente fell out. A desperate fellow of y^e
company fell a quarling with some of his company. His captine
co[=m]anded him to be quiet & surcease his quarelling; but he would not,
but reviled his captaine with base language, & in y^e end halfe drew his
rapier, & intended to rune at his captien; but he closed with him, and
wrasted his rapier from him, and gave him a boxe on y^e earr; but he
would not give over, but still assaulted his captaine. Wherupon he
tooke y^e same rapier as it was in y^e scaberd, and gave him a blow with
y^e hilts; but it light on his head, & y^e smal end of y^e bar of y^e
rapier hilts peirct his scull, & he dyed a few days after. But y^e
captaine was cleared by a counsell of warr. This fellow was so desperate
a quareller as y^e captaine was faine many times to chaine him under
hatches from hurting his fellows, as y^e company did testifie; and this
was his end.

This Captaine Thomas Cromuell sett forth another vioage to the
Westindeas, from the Bay of the Massachusets, well maned & victuled; and
was out 3. years, and tooke sundry prises, and returned rich unto the
Massachusets, and ther dyed the same so[=m]ere, having gott a fall from
his horse, in which fall he fell on his rapeir hilts, and so brused his
body as he shortly after dyed therof, with some other distempers, which
brought him into a feavor. Some observed that ther might be somthing of
the hand of God herein; that as the forenamed man dyed of y^e blow he
gave him with y^e rapeir hilts, so his owne death was occationed by a
like means.

This year M^r. Edward Winslow went into England, upon this occation:
some discontented persons under y^e govermente of the Massachusets
sought to trouble their peace, and disturbe, if not innovate, their
govermente, by laying many [270] scandals upon them; and intended to
prosecute against them in England, by petitioning & complaining to the
Parlemente. Allso Samuell Gorton & his company made complaints against
them; so as they made choyse of M^r. Winslow to be their agente, to make
their defence, and gave him comission & instructions for that end; in
which he so carried him selfe as did well answer their ends, and cleared
them from any blame or dishonour, to the shame of their adversaries. But
by reason of the great alterations in the State, he was detained longer
then was expected; and afterwards fell into other imployments their, so
as he hath now bene absente this 4. years, which hath been much to the
weakning of this govermente, without whose consente he tooke these
imployments upon him.

_Anno 1647. And Anno 1648._

APPENDIX.

[ILLUSTRATION:]

APPENDIX.

No. I.

[Passengers of the Mayflower.]

The names of those which came over first, in y^e year 1620. and were by
the blessing of God the first beginers and (in a sort) the foundation of
all the Plantations and Colonies in New-England; and their families.

[Sidenote: 8.]

M^r. John Carver; Kathrine, his wife; Desire Minter; & 2. man-servants,
John Howland, Roger Wilder; William Latham, a boy; & a maid servant, & a
child y^t was put to him, called Jasper More.

[Sidenote: 6.]

M^r. William Brewster; Mary, his wife; with 2. sons, whose names were
Love & Wrasling; and a boy was put to him called Richard More; and
another of his brothers. The rest of his children were left behind, &
came over afterwards.

[Sidenote: 5.]

M^. Edward Winslow; Elizabeth, his wife; & 2. men servants, caled Georg
Sowle and Elias Story; also a litle girle was put to him, caled Ellen,
the sister of Richard More.

[Sidenote: 2.]

William Bradford, and Dorothy, his wife; having but one child, a sone,
left behind, who came afterward.

[Sidenote: 6.]

M^. Isaack Allerton, and Mary, his wife; with 3. children, Bartholmew,
Remember, & Mary; and a servant boy, John Hooke.

[Sidenote: 2.]

M^r. Samuell Fuller, and a servant, caled William Butten. His wife was
behind, & a child, which came afterwards.

[Sidenote: 2.]

John Crakston, and his sone, John Crakston.

[Sidenote: 2.]

Captin Myles Standish, and Rose, his wife.

[Sidenote: 4.]

M^r. Christopher Martin, and his wife, and 2. servants, Salamon Prower
and John Langemore.

[Sidenote: 5.]

M^r. William Mullines, and his wife, and 2. children, Joseph & Priscila;
and a servant, Robart Carter.

[Sidenote: 6.]

M^r. William White, and Susana, his wife, and one sone, caled Resolved,
and one borne a ship-bord, caled Peregriene; & 2. servants, named
William Holbeck & Edward Thomson.

[Sidenote: 8.]

M^r. Steven Hopkins, & Elizabeth, his wife, and 2. children, caled
Giles, and Constanta, a doughter, both by a former wife; and 2. more by
this wife, caled Damaris & Oceanus; the last was borne at sea; and 2.
servants, called Edward Doty and Edward Litster.

[Sidenote: 1.]

M^r. Richard Warren; but his wife and children were lefte behind, and
came afterwards.

[Sidenote: 4.]

John Billinton, and Elen, his wife; and 2. sones, John & Francis.

[Sidenote: 4.]

Edward Tillie, and Ann, his wife; and 2. children that were their
cossens, Henery Samson and Humillity Coper.

[Sidenote: 3.]

John Tillie, and his wife; and Eelizabeth, their doughter.

[Sidenote: 2.]

Francis Cooke, and his sone John. But his wife & other children came
afterwards.

[Sidenote: 2.]

Thomas Rogers, and Joseph, his sone. His other children came afterwards.

[Sidenote: 3.[EV]]

Thomas Tinker, and his wife, and a sone.

[Sidenote: 2.]

John Rigdale, and Alice, his wife.

[Sidenote: 3.]

James Chilton, and his wife, and Mary, their dougter. They had an other
doughter, y^t was maried, came afterward.

[Sidenote: 3.]

Edward Fuller, and his wife, and Samuell, their sonne.

[Sidenote: 3.]

John Turner, and 2. sones. He had a doughter came some years after to
Salem, wher she is now living.

[Sidenote: 3.]

Francis Eaton, and Sarah, his wife, and Samuell, their sone, a yong
child.

[Sidenote: 10.]

Moyses Fletcher, John Goodman, Thomas Williams, Digerie Preist, Edmond
Margeson, Peter Browne, Richard Britterige, Richard Clarke, Richard
Gardenar, Gilbart Winslow.

[Sidenote: 1.]

John Alden was hired for a cooper, at South-Hampton, wher the ship
victuled; and being a hopfull yong man, was much desired, but left to
his owne liking to go or stay when he came here; but he stayed, and
maryed here.

[Sidenote: 2.]

John Allerton and Thomas Enlish were both hired, the later to goe m^r of
a shalop here, and y^e other was reputed as one of y^e company, but was
to go back (being a seaman) for the help of others behind. But they both
dyed here, before the shipe returned.

[Sidenote: 2.]

There were allso other 2. seamen hired to stay a year here in the
country, William Trevore, and one Ely. But when their time was out, they
both returned.

These, bening aboute a hundred sowls, came over in this first ship; and
began this worke, which God of his goodnes hath hithertoo blesed; let
his holy name have y^e praise.

* * * * *

And seeing it hath pleased him to give me to see 30. years compleated
since these beginings; and that the great works of his providence are to
be observed, I have thought it not unworthy my paines to take a veiw of
the decreasings & increasings of these persons, and such changs as hath
pased over them & theirs, in this thirty years. It may be of some use to
such as come after; but, however, I shall rest in my owne benefite.

I will therfore take them in order as they lye.

M^r. Carver and his wife dyed the first year; he in y^e spring, she in
y^e so[=m]er; also, his man Roger and y^e litle boy Jasper dyed before
either of them, of y^e commone infection. Desire Minter returned to her
freinds, & proved not very well, and dyed in England. His servant boy
Latham, after more then 20. years stay in the country, went into
England, and from thence to the Bahamy Ilands in y^e West Indies, and
ther, with some others, was starved for want of food. His maid servant
maried, & dyed a year or tow after, here in this place.

[Sidenote: 15.]

His servant, John Howland, maried the doughter of John Tillie,
Elizabeth, and they are both now living, and have 10. children, now all
living; and their eldest daughter hath 4. children. And ther 2.
daughter, 1. all living; and other of their children mariagable. So 15.
are come of them.

[Sidenote: 4.]

[Sidenote: 2.]

M^r. Brewster lived to very old age; about 80. years he was when he
dyed, having lived some 23. or 24. years here in y^e countrie; & though
his wife dyed long before, yet she dyed aged. His sone Wrastle dyed a
yonge man unmaried; his sone Love lived till this year 1650. and dyed, &
left 4. children, now living. His doughters which came over after him
are dead, but have left sundry children alive; his eldst sone is still
liveing, and hath 9. or 10 children; one maried, who hath a child or 2.

[Sidenote: 4.]

Richard More his brother dyed the first winter; but he is maried, and
hath 4. or 5. children, all living.

[Sidenote: 2.]

M^r. Ed: Winslow his wife dyed the first winter; and he maried with the
widow of M^r. White, and hath 2. children living by her marigable,
besids sundry that are dead.

[Sidenote: 8.]

One of his servants dyed, as also the litle girle, soone after the ships
arivall. But his man, Georg Sowle, is still living, and hath 8.
childr[=e].

[Sidenote: 4.]

William Bradford his wife dyed soone after their arivall; and he maried
againe; and hath 4. children, 3. wherof are maried.

[Sidenote: 8.]

M^r. Allerton his wife dyed with the first, and his servant, John Hooke.
His sone Bartle is maried in England, but I know not how many children
he hath. His doughter Remember is maried at Salem, & hath 3. or 4.
children living. And his doughter Mary is maried here, & hath 4.
children. Him selfe maried againe with y^e doughter of M^r. Brewster, &
hath one sone living by her, but she is long since dead. And he is
maried againe, and hath left this place long agoe. So I account his
increase to be 8. besids his sons in England.

[Sidenote: 2.]

M^r. Fuller his servant dyed at sea; and after his wife came over, he
had tow children by her, which are living and growne up to years; but he
dyed some 15. years agoe.

John Crakston dyed in the first mortality; and about some 5. or 6.
years after, his sone dyed; having lost him selfe in y^e wodes, his feet
became frosen, which put him into a feavor, of which he dyed.

[Sidenote: 4.] [EW] Captain Standish his wife dyed in the first sicknes,
and he maried againe, and hath 4. sones liveing, and some _are dead_.

M^r. Martin, he & all his, dyed in the first infection not long after
the arivall.

[Sidenote: 15.]

M^r. Molines, and his wife, his sone, and his servant, dyed the first
winter. Only his dougter Priscila survied, and maried with John Alden,
who are both living, and have 11. children. And their eldest daughter is
maried, & hath five children.

[Sidenote: 7.]

Mr. White and his 2. servants dyed soone after ther landing. His wife
maried with M^r. Winslow (as is before noted). His 2. sons are maried,
and Resolved hath 5. children, Perigrine tow, all living. So their
increase are 7.

[Sidenote: 5.]

[Sidenote: 4.]

M^r. Hopkins and his wife are now both dead, but they lived above 20.
years in this place, and had one sone and 4. doughters borne here. Ther
sone became a seaman, & dyed at Barbadoes; one daughter dyed here, and
2. are maried; one of them hath 2. children; & one is yet to mary. So
their increase which still survive are 5. But his sone Giles is maried,
and hath 4. children.

[Sidenote: 12.]

His doughter Constanta is also maried, and hath 12. children, all of
them living, and one of them maried.

[Sidenote: 4.]

M^r. Richard Warren lived some 4. or 5. years, and had his wife come
over to him, by whom he had 2. sons before dyed; and one of them is
maryed, and hath 2. children. So his increase is 4. But he had 5.
doughters more came over with his wife, who are all maried, & living, &
have many children.

[Sidenote: 8.]

John Billinton, after he had bene here 10. yers, was executed for
killing a man; and his eldest sone dyed before him; but his 2. sone is
alive, and maried, & hath 8. children.

[Sidenote: 7.]

Edward Tillie and his wife both dyed soon after their arivall; and the
girle Humility, their cousen, was sent for into England, and dyed ther.
But the youth Henery Samson is still liveing, and is maried, & hath 7.
children.

John Tillie and his wife both dyed a litle after they came ashore; and
their daughter Elizabeth maried with John Howland, and hath issue as is
before noted.

[Sidenote: 8.]

[Sidenote: 4.]

Francis Cooke is still living, a very olde man, and hath seene his
childrens children have children; after his wife came over, (with other
of his children,) he hath 3. still living by her, all maried, and have
5. children; so their encrease is 8. And his sone John, which came over
with him, is maried, and hath 4, chilldren living.

[Sidenote: 6.]

Thomas Rogers dyed in the first sicknes, but his sone Joseph is still
living, and is maried, and hath 6. children. The rest of Thomas Rogers
[children] came over, & are maried, & have many children.

Thomas Tinker and his wife and sone all dyed in the first sicknes.

And so did John Rigdale and his wife.

[Sidenote: 10.]

James Chilton and his wife also dyed in the first infection. But their
daughter Mary is still living, and hath 9. children; and one daughter is
maried, & hath a child; so their increase is 10.

[Sidenote: 4.]

Edward Fuller and his wife dyed soon after they came ashore; but their
sone Samuell is living, & maried, and hath 4. children or more.

John Turner and his 2. sones all dyed in the first siknes. But he hath a
daugter still living at Salem, well maried, and approved of.

[Sidenote: 4.]

[Sidenote: 1.]

Francis Eaton his first wife dyed in the generall sicknes; and he maried
againe, & his 2. wife dyed, & he maried the 3. and had by her 3.
children. One of them is maried, & hath a child; the other are living,
but one of them is an ideote. He dyed about 16. years 1. agoe. His sone
Samuell, who came over a sucking child, is allso maried, & hath a child.

Moyses Fletcher, Thomas Williams, Digerie Preist, John Goodman, Edmond
Margeson, Richard Britteridge, Richard Clarke. All these dyed sone after
their arivall, in the generall sicknes that befell. But Digerie Preist
had his wife & children sent hither afterwards, she being M^r. Allertons
sister. But the rest left no posteritie here.

Richard Gardinar became a seaman, and died in England, or at sea.

Gilbert Winslow, after diverse years aboad here, returned into England,
and dyed ther.

[Sidenote: 6.]

Peter Browne maried twise. By his first wife he had 2. children, who are
living, & both of them maried, and the one of them hath 2. children; by
his second wife he had 2. more. He dyed about 16. years since.

Thomas English and John Allerton dyed in the generall siknes.

John Alden maried with Priscila, M^r. Mollines his doughter, and had
issue by her as is before related.

Edward Doty & Edward Litster, the servants of M^r. Hopkins. Litster,
after he was at liberty, went to Virginia, & ther dyed. But Edward Doty
by a second wife hath 7. children, and both he and they are living.

Of these 100. persons which came first over in this first ship together,
the greater halfe dyed in the generall mortality; and most of them in 2.
or three monthes time. And for those which survied, though some were
ancient & past procreation, & others left y^e place and cuntrie, yet of
those few remaining are sprunge up above 160. persons, in this 30.
years, and are now living in this presente year, 1650. besids many of
their children which are dead, and come not within this account.

And of the old stock (of one & other) ther are yet living this present
year, 1650. nere 30. persons. Let the Lord have y^e praise, who is the
High Preserver of men.

* * * * *

[EX]Twelfe persons liveing of the old stock this present yeare, 1679.

Two persons liveing that came over in the first shipe 1620, this present
yeare, 1690. Resolved White and Mary Chusman,[EY] the daughter of M^r.
Allerton.

And John Cooke, the son of Frances Cooke, that came in the first ship,
is still liveing this present yeare, 1694; & Mary Cushman is still
living, this present year, 1698.

No. II.

[Commission for Regulating Plantations.]

Charles by y^e grace of God king of England, Scotland, France, and
Ireland, Defender of y^e Faith, &c.[EZ]

To the most Reve^d father in Christ, our wellbeloved & faithfull
counsellour, William, by devine providence Archbishop of Counterbery, of
all England Primate & Metropolitan; Thomas Lord Coventry, Keeper of our
Great Seale of England; the most Reverente father in Christ our
wellbeloved and most faithful Counselour, Richard, by devine providence
Archbishop of Yorke, Primate & Metropolitan; our wellbeloved and most
faithfull coussens & Counselours, Richard, Earle of Portland, our High
Treasurer of England; Henery, Earle of Manchester, Keeper of our Privie
Seale; Thomas, Earle of Arundalle & Surry, Earle Marshall of England;
Edward, Earle of Dorsett, Chamberline of our most dear consorte, the
Queene; and our beloved & faithfull Counselours, Francis Lord
Cottington, Counseler, and Undertreasurour of our Eschequour; S^r:
Thomas Edmonds, knight, Treasourer of our houshould; S^r: Henery Vane,
Knight, controuler of y^e same houshould; S^r: John Cooke, Knight, one
of our Privie Secretaries; and Francis Windebanck, Knight, another of
our Privie Secretaries,

Wheras very many of our subjects, & of our late fathers of beloved
memory, our sovereigne lord James, late king of England, by means of
licence royall, not only with desire of inlarging y^e teritories of our
empire, but cheefly out of a pious & religious affection, & desire of
propagating y^e gospell of our Lord Jesus Christ, with great industrie &
expences have caused to be planted large Collonies of y^e English
nation, in diverse parts of y^e world altogether unmannred, and voyd of
inhabitants, or occupied of the barbarous people that have no knowledg
of divine worship. We being willing to provid a remedy for y^e
tranquillity & quietnes of those people, and being very confidente of
your faith & wisdom, justice & providente circomspection, have
constituted you y^e aforesaid Archbishop of Counterburie, Lord Keeper of
y^e Great Seale of England, y^e Archbishop of Yorke, &c. and any 5. or
more, of you, our Comissioners; and to you, and any 5. or more of you,
we doe give and co[=m]ite power for y^e govermente & saftie of y^e said
collonies, drawen, or which, out of y^e English nation into those parts
hereafter, shall be drawne, to make lawes, constitutions, & ordinances,
pertaining ether to y^e publick state of these collonies, or y^e private
profite of them; and concerning y^e lands, goods, debts, & succession in
those parts, and how they shall demaine them selves, towards foraigne
princes, and their people, or how they shall bear them selves towards
us, and our subjects, as well in any foraine parts whatsoever, or on y^e
seas in those parts, or in their returne sayling home; or which may
pertaine to y^e clergie govermente, or to y^e cure of soules, among y^e
people ther living, and exercising trad in those parts; by designing out
congruente porcions arising in tithes, oblations, & other things ther,
according to your sound discretions, in politicall & civill causes; and
by haveing y^e advise of 2. or 3. bishops, for y^e setling, making, &
ordering of y^e bussines, for y^e designeing of necessary
ecclesiasticall, and clargie porcions, which you shall cause to be
called, and taken to you. And to make provission against y^e violation
of those laws, constitutions, and ordinances, by imposing penealties &
mulets, imprisonmente if ther be cause, and y^t y^e quality of y^e
offence doe require it, by deprivation of member, or life, to be
inflicted. With power allso (our assente being had) to remove, &
displace y^e governours or rulers of those collonies, for causes which
to you shall seeme lawfull, and others in their stead to constitute; and
require an accounte of their rule & govermente, and whom you shall finde
culpable, either by deprivation from their place, or by imposition of a
mulete upon y^e goods of them in those parts to be levied, or
banishmente from those provinces in w^ch they have been gove^r or
otherwise to cashier according to y^e quantity of y^e offence. And to
constitute judges, & magistrats politicall & civill, for civill causes
and under y^e power and forme, which to you 5. or more of you shall
seeme expediente. And judges & magistrats & dignities, to causes
Ecclesiasticall, and under y^e power & forme which to you 5. or more of
you, with the bishops vicegerents (provided by y^e Archbishop of
Counterbure for y^e time being), shall seeme expediente; and to ordaine
courts, pretoriane and tribunall, as well ecclesiasticall, as civill, of
judgmentes; to detirmine of y^e formes and maner of procceedings in y^e
same; and of appealing from them in matters & causes as well criminall,
as civill, personall, reale, and mixte, and to their seats of justice,
what may be equall & well ordered, and what crimes, faults, or exessess,
of contracts or injuries ought to belonge to y^e Ecclesiasticall courte,
and what to y^e civill courte, and seate of justice.

Provided never y^e less, y^t the laws, ordinances, & constitutions of
this kinde, shall not be put in execution, before our assent be had
therunto in writing under our signet, signed at least, and this assente
being had, and y^e same publikly proclaimed in y^e provinces in which
they are to be executed, we will & co[=m]and y^t those lawes,
ordinances, and constitutions more fully to obtaine strength and be
observed[FA] shall be inviolably of all men whom they shall concerne.

Notwithstanding it shall be for you, or any 5. or more of you, (as is
afforsaid,) allthough those lawes, constitutions, and ordinances shalbe
proclaimed with our royall assente, to chainge, revocke, & abrogate
them, and other new ones, in forme afforsaid, from time to time frame
and make as afforesaid; and to new evills arissing, or new dangers, to
apply new remedyes as is fitting, so often as to you it shall seeme
expediente. Furthermore you shall understand that we have constituted
you, and every 5. or more of you, the afforesaid Archbishop of
Counterburie, Thomas Lord Coventrie, Keeper of y^e Great Seale of
England, Richard, Bishop of Yorke, Richard, Earle of Portland, Henery,
Earle of Manchester, Thomas, Earle of Arundale & Surry, Edward, Earell
of Dorsett, Francis Lord Cottinton, S^r Thomas Edmonds,[FB] knighte, S^r
Henry Vane, knight, S^r Francis Windebanke, knight, our comissioners to
hear, & determine, according to your sound discretions, all maner of
complaints either against those collonies, or their rulers, or
govenours, at y^e instance of y^e parties greeved, or at their
accusation brought concerning injuries from hence, or from thence,
betweene them, & their members to be moved, and to call y^e parties
before you; and to the parties or to their procurators, from hence, or
from thence being heard y^e full complemente of justice to be exhibted.
Giving unto you, or any 5. or more of you power, y^t if you shall find
any of y^e collonies afforesaid, or any of y^e cheefe rulers upon y^e
jurisdictions of others by unjust possession, or usurpation, or one
against another making greevance, or in rebelion against us, or
withdrawing from our alegance, or our comandments, not obeying,
consultation first with us in y^t case had, to cause those colonies, or
y^e rulers of them, for y^e causes afforesaid, or for other just
causes, either to returne to England, or to comand them to other places
designed, even as according to your sounde discretions it shall seeme to
stand with equitie, & justice, or necessitie. Moreover, we doe give unto
you, & any 5. or more of you, power & spetiall co[=m]and over all y^e
charters, leters patents, and rescripts royall, of y^e regions,
provinces, ilands, or lands in foraigne parts, granted for raising
colonies, to cause them to be brought before you, & y^e same being
received, if any thing surrepticiously or unduly have been obtained, or
y^t by the same priviledges, liberties, & prerogatives hurtfull to us,
or to our crowne, or to foraigne princes, have been prejudicially
suffered, or granted; the same being better made knowne unto you 5. or
more of you, to co[=m]and them according to y^e laws and customs of
England to be revoked, and to doe such other things, which to y^e
profite & safgard of y^e afforesaid collonies, and of our subjects
residente in y^e same, shall be necessary. And therfore we doe co[=m]and
you that aboute y^e premisses at days & times, which for these things
you shall make provission, that you be diligente in attendance, as it
becometh you; giving in precepte also, & firmly injoyning, we doe give
co[=m]and to all and singuler cheefe rulers of provinces into which y^e
colonies afforesaid have been drawne, or shall be drawne, & concerning
y^e colonies themselves, & concerning others, y^t have been interest
therein, y^t they give atendance upon you, and be observante and
obediente unto your warrants in those affaires, as often as, and even as
in our name they shall be required, at their perill. In testimoney
wherof, we have caused these our letters to be made pattente. Wittnes
our selfe at Westminster the 28. day of Aprill, in y^e tenth year of our
Raigne.

By write from y^e privie seale,
WILLIES.

Anno Dom: 1634.

INDEX.

Index

Abdas, an Indian, 525.

Accord Pond, 442.

Acoughcouss, 445.

Adventurers. See _Merchant Adventurers_.

Alden. John, arrested in Massachusetts, 379.
Party to contract, 452, 458.
Settlement with, 478, 481.
Family, 533, 536, 539.

Alden, Robert, 256.

Allerton, Bartholomew, 531, 535.

Allerton, Isaac, 62.
Assistant, 121, 242.
Goes to England, 252, 267, 274, 313, 328.
Agreement with, 254 _et seq._, 271, 272.
Brings over Mr. Rogers, 292.
Marries Elder Brewster’s daughter, 305.
Discharged, 329, 333, 358.
Disciplined by church, 349.
Disregards his bond, 357, 362.
Referred to, 276, 278-280, 294, 296, 297, 300-303, 305-312, 318-327,
335, 336, 340-350, 357-359, 361, 363-369, 375, 394, 432, 436, 452.
Family, 531.

Allerton, John, 533, 539.

Allerton, Mary, 531, 353.

Allerton, Remember, 531, 535.

Alltham, Emanuel, 256.

Amsterdam, 23, 66, 70, 73.

Anabaptistry, 461.

Andrews, Richard, adventurer, 256.
Undertaker, 275, 279, 296, 307, 333, 342, 343, 394.
Beaver sent to, 431, 435.
Takes land at Scituate, 439.
Settlement with, 452.
Letter to Freeman, 482.
Referred to, 410, 412, 414, 436, 447.

Andrews, Thomas, adventurer, 256.

Ann. See _Cape Ann_.

Anne, ship, 168, 171, 177, 215.

Anthony, Lawrence, 256.

Aquidnett Island, 434, 461, 515.

Argoll, Captain, 47, 48.

Arminians, 27, 28.

Arnold, Benedict, 514, 525.

Ashley, Edward, 307.
His patent and business, 308 _et seq._
Sends beaver home, 318, 326.
Trades with Indians, 327.
Referred to, 333, 335, 337, 339, 346, 349.
His death, 328.

Assistants at Plymouth, 121, 187.

Atwood, John, agent for Sherley, 449 _et seq._
Sherley’s letter to, 479.

Aulney, Monsieur d.’, captures Penobscot, 395, 513.

Aurelius, Marcus, 24.

Awasequin, chief, 518, 525.

Awashawe, Indian, 523.

Babb, Mr., 412

Baker, master of the Charity, 202.

Baptism, differences respecting, 457, 461.

Barnstable, 444.

Bass, Edward, 255, 256.

Beastliness, 459 _et seq._

Beauchamp, John, 138, 141, 255, 256, 275, 276, 296.
Patent in his name, 307.
Referred to, 333, 342, 343, 368, 394, 412, 414, 431, 435, 439, 451.
Settlement with, 452.

Bellingham, Richard, deputy governor of Massachusetts, 399.
Letters from, 400, 461.

Billirike (Billerica), Pilgrims came from, 69.

Billington, Elen, 532.

Billington, Francis, 532.

Billington, John, 218.
Loses himself, 123.
Tried for murder and executed, 329.
Family, 532, 537.

Billington, John, Jr., 532.

Blackwell, Sir Francis, 47-50, 54.

Block Island, 418, 421.

Blossom, Thomas, 374.

Boston in England, 16.

Boston in New England, 342, 354, 383, 417, 501, 518.

Bound Brook, 442.

Bradford, Dorothy, 531, 535.

Bradford, Wm., begins writing, 9.
W. B., 62.
Chosen governor, 121.
Illness, 111, 121.
Letter to Weston, 131.
Letter from Weston, 142.
Letter from Pickering and Greene, 144, 272.
With others appoints Sherley and Beauchamp agents, 278.
Patent at Kennebec, 376.
Surrenders patent, 444.
Letter from, 462.
Family, 531, 535.

Bradstreet, Simon, 399, 513.

Brewer, Thomas, 60, 256.

Brewster, Jonathan, letter from, 403.

Brewster, Love, 531, 535.

Brewster, Mary, 531.

Brewster, Wm., Elder, 14.
Goes to Holland, 22.
Assistant to Robinson, 24.
Correspondence with Sandys and Worstenholme, 40-45.
As to going to America, 53.
Labors for sick, 111.
Letters from Pickering, Greene and Weston, 144-146.
Letter from Robinson, 198.
Letter from Roger White, 248.
Referred to, 153, 205, 208, 278, 380, 452.
Dies, 487.
Character, 488 _et seq._
Family, 531, 535.

Brewster, Wrestling, 531, 535.

Bristol, England, 320, 333, 338, 340, 347, 359.

Britteridge, Richard, 535, 538.

Brook, Lord, 378.

Brown, John, 513, 525.

Brown, Peter, 533, 525.

Browning, Henry, 256.

Brownists, 238.

Button, Wm., dies, 93.
Family, 532.

Callicote, Sergeant, 525.

Calvin, John, 7.

Capawack, 117, 125, 148.

Cape Ann, patent for, 192.
Mentioned, 202, 204, 237, 265.

Cape Cod, 90.
Arrive at, 93.
Explore bay of, 101.
French ship lost on, 118.
Mentioned, 97, 123, 127, 132, 148, 153, 154, 186, 231, 261, 266.

Carter, Robert, 532.

Carver, John, agent to England, 40.
Deacon, 40.
Letter from Staresmore, 50;
from Robinson, 58;
from S. F. _et al._, 61;
from Cushman, 69;
from Robinson, 77;
from Weston, 128, 137, 140.
Keeps letter, 66.
Chosen governor, 109.
Mentioned, 50, 54, 58, 61, 63, 67-70, 76, 131.
At Southampton, 74.
Dies, 121.
Family, 531, 534.

Carver, Kathrine, 531, 534.

Cattle, first arrival of, 189.

Cawsumsett Neck, 445.

Charity, ship, 190, 207.

Charles I., commission by, for regulating plantations, 249, 540.

Charles River, 440.

Charlestown, 441.

Charlton, 116.

Chauncey, Charles, invited to Plymouth, 456, 458.
Letter from, 467.

Chilton, James, 533, 538.

Chilton, Mary, 533, 538.

Chinnough, an Indian, 513.

Christmas at Plymouth, 134.

Church covenant, 331.

Clapham, 411, 451.

Clarke, pilot of the Mayflower, 67.

Clarke, Richard, 533, 538.

Clifton, Rev. Richard, 14.

Cobiseconte, 376.

Coddington, Wm., 332, 399.

Cohasset, 442.

Collier, Wm., 256, 340, 367.
Sherley’s agent, 449.

Colonies of New England, confederation of, 496.

Commissioners for the plantation, 540.
Winslow petitions the, 390.

Compact of the Pilgrims, 109.

Connecticut, 371, 386, 387, 391, 402, 405, 415, 419, 424, 430, 506, 509.

Cooke, Francis, 532, 537, 539.

Cooke, John, 532, 537, 539.

Cooke, Lord, 50.

Cooper, Humility, 532, 537.

Coppin, Robert, Mayflower pilot, deceived, 104.

Corbitant takes Squanto, 124, 136.

Corn. See _Indian Corn_.

Cotton, Rev. John, 332.

Coventry, Thomas, 256.

Crabe, Rev. Mr., 71.

Crackston, John, family, 532, 536.

Cromwell, Thomas, Captain, and his crew, 526, 527.

Crose, Daniel, murderer, escapes, 432.

Cushman, Mary, 539.

Cushman, Robert, agent to England, 40.
Letters from, 46-49.
Letter from S. F. _et al._, 61, 62.
Letters to S F. _et al._, 63-68;
to John Carver, 69;
to Ed. S., 86-90.
Comes in the Fortune, 126.
Condemns Weston’s colonists, 147.
Letters from, 172, 191.
Mentioned, 49, 50, 54, 58, 60, 69, 74-76, 85, 137.
His death, 249.

Cutshamakin, 522, 525.

Damariscove Islands, 137, 187, 228, 251.

Dartmouth, England, 83, 86, 90.

Davenport, Lieutenant, 428.

Davidson, Wm., 488.

Davis, John, Sergeant, 514.

Delft-Haven, 72.

Dennison, Wm., 343.

Dermer, Captain, 115, 118.

Dorchester, 402, 406.

Doty, Edward, 532, 539.

Dudley, Thomas, 232, 342.
Letter from, 379.
Mentioned, 384, 399, 504.

Dumer, Richard, 399.

Dutch, 54, 196.
Send letters, 281.
Mentioned, 370, 372-374, 388.

Dutch letter, 268.

Dutchman at Hull, 17, 18, 409.

Duxbury, 362, 444, 457, 458, 474.

Earthquake in 438, 437.

Eaton, Francis, 533, 538.

Eaton, Samuel, 533, 538.

Eaton, Sarah, 533, 538.

Eaton, Theoph., 504, 513, 525.

Elizabeth, Queen, 7.

Ely, seaman of Mayflower, 533.

Endicott, John, arrival of, with patent for Massachusetts, 286-314.
Letter to Governor Bradford, 315, 442.

English, Thomas, seaman on the Mayflower, 533, 539.

Episcopius, 28.

Ewangsos, an Indian, 523.

Exeter jail, 303.

Falcon, ship, 410.

Familism, 461.

Farrar, Sir George, 63.

Fast, in Holland, 52;
in Plymouth, 170.

Fells, Mr., 264, 265.

Fenwick, George, 504, 513, 525.

Fitcher, Lieutenant, at Merry-Mount, 284, 285.

Fleet Prison, 328, 393, 447.

Fletcher, Moses, 533, 538.

Fletcher, Thomas, 256.

Florida, 37.

Fogg, 339.

Fort Orange, now Albany, 282.

Fortune, arrival of the, 126.
Departs, 133, 142.

France, 147, 148, 448.

Freeman, Edmund, 451, 456.

French robbery at Penobscot, 350.

French ship lost on Cape Cod, 118, 137.

Friendship, ship, 320, 328, 329, 333, 336, 338, 342, 343, 346, 347,
358, 360, 413, 455.

Fuller, Edward, and family, 533, 538.

Fuller, Samuel, letter from, 61.
Letters from Cushman, 63-68.
Mentioned, 93, 220, 315.
His death, 374.
Family, 532, 535.

Furnival’s Inn, 284.

Galopp, John, 429.

Gardenar, Richard, 533, 538.

Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 352 _et seq._

Gibbons commands, 518.

Gibbs, Mr., mate of the Sparrow, 275.

Girling, expedition of, to recover Penobscot, 396.

Glover, Rev. Mr., 408.

Goffe, Thomas, 256, 275.

Goodman, John, 533, 538.

Goodyeare, Stephen, 525.

Gorges, Sir Ferdinand, 115, 180, 300, 329, 355, 391.

Gorges, Robert, grant to, 178.
Meets Mr. Weston, 179.
Arrests him, 183.
Returns to England, 184.

Gorton, Samuel, 528

Gosnold, Captain, names Cape Cod, 94.

Gott, Charles, 316.

Granger, Thomas, 474.

Graves, Mr., 412.

Greene, Wm., 143, 144.

Green’s harbor, 362.

Gregson, Thomas, 504, 513.

Greville, Sir Fulke, 46.

Griffin, Mr., 412.

Grimsbe and Hull, 18.

Gudburn, Peter, 256.

Guiana, 36, 55.

Hall, Mr., 410.

Hampton, 332.

Hanson, Captain, 183.

Hartford, 501, 510.

Hatherly, Timothy, 256, 296, 307, 309.
Arrives in Massachusetts Bay, 319-329, 334, 335, 340.
Affirms by oath, 342, 343, 345.
At Bristol, 347.
Again comes to America, 360, 439.

Hathorne, Wm., 513.

Haynes, John, governor of Massachusetts, 399.

Heath, Thomas, 256.

Hedgehog, fable of the, 211.

Hendrick, Prince, 249.

Hibbins, Wm., 479.

Higginson, Francis, 317.

Hingham, 439.
Boundaries of, 440, 442.

Hobbamok, an Indian, 123-125, 135-137.

Hobson, Wm., 256.

Hocking, killed at the Kennebec, 377-384.

Holbeck, Wm., 532.

Holland, 15, 22, 30, 34, 42, 69, 71, 374, 393, 490.

Holland, Robert, 243, 256.

Hooke, John, 531, 535.

Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 234.

Hopkins, Constanta, 532, 536.

Hopkins, Damaris, 532.

Hopkins, Edward, 504, 513, 525.

Hopkins, Elizabeth, 532, 536.

Hopkins, Giles, 536.

Hopkins, Oceanus, born at sea, 532.

Hopkins, Stephen, 122.
Visits Massasoit, 122.
Family, 532, 536.

Houghe, Atherton, 399.

Howland, Elizabeth, 534.

Howland, John, falls overboard, 92, 452.
Family, 531, 534.

Hubbard, Wm., historian, 329.

Huddleston, John, letter from, 150, 151.

Hudson, Thomas, 256.

Hudson’s Bay, 196.

Hudson’s River, 13.

Hull, 17, 18.

Humber River, 441.

Humfray, John, 399.

Hunt, Thomas, Captain, captor of Squanto, 115, 116.

Hunter, Rev. Joseph, 151, 197.

Hurricane at Plymouth, 401.

Indian corn, 100.
Pilgrims take, and later pay for, 100, 123.
Squanto teaches how to plant, 120.
Indians raise more, 122.
Pilgrims do not yet know how to raise, 152.
Several hogs-heads secured, 155.
Each man to plant for himself, 162.
Women and children set, 162.
Fear about supply, 176.

Indians, expected danger from, 34, 95.
First seen, 98.
Their corn found, 99.
About a grampus, 101.
First alarm of, 102-104, 106.
Skulking, 113.
Mentioned, 119, 123, 127, 134, 136, 156, 157.
Resolve to destroy western people, 158.
Mentioned, 232, 253, 262.
Value of wampum, 282.
Taught by Morton, 286.

—- Long Island, sachems of, 428.

—- Mohawks, 427.
Kill Sassacus, 430.
Mentioned, 514.

—- Monhiggs beat the Narragansetts, 430.

—- Narragansetts, 123, 133, 135, 136, 148, 152, 186, 282, 416, 423,
424, 426, 430, 433 496, 505.
Agreement with, 521.

—- Neepnetts, 429.

—- Nyanticks, 512, 518.
Agreement with, 521.

—- Pequots, 232, 282, 371, 415, 416, 418.
Attack English, 419, 420, 423-426, 430, 496, 505.

Innemo, Indian chief, 518.

Irish servants, 264.

Isle of Shoals, 291.

Jackson, Thomas, executed, 432.

James, a physician, 434.

James I., 13.
Dies, 219.
Named, 356.

James, ship, 192.

Jeffrey, Sergeant, 328.

Jenemo and Wipelock, 523.

Johnson, Rev. Francis, 48, 49.

Johnson, Mr., 330, 332.

Johnsone, alderman, 47.

Jonas, 525.

Jones, captain of the Discovery, 153.

Jones, captain of the Mayflower, 83.

Kean, Robert, 255, 256.

Kennebec, load of corn sent up the, 246.
Mentioned, 267, 280, 282, 293, 300, 311, 326, 348, 379, 407, 421, 437.
Patent at, 376.

Kent, 70.

King, Wm., 89.

Knight, Eliza, 256.

Knight, John, 256.

Knowles, Myles, 256.

Land’s End, 84.

Langemore, John, 532.

Langrume, master of a ship, 410, 412.

Latham, Wm., 531, 534.

LaTour, French governor, 513.

Laud, Wm., archbishop, 391, 392.

Lee, Lord, 430.

Levett, Christopher, 179.

Leyden, 23, 54, 56, 66, 70.
Departure thence, 71.
Mentioned, 85, 96, 130, 143, 148, 189, 216, 249, 271, 293, 314.

Lincoln, Countess of, 51.

Lincolnshire, 13, 16.

Ling, John, 256.

Lister, Edward, 532, 539.

London, 69, 72, 73, 84, 86, 115, 195, 244.
Plague in, 246, 357, 410.

London bridge, fire on, 367.

Low countries, 22, 26, 121, 296, 448, 489.

Ludlow, Mr., 428, 509.

Lyford, John, arrives, 204.
Letters intercepted, 207, 208.
Sets up a public meeting, 209.
Cited before the court, 210.
Mentioned, 213, 215, 219, 238, 292.
His acknowledgment, 220.
Writes to adventurers, 221.
Their opinion of him, 223 _et seq._, 227, 229, 230.
Censured, 232.
Facts concerning, 232 _et seq._
Goes to Nantasket, 236. Dies, 237.

Lyon, ship, 363.

Maggner, Mr., 47.

Mahue, Mr., 360.

Malabar, Cape, 94.

Manamoick (Chatham), 117, 125, 155, 262.

Manoanscussett, 281, 415.

Manomet (Sandwich), 123.
Pinace built at, 266.
Mentioned, 281, 402.

Margeson, Edmond, 533, 538.

Marriage, first, at Plymouth, 121.
By magistrates, 393.

Marshfield, 444, 458.

Martin, Christopher, 69, 70, 76, 87, 88, 532, 536.

Martyr, Peter, 164.

Mary, Queen, 7, 352.

Mary, Queen of Scots, 489.

Mary and Anne, 435.

Mason, Captain, with Gorges, 355, 391, 392.

Mason, John, Captain, and the Pequots, 428, 518.

Massachusetts, location of, 117.
Bay, 149, 232, 265, 295.
Gorges arrives in Bay, 178, 181.
Arrival of Ralfe Smith, 314.
Mr. Pierce and Mr. Hatherley come, 319, 320, 330, 342.
Gardiner in, 352, 361.
Roger Williams comes, 369.
Mentioned, 371, 372, 382, 383, 403, 416, 419, 433.
Boundaries between Massachusetts and Plymouth, 447.

Massasoit visits Plymouth, 114.
Treaty with, 114.
Embassy to, 122.
Sends word concerning Billington, 123-125, 134, 136.
Seeks Squanto’s life, 137.
Is sick, 158.

Masterson, Richard, 50, 374.

Maurice, Grave, dies, 249.

Mayflower, 296.

May-pole at Merry-Mount, 285, 286.

Meekesano, 525.

Merchant adventurers, agreement with, 70, 76.
Weston and the, 138, 143.
As to Lyford, 234.
Broken up, 237.
Names of, 256.

Merrimac River, 160.

Merry-Mount, 284.

Miantonimo, 505, 512.

Milford-Haven, 348.

Millsop, Thomas, 256.

Minter, Desire, 531, 534.

Mixano, 518.

Monhegan, 148, 185, 251.

Mononotto, an Indian, and his wife, 429, 430.

More, Ellen, 531.

More, Jasper, 531, 534.

More, Richard, 531, 533.

Morrell, Wm., Rev., comes with Robert Gorges, 185.

Morton, George, 59.

Morton, Thomas, at Mount Wollaston, 284 _et seq._
Arrested, 291, 302.
Imprisoned in Boston, 303, 392.

Mott, Thomas, 256.

Mount Wollaston, 284 _et seq._

Mullines, Joseph, 532, 536.

Mullines, Priscila, 532, 536, 539.

Mullines, Wm., 76.
Family, 532, 536.

Nacata, 445.

Naemschatet, 445.

Namasket, 116.

Namassakett, 124.

Namskeket Creek, 263.

Nantasket, 236, 289.

Narragansetts. See _Indians_.

Nash, Mr., 61, 62.

Natawanute, 373.

Naumkeag (Salem), 235, 316.

Naunton, Sir Robert, 38.

Nauset (Eastham), 116, 123, 444.

Nequamkeck, falls of, 376.

Newbald, Fria, 256.

New-comin, John, killed by Billington, 330.

New England, 109, 115.
Grant from council of, 167, 169, 178, 245.
Confederation of plantations of, 496.

Newfoundland, 115.

New Haven, 458, 500-502, 509, 521.

Newtown, 399, 407.

Norton, Captain, 386.

Norton, Rev. John, 408.

Norway, 19.

Nottinghamshire, 13.

Novatians, 9.

Nowell, Increase, 399.

Nyanticks. See _Indians_.

Old-comers, 444.

Oldham, John, 206, 208.
Resists Captain Standish, 209.
Cited before the court, 210.
Named, 216, 218, 219.
Comes again, 229.
Sent away, 230.
Confesses, 231.
Killed, 232.
Mentioned, 237, 417, 418.

Oporto, 327, 343.

Orania (Orange) fort, 282.

Ossamequine, 522.

Ouse River, 441.

Paddy, Wm., 456.

Pampiamett, 513.

Paragon, ship, sent out by John Peirce, 166-168.

Partridge, Ralph, discusses baptism with Chauncey, 457.
Letter from, 466.

Passaconaway, 522.

Passengers in the Mayflower, 531 _et seq._

Patrick, Captain, 328.

Patucket River, 445.

Patuxet (Plymouth), 116.

Peach, Arthur, executed for murder, 432.

Peirce, Wm., master of Paragon, 169.
Master of the Anne, 171, 186, 202, 207, 216.
Comes from England, 230, 232, 234, 308, 319, 333, 361, 363.
Letter from Virginia, 365-367, 412, 414.
Carries Indians to West Indies, 429.

Pelham, Herbert, 525.

Pemaquid, 401.

Pemberton, John, 208.

Pennington, Wm., 256.

Penobscot, 116, 309, 326, 333, 349, 350, 382, 395, 400.

Pequots. See _Indians_.

Perkins, Mr., 9.

Perrin, Wm., 256.

Pessecuss, an Indian, 520, 524, 525.

Peters, Hugh, 479 _et seq._

Pickering, Edward, 58, 60, 138, 140, 143.
Letter to Bradford and Brewster, 144, 145.

Pierce, John, 76, 143.
Likes not Weston’s company, 148.
Sends the Paragon, 166 _et seq._
Charter taken in name of, 167.

Pilgrims resolve to go to the low countries, 14.
Fate of families left behind, 20.
Remove to Leyden, 23.
Obtain patent from Virginia company, 50, 51.
Agreement with Weston and merchant adventurers, 56, 70.
Their vessels, 71, 72.
Choose governor and assistants, 83.
Sail, 83.
Put back, 83.
Dismiss the Speedwell, 84.
List of the, in the Mayflower, 531 _et seq._
Descry Cape Cod, 93.
Give thanks, 94.
First see Indians, 98.
Find kettle and Indian corn, 99.
First encounter with Indians, 102.
Lay out house lots, 107.
Their compact, 109.
Choose John Carver governor, 109.
Visited by Samoset, 113;
by Squanto and Massasoit, 114.
Treaty with Massasoit, 114.
Harvest, 127, 152.
Their meeting house, 152.

Pinchon, 399, 404.

Piscataqua River, 160, 251, 267, 377, 383.

Plague in London, 246, 357.

Plantations, commission for regulating, 249, 540.

Pliny, 201.

Plymouth, Eng., Pilgrims put into, 84, 244.

Plymouth, N. E., 1, 90, 116, 117, 127, 160, 251, 314, 332, 349, 363,
380.
Bounds between, and Massachusetts, 442.

Pocock, John, 256.

Point Care, 94.

Point Peril, 445.

Pokanokets, 116.

Poliander, John, 28.

Portsmouth, 169, 244, 246.

Pory, John, secretary, 153.

Powows, 118.

Poynton, Daniel, 256.

Preist, Digerie, 533, 538.

Prince, Thos., chosen governor, 375, 432.
Mentioned, 380, 381, 452, 525.

Prices of live stock, 436.

Providence, 515.

Prower, Salamon, 532.

Punham, 522.

Pummunish, 513, 525.

Puritans, name, 8.

Quarles, Wm., 256.

Rasdell, Mr., at Mt. Wollaston, 284.

Rasieres, Isaac de, 269.
Reply to his letter, 270, 281.

Rayner, John, Rev., 419, 457.
Letter from, 464.

Rehoboth, 444.

Revell, John, 256.

Reynolds, 67.
Captain of the Speedwell, 83.
Puts back twice, 83, 84.
Referred to, 147, 208.

Rigdale, Alice, 533, 537.

Rigdale, John, 533, 537.

Riggs, Sergeant, 328.

Robinson, John, Rev., 14.
Goes to Holland, 22-24, 27.
Disputes with Arminius, 28.
Correspondence with Sir Edwin Sandys, 40-43;
with Sir John Worstenholm, 43-46, 48, 54.
Letters to John Carver, 58-61, 77, 78;
to Pilgrims, 78-82, 88, 130, 153.
Letter to Governor Bradford, 197;
to Wm. Brewster, 198, 216, 238.
Dead, 247 _et seq._

Rogers, Mr., at Plymouth, 292.

Rogers, Joseph, 533, 537.

Rogers, Thomas, 533, 537.

Rome, 25, 66.

Rookes, Newman, 256.

Sagadahoc, wreck at, 251.

Salem, 235, 295, 316, 317, 330, 370, 383.

Salt-making, 191, 192, 203.

Saly (Saller), 245.

Samoset visits Plymouth, 113.

Samson, Henry, 532, 537.

Sanders, John, chief of Weston’s men, 155.

Sandwich, 444.

Sandys, Sir Edwin, letter from, 40-43, 46.
Governor of Virginia company, 47.

Sassacus, sachem, 427.
Killed, 430.

Satucket, 116.

Say, Lord, 378, 384.

Scituate, 440-444, 458.

Scotland, 448.

Scott, false, 351.

Scurvy, Pilgrims suffer from, 110.

Seekonk, 434, 444, 518.

Seneca, 94, 200.

Sharpe, Samuel, 256.

Sheriver, Mr., 50.

Sherley, James, letters to Pilgrims, 189 _et seq._, 193, 300, 302,
304, 321, 333.
Letters to Governor Bradford, 275 _et seq._, 295.
Letters from, 335 _et seq._, 346, 359, 367 _et seq._, 381, 394, 410,
412, 450.
Settlement with, 452.
Letters to Atwood, 478;
to partners, 478, 485.
His release, 480.
Mentioned, 249, 255, 256, 278, 279, 293, 304, 306, 307, 309, 313,
318, 340, 342, 344, 347-350, 357, 360, 363, 375, 414, 415, 431,
435, 439, 446.

Shoanan, sachem, 522.

Sibsie, Mr., 220.

Skelton, Samuel, 317.

Small-pox among Indians on the Connecticut, 388.

Smith, Francis, 514.

Smith, John, 23, 94.
His map, 441.

Smith, John, Rev., 14, 23.

Smith, Ralph, Rev., 314.
Resigns his ministry, 418.

Smith, Sir Thomas, 47.

Sodomy, 459 _et seq._

Sokanoke, 522.

Southampton, 67.
Arrive at, 71.
Mentioned, 73, 87, 88, 533.

Souther, Nathaniel, 456.

Southworth, Edward, letter from Robt. Cushman, 86-90.

Sowams, 115.

Sowansett River, 445.

Sowle, George, 531, 535.

Spain, 115, 358.

Sparrow, ship, 145.

Speedwell, ship, 71, 72, 84.

Squanto, history of, 113-117.
Teaches corn planting, 120.
With embassy to Massasoit, 122.
Mentioned, 124, 125, 130, 135, 148.
Seeks his own ends, 136, 137.
Dies, 155.

Stamford, 509.

Standish, Myles, leads a party up Cape Cod, 98.
Labors for sick, 111.
Goes with party about Cape Cod, 155.
Rescues some of Weston’s people, 159.
Lyford’s opinion of, 217.
Sent to England, 245.
Comes home, 247, 252, 272, 278.
Arrests Morton, 291, 379-381.
Goes to the Penobscot, 397.
Mentioned, 446, 452, 458, 518, 532, 536.

Standish, Rose, 532, 536.

Stanton, Thomas, interpreter, 428.

Staresmore, Sabin (S. B.), 46.
Letter to Carver, 50, 51.

Stinnings, Richard, executed for murder, 432.

Stone, Captain, influences governor of Dutch plantation, 385.
Killed, 386.
Mentioned, 416, 418.

Story, Elias, 531.

Stoughton, Israel, commissioner, 442.

Stoughton, Mr., 429.

Straton, 339.

Sturgs, Thomas, 481.

Taborites, 25.

Talbut, ship, 296.

Tarantines, 125.

Tassaquanawite, 523.

Taunton, 444.

Thanksgiving, first, 126.

Thomas, Wm., 456.

Thompson, David, at the mouth of the Piscataqua, 185, 251, 252.

Thompson, Edward, 532.

Thorned, Thomas, 256.

Thornhill, Matthew, 256.

Tilden, Joseph, 256.

Tillie, Ann, 532, 537.

Tillie, Edward, 532, 537.

Tillie, Elizabeth, 532, 534, 537.

Tillie, John, 532, 534, 537.

Tinker, Thomas, 533, 537.

Tirrey, Arthur, 481.

Trask, Captain, 328.

Trent, River, 441.

Trevore, Wm., 148, 533.

Trumball, Wm., 357.

Tucker’s Terror, 94.

Turkeys, wild, 126.

Turner, John, 66, 67, 533, 538.

Uncas, Monhigg chief, 430, 505, 510 _et seq._, 514, 521, 523.

Uncaway, 509.

Union of the New England colonies, 496.

Vane, Sir Harry, 419, 430.

Vines, Richard, 338.

Virginia, 36, 37, 41, 49, 55, 67, 86, 109, 117, 127, 138, 149, 150,
152, 153, 170, 181.
Ship bound for, 261, 265, 266.
Mentioned, 364, 385, 414.

Virginia company, 38, 39, 46, 47, 54, 108.

Virginia court and council, 46.

Walloons, 27.

Wampum, value of, 282.

Ward, Thomas, 256.

Warren, Richard, 532, 537.

Warwick, Earl of, 300, 526.

Water, first drink of, in New England, 99.

Waughwamino, 524.

Weequashcooke, 523.

Weesagascussett, 289.

Weetowish, 513, 518, 525.

Weld, Thomas, 479 _et seq._

West, Francis, admiral for New England, 169, 178.

Weston, Andrew, 144.

Weston, Thos., 52, 54-56, 59, 60, 62, 63, 67, 69, 74, 88.
Writes Governor Carver, 128, 129.
Sends fishing vessel, 137.
Letters to Mr. Carver, 137-140.
Letter to Governor Bradford, 142-144.
Remarks in letter of Pickering and Greene, 145.
Mentioned, 141, 146, 149, 150, 166, 178, 186, 189.
His people in trouble, 154 _et seq._
Comes in disguise, 160.
His ingratitude, 161.
Arrives with small ship, 179.
Cited before Robert Gorges, 179 _et seq._
Arrested, 183.
Dies, 184.

Westminster, 411.

Weymouth, 442.

White, Mr., counsellor, 234.

White, John, Rev., 256.

White, Peregrine, 532, 536.

White, Resolved, 532, 536, 539.

White, Roger, letter from, 248.

White, Susannah, 532, 535.

White, Wm., 532, 535, 536.

White Angel, ship, 320, 321, 326, 328, 329, 333-335, 337, 338, 343,
344, 346, 350, 361, 364, 390, 394, 395, 413, 455.

Wilder, Roger, 531, 534.

Wilkinson, Ed., master of the Falcon, 410, 412.

Willett, Thomas, agent at Penobscot, 395.

Williams, Roger, 369 _et seq._
Pacifies Indians, 434, 515.

Williams, Thomas, 533, 538.

Willson, Mr., surgeon, 430.

Wilson, John, 332.

Wincot, Jacob, 51.

Winnisimmet, 289.

Winslow, Edward, 62.
Visits Massasoit, 122.
Visits Captain Huddleston, 151.
Brings cattle, 189.
Comes from England, 230.
Calls Lyford a knave, 236.
Goes up the Kennebec, 247.
Mentioned, 134, 177, 191, 208, 216, 234, 242, 244, 251, 278, 300,
312, 319, 329, 333, 336, 337, 344, 346, 350, 357, 380, 384,
392-394, 408, 442, 446, 452, 513, 527.
Chosen governor, 366, 409, 507.
In England, 389.
Petition of, 390.
Family, 531, 535.

Winslow, Elizabeth, 531.

Winslow, Gilbert, 533, 538.

Winslow, Josias, 452.

Winthrop, John, 330-332, 342.
Letters from, 354, 417, 420, 427.
Mentioned, 382-384, 399, 446, 504, 525.

Wollaston, Captain, 283.
His ventures, 284.

Worstenholme, Sir John, 43, 45, 47.

Wraight, Henry, 256.

Yarmouth, 444, 445.

Yeardley, Sir Geo., 47.

Yonge, Joseph, 435.

Yorkshire, 13.

Zealand, 17.

Ziska, 25.

FOOTNOTES:

[A] The Hon. Charles Francis Adams.

[B] Lib. 2 Chap. 22.

[C] In the text, parentheses are used frequently, apparently in place of
commas. For this reason, many are omitted in the reprint.

[D] Acts & Mon: pag. 1587. editi: 2.

[E] Ens: lib: 6. Chap. 42.

[F] Pag. 421.

[G] A note of the author at this place, written subsequent to this
portion of the narrative, on the reverse pages of his History.

[H] All these and subsequent passages are quoted from the Geneva version
of the Bible.

[I] Em: meter: lib: 25. col. 119.

[J] The reformed churches shapen much neerer y^e primitive patterne
_then England_, for they cashered y^e Bishops w^ith al their courts,
cannons, and ceremoneis, at the first; and left them amongst y^e popish
tr…. to [=c]h w^ch they pertained. (The last word in the note is
uncertain in the MS.)

[K] Goulden booke, &c.

[L] S^r Robert Nanton.

[M] NOTE.–O sacred bond, whilst inviollably preserved! how sweete and
precious were the fruits that flowed from y^e same, but when this
fidelity decayed, then their ruine approached. O that these anciente
members had not dyed, or been dissipated, (if it had been the will of
God) or els that this holy care and constante faithfullnes had still
lived, and remained with those that survived, and were in times
afterwards added unto them. But (alass) that subtill serpente hath
slylie wound in himselfe under faire pretences of necessitie and y^e
like, to untwiste these sacred bonds and tyes, and as it were insensibly
by degrees to dissolve, or in a great measure to weaken, y^e same. I
have been happy, in my first times, to see, and with much comforte to
injoye, the blessed fruits of this sweete communion, but it is now a
parte of my miserie in old age, to find and feele y^e decay and wante
therof (in a great measure), and with greefe and sorrow of hart to
lamente & bewaile y^e same. And for others warning and admonnition, and
my owne humiliation, doe I hear note y^e same.

[The above reflections of the author were penned at a later period, on
the reverse pages of his History, at this place.]

[N] Bishops.

[O] M^r. Tho: Weston, &c.

[P] _Yowthers_ in the manuscript, an illegibly written word, doubtless
intended for “y^e others.”

[Q] This word is enclosed in brackets in the manuscript.

[R] In Governor Bradford’s Collection of Letters, these subscribers are
thus wrote out at length: SAMUEL FULLER, WILLIAM BRADFORD, ISAAC
ALLERTON, ED. WINSLOW.–_Prince._

[S] June 11. O. S. is Lord’s day, and therefore ‘t is likely the date of
this letter should be June 10, the same with the date of the letter
following.–_Prince._

[T] He was a minister.

[U] Of some 60 tune.

[V] Heb. 11.

[W] This was about 22. of July.

[X] It was well for them y^t this was not accepted.

[Y] This letter is omitted in Governor Bradford’s _Collection of
Letters._–_Prince._

[Z] In Governor Bradford’s _Collection of Letters_, this is Edward
Southworth.–_Prince._

[AA] He was governour in y^e biger ship, & M^r. Cushman assistante.

[AB] I thinke he was deceived in these things.

[AC] This was found true afterward.

[AD] In the manuscript it is “strive dayly,” but a pen has been drawn
through the latter word.

[AE] For Governor Bradford’s list of passengers in the Mayflower, see
Appendix, No. I.

[AF] Because y^ey tooke much of y^t fishe ther.

[AG] Epist: 53.

[AH] Act. 28.

[AI] Deu: 26. 5, 7.

[AJ] 107 Psa: v. 1, 2, 4, 5, 8.

[AK] Which was this author him selfe.

[AL] Page 17.

[AM] _Thing_ in the manuscript

[AN] She came y^e 9. to y^e Cap.

[AO] Nay, they were faine to spare y^e shipe some to carry her home.

[AP] _Yeeled_ in the manuscript.

[AQ] _Adventures_ in the manuscript.

[AR] I know not w^ch way.

[AS] _Adventures_ in the manuscript.

[AT] See how his promisss is fulfild.

[AU] _But y^e_ [he] _left not his own men a bite of bread._

[AV] The number is repeated in the Ms.

[AW] Mr. Hunter writes, “Here is an error in Bradford’s pagination. He
passes from 79 to 90. No part of the manuscript is here lost.” 79 is
repeated in the paging.

[AX] _W^th_ in the manuscript.

[AY] _They_ in the MS.

[AZ] I may not here omite how, notwithstand all their great paines &
industrie, and y^e great hops of a large cropp, the Lord seemed to
blast, & take away the same, and to threaten further & more sore famine
unto them, by a great drought which continued from y^e 3. weeke in May,
till about y^e midle of July, without any raine, and with great heat
(for y^e most parte), insomuch as y^e corne begane to wither away,
though it was set with fishe, the moysture wherof helped it much. Yet at
length it begane to languish sore, and some of y^e drier grounds were
partched like withered hay, part wherof was never recovered. Upon which
they sett a parte a solemne day of humilliation, to seek y^e Lord by
humble & fervente prayer, in this great distrese. And he was pleased to
give them a gracious & speedy answer, both to their owne, & the Indeans
admiration, that lived amongest them. For all y^e morning, and greatest
part of the day, it was clear weather & very hotte, and not a cloud or
any signe of raine to be seen, yet toward evening it begane to overcast,
and shortly after to raine, with shuch sweete and gentle showers, as
gave them cause of rejoyceing, & blesing God. It came, without either
wind, or thunder, or any violence, and by degreese in y^t abundance, as
that y^e earth was thorowly wete and soked therwith. Which did so
apparently revive & quicken y^e decayed corne & other fruits, as was
wonderfull to see, and made y^e Indeans astonished to behold; and
afterwards the Lord sent them shuch seasonable showers, with enterchange
of faire warme weather, as, through his blessing, caused a fruitfull &
liberall harvest, to their no small comforte and rejoycing. For which
mercie (in time conveniente) they also sett aparte a day of
thanksgiveing. This being overslipt in its place, I thought meet here to
inserte y^e same.

[The above is written on the reverse of page 103 of the original, and
should properly be inserted here. This passage, “being overslipt in its
place,” the author at first wrote it, or the most of it, under the
preceding year; but, discovering his error before completing it, drew
his pen across it, and wrote beneath, “This is to be here rased out, and
is to be placed on page 103, wher it is inserted.”]

[BA] _On._

[BB] I. R.

[BC] This proved rather, a propheti, then advice.

[BD] _Contend_ in the manuscript.

[BE] In MS. also 145.

[BF] In MS. also 146.

[BG] He dyed afterwards at Bristoll, in y^e time of the warrs, of y^e
sicknes in y^t place.

[BH] With her flages, & streamers, pendents, & wastcloaths, &c.

[BI] _And_ is repeated in the MS.

[BJ] _Adventures_ in the manuscript.

[BK] He means Mr. Robinson.

[BL] But this lasted not long, they had now provided Lyford & others to
send over.

[BM] It is worthy to be observed, how y^e Lord doth chaing times &
things; for what is now more plentifull then wine? and that of y^e best,
coming from Malago, y^e Cannaries, and other places, sundry ships lading
in a year. So as ther is now more cause to complaine of y^e excess and
y^e abuse of wine (through mens corruption) even to drunkennes, then of
any defecte or wante of the same. Witnes this year 1646. The good Lord
lay not y^e sins & unthankfullnes of men to their charge in this
perticuler.

[BN] This was John Oldome & his like.

[BO] M^r. Westons men.

[BP] _Notabe_ in MS.

[BQ] Plin: lib: 18. chap. 2.

[BR] Of wh^ch were many witneses.

[BS] Jer. 41. 6.

[BT] 121 is repeated in the paging of the original.

[BU] _Inurious_ in MS.

[BV] _Receive_ in the manuscript.

[BW] This was Lyford himselfe.

[BX] _Is it not_ in the MS.

[BY] _Bet-_ in MS.

[BZ] If I mistake not, it was not much less. [30^li in the manuscript.]

[CA] First written as in the text, then altered to _standerss_.

[CB] Note.

[CC] Here occurs another error in the paging of the original; 142 is
omitted.

[CD] Below are the names of the adventurers subscribed to this paper,
taken from Bradford’s Letter-Book, 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., III. 48; being
forty-two in number. The names of six of these persons are found
subsequently among the members of the Massachusetts Company, viz. John
White, John Pocock, Thomas Goffe, Samuel Sharpe, John Revell, and Thomas
Andrews. Mr. Haven, who edited the Records of the Massachusetts Company,
is of opinion that the first person on the list is the celebrated
clergyman of Dorchester, the reputed author of the Planter’s Plea. Emnu.
Alltham is probably the same person named in the Council Records, under
date January 21. 1622-3: “Emanuel Altum to command the Pinnace built for
Mr. Peirce’s Plantation.” Smith speaks of “Captaine _Altom_” as
commanding this vessell, but Morton says the name of the master of the
Little James was Mr. Bridges, who it appears was drowned at Damariscove,
in March, 1624. See Coll. of the Amer. Antiq. Soc., III. 26, 62,
Preface; Felt’s MS. Memoranda from the Council Records; Smith’s Generall
Historie, p. 239; Morton’s Memorial, p. 48.

John White,
John Pocock,
Robert Kean,
Edward Bass,
William Hobson,
William Penington,
William Quarles,
Daniel Poynton,
Richard Andrews,
Newman Rookes,
Henry Browning,
Richard Wright,
John Ling,
Thomas Goffe,
Samuel Sharpe,
Robert Holland,
James Sherley,
Thomas Mott,
Thomas Fletcher,
Timothy Hatherly,
Thomas Brewer,
John Thorned,
Myles Knowles,
William Collier,
John Revell,
Peter Gudburn,
Emnu. Alltham,
John Beauchamp,
Thomas Hudson,
Thomas Andrews,
Thomas Ward,
Fria. Newbald,
Thomas Heath,
Joseph Tilden,
William Perrin,
Eliza Knight,
Thomas Coventry,
Robert Allden,
Lawrence Anthony,
John Knight,
Matthew Thornhill,
Thomas Millsop.

[CE] The orthography of some of these words differs from the modern way
of spelling them; and we have no means of ascertaining the accuracy of
Bradford’s copy from the original letter. This passage may be rendered
thus:–

“Noble, worshipful, wise, and prudent Lords, the Governor and
Councillors residing in New Plymouth, our very dear friends:–The
Director and Council of New Netherland wish to your Lordships,
worshipful, wise, and prudent, happiness in Christ Jesus our Lord, with
prosperity and health, in soul and body.”

[CF] Nov. 6. 1627. Page 238. [Reference is here made to the page of the
original manuscript.]

[CG] 155 omitted in original MS.–COM.

[CH] Another leter of his, that should have bene placed before:–

We cannot but take notice how y^e Lord hath been pleased to crosse our
proseedings, and caused many disasters to befale us therin. I conceive
y^e only reason to be, we, or many of us, aimed at other ends then Gods
glorie; but now I hope y^t cause is taken away; the bargen being fully
concluded, as farr as our powers will reach, and confirmed under our
hands & seals, to M^r. Allerton & y^e rest of his & your copartners. But
for my owne parte, I confess as I was loath to hinder y^e full
confirming of it, being y^e first propounder ther of at our meeting; so
on y^e other side, I was as unwilling to set my hand to y^e sale, being
y^e receiver of most part of y^e adventurs, and a second causer of much
of y^e ingagments; and one more threatened, being most envied & aimed at
(if they could find any stepe to ground their malice on) then any other
whosoever. I profess I know no just cause they ever had, or have, so to
doe; neither shall it ever be proved y^t I have wronged them or any of
y^e adventurers, wittingly or willingly, one peny in y^e disbursing of
so many pounds in those 2. years trouble. No, y^e sole cause why they
maligne me (as I & others conceived) was y^t I would not side with them
against you, & the going over of y^e Leyden people. But as I then card
not, so now I litle fear what they can doe; yet charge & trouble I know
they may cause me to be at. And for these reasons, I would gladly have
perswaded the other 4. to have sealed to this bargaine, and left me out,
but they would not; so rather then it should faile, M^r. Alerton having
taken so much pains, I have sealed with y^e rest; with this proviso &
promise of his, y^t if any trouble arise hear, you are to bear halfe y^e
charge. Wherfore now I doubt not but you will give your generallitie
good contente, and setle peace amongst your selves, and peace with the
natives; and then no doubt but y^e God of Peace will blese your going
out & your returning, and cause all y^t you sett your hands unto to
prosper; the which I shall ever pray y^e Lord to grante if it be his
blessed will. Asuredly unless y^e Lord be mercifull unto us & y^e whole
land in generall, our estate & condition is farr worse then yours.
Wherfore if y^e Lord should send persecution or trouble hear, (which is
much to be feared,) and so should put into our minds to flye for refuge,
I know no place safer then to come to you, (for all Europ is at varience
one with another, but cheefly w^th us,) not doubting but to find such
frendly entertainmente as shall be honest & conscionable,
notwithstanding what hath latly passed. For I profess in y^e word of an
honest man, had it not been to procure your peace & quiet from some
turbulent spirites hear, I would not have sealed to this last deed;
though you would have given me all my adventure and debte ready downe.
Thus desiring y^e Lord to blesse & prosper you, I cease ever resting,

Your faithfull & loving friend,
to my power,
JAMES SHERLEY.

Des: 27.

[The above letter was written on the reverse of page 154 of the original
manuscript.]

[CI] Peag.

[CJ] 1629, May 25, the first letter concerning the former company of
Leyden people.–_Prince._

[CK] 1629-30, March 8th, the second letter concerning the latter company
of Leyden people.–_Prince._

[CL] This word is here substituted for _recovering_ in the manuscript,
on the authority of Bradford’s Letter-Book.

[CM] This paragraph is written on the reverse of the page immediately
preceding, in the original manuscript.

[CN] _Fractions_ in the manuscript.

[CO] Thomas Willett.

[CP] 177 is omitted in MS.

[CQ] Oporto, called by the Dutch _Port a port_.

[CR] Hubbard, on page 101, notices the execution of Billington as taking
place “about September” of this year. “The murtherer expected that,
either for want of power to execute for capital offences, or for want of
people to increase the plantation, he should have his life spared; but
justice otherwise determined, and rewarded him, the first murtherer of
his neighbour there, with the deserved punishment of death, for a
warning to others.” The first offence committed in the colony was by
Billington, in 1621, who, for contempt of the Captain’s lawful command,
with opprobious speeches, was adjudged to have his neck and heels tied
together. Prince, I. 103, from Bradford’s pocket-book.

[CS] This paragraph was written on the reverse of page 180 of the
original manuscript, near this place.

[CT] W^th in manuscript.

[CU] This was about y^e selling y^e ship in Spaine.

[CV] They were too short in resting on M^r. Hatherleys honest word, for
his order to discharg them from y^e Friendship’s accounte, when he and
M^r. Allerton made y^e bargane with them, and they delivered them the
rest of the goods; and therby gave them oppertunitie also to receive all
the fraight of boath viages, without seeing an order (to have such
power) under their hands in writing, which they never doubted of, seeing
he affirmed he had power; and they both knew his honestie, and y^t he
was spetially imployed for their agente at this time. And he was as
shorte in resting on a verball order from them; which was now denyed,
when it came to a perticuler of loss; but he still affirmed the same.
But they were both now taught how to deale in y^e world, espetially with
marchants, in such cases. But in y^e end this light upon these here
also, for M^r. Allerton had gott all into his owne hand, and M^r.
Hatherley was not able to pay it, except they would have uterlie undon
him, as y^e sequell will manifest.

[CW] This comission is abused; he never had any for shuch end, as they
well knew, nether had they any to pay this money, nor would have paid a
peny, if they had not pleased for some other respecte.

[CX] _o_ in MS.

[CY] The last two words not found in the MS. but obviously intended.

[CZ] About y^e Whit-Angell they all mette at a certaine taverne in
London, wher they had a diner prepared, and had a conference with a
factore aboute selling of her in Spaine, or at Port a porte, as hath
been before mentioned; as M^r. Hatherley manifested, & M^r. Allerton
could not deney.

[DA] Mr. Winslow deposed, y^e same time, before y^e Gov^r afore said,
&c. that when he came into England, and the partners inquired of y^e
success of y^e Whit Angell, which should have been laden w^th bass and
so sent for Port. of Porting-gall, and their ship & goods to be sould;
having informed them that they were like to faile in their lading of
bass, that then M^r. James Sherley used these termes: Feck, we must make
one accounte of all; and ther upon presed him, as agente for y^e
partners in Neu-England, to accepte y^e said ship Whit-Angell, and her
accounte, into y^e joynte partner-ship; which he refused, for many
reasons; and after received instructions from New-Engl: to refuse her if
she should be offered, which instructions he shewed them; and wheras he
was often pressed to accept her, he ever refused her, &c.

[DB] So as a while before, wheras their great care was how to pay the
purchase, and those other few debts which were upon them, now it was
with them as it was some times with Saule’s father, who left careing for
y^e Asses, and sorrowed for his sonn. 1. Sam. 10. 2. So that which
before they looked at as a heavie burthen, they now esteeme but a small
thing and a light mater, in comparison of what was now upon them. And
thus y^e Lord oftentimes deals with his people to teach them, and humble
them, that he may doe them good in y^e later end.

[DC] This word is obscure in MS.

[DD] The above paragraph was written on the reverse of page 188 of the
original manuscript.

[DE] The following account of Sir Christopher Gardiner, with the
documents accompanying it, extending to page 357, does not appear in the
text of the original manuscript,–having been perhaps inadvertently
omitted,–but was written on the reverse of pages 189-191.

[DF] That is, in the original manuscript.

[DG] _Rea_-in the manuscript.

[DH] This letter was written on the reverse of folio 192 of the original
manuscript, and may be properly inserted here.

[DI] March 22.

[DJ] The skin was sold at 14^s. and 15. y^e pound.

[DK] Ther was cause enough of these feares, which arise by y^e
underworking of some enemies to y^e churches here, by which this
Co[=m]ission following was procured from his Ma^tie. (See this paper in
appendix, No. 11.)

[DL] And y^e skin at 14^s.

[DM] That is, “If you please.”

[DN] The two paragraphs above were written on the reverse of folios 202
and 203 of the original manuscript, under this year.

[DO] Blank in the original.

[DP] _They_ in MS.

[DQ] Before this word in the margin appears a capital _N_.

[DR] Not correctly cast; it should be 12530^li.

[DS] 119 in MS.

[DT] Ther is little trust to be given to their relations in these
things.

[DU] 120 in MS.

[DV] Mr John Reinor.

[DW] But by this means they did furnish them, & have still continued to
doe.

[DX] _Be_ in manuscript.

[DY] But y^ey were carried to y^e West-Indeas.

[DZ] _They_ in the manuscript.

[EA] But staid it till y^e next year.

[EB] And yet afterwards they laid claime to those parts in the
controversie about Seacunk.

[EC] Being about 40^li.

[ED] And devided betweene them.

[EE] 130 in MS.

[EF] Which is Charles River may still be questioned.

[EG] This was but to pretend advantage, for it could not be done,
neither did it need.

[EH] M^r. Chancey came to them in y^e year 1638. and staid till y^e
later part of this year 1641.

[EI] A leaf is here wanting in the original manuscript, it having been
cut out.

[EJ] Exod: 21. 22. Deu: 19. 11. Num: 35. 16. 18.

[EK] “Confident”?

[EL] _8_ in MS.

[EM] _Conti[=c]_ in MS.

[EN] _Solicitations_ in MS.

[EO] This he means of y^e first adventures, all which were lost, as hath
before been shown; and what he here writs is probable at least.

[EP] Being the conclusion, as will be seen, of page 252 of the original.

[EQ] Perhaps _write_ for _wrote_.

[ER] _The_ in the manuscript.

[ES] This was a misterie to them, for they heard nothing hereof from any
side y^e last year, till now y^e conclution was past, and bonds given.

[ET] Substituted for _sundry_ on the authority of the original MS.
Records.

[EU] _Comander_ in the MS.

[EV] Written 2 in MS.

[EW] Who dyed 3. of Octob. 1655.

[EX] The following memoranda are in a later hand.

[EY] Obviously intended for Cushman.

[EZ] See page 381. This document was written on the reverse of folio 201
et seq. of the original manuscript, and for the sake of convenience is
transferred to this place.

[FA] A superfluous _and_ comes after “observed” in the manuscript.

[FB] _Edwards_ in the manuscript.

* * * * *

Transcriber’s note:

Spelling is inconsistent and is left unchanged from the original
printing of this book. The following are some common examples
of questionable text.

Page 16
y^e not suffered to goe,
[they?]
Unchanged.

Page 24
any other riches whatsoever. And at lenght they came
[length?]
Unchanged.

Page 41
of our company to adyone him selfe; to the care & discretion
[adyone] possibly ajoin?
Unchanged.

Page 76
to rejecte y^e vioage. Judge therfore we beseech you indiferently
[voiage?]
Unchanged.

Page 84
to proceede on her viage. Those that went bak were
[voiage?]
Unchanged.

Page 98
who were salvages; but they fled from them, & ra[=n]e
[savages?]
Unchanged.

Page 113
and anone cursing his felows, saing he had done this
[anone] anyone?
Unchanged.

Page 156
and he would have borrowed a hh of corne of y^e Indeans,
hh is probably hogshead. Both ‘h’s have a bar thru the ascender.
Unchanged.

Page 208
somwaht blanke at it, but after some weeks, when
[somwaht?]
Unchanged.

Page 210
their doings & pactises hear; that it was evident they
[pactises?]
Unchanged

Page 214
this mische[=c]ous [mische[=e]ous]& most false slander: That because
Unable to tell from the image whether it is a ‘c’ or ‘e’.
Left it as a [=c].

Page 304
And think not with 50^li. pound a yeare sent you over, to
Duplication of li and pound.
Unchanged

Page 351
maister & ye rest of y^e company were gone from
ye rather than y^e here.
Unchanged.

Page 371
of y^e season, and the fear y^e Indans were in of
[Indans?]
Unchanged.

Page 391
and y^e English Collonies, to right and defend them selves
[fight?]
Unchanged.

Page 416
knew to be an-English man, as also those y^t were
Odd use of hyphen.
Unchanged.

***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRADFORD’S HISTORY OF ‘PLIMOTH
PLANTATION’***